PARIS, October, 1805.
MY LORD:--In a military empire, ruled by a military despot, it is a
necessary policy that the education of youth should also be military. In
all our public schools or prytanees, a boy, from the moment of entering,
is registered in a company, and regularly drilled, exercised, and
reviewed, punished for neglect or fault according to martial law, and
advanced if displaying genius or application. All our private schools
that wish for the protection of Government are forced to submit to the
same military rules, and, therefore, most of our conscripts, so far from
being recruits, are fit for any service as soon as put into requisition.
The fatal effects to the independence of Europe to be dreaded from this
sole innovation, I apprehend, have been too little considered by other
nations. A great Power, that can, without obstacle, and with but little
expense, in four weeks increase its disposable military force from one
hundred and twenty to one hundred and eighty thousand young men,
accustomed to military duty from their youth, must finally become the
master of all other or rival Powers, and dispose at leisure of empires,
kingdoms, principalities, and republics. NOTHING CAN SAVE THEM BUT THE
ADOPTION OF SIMILAR MEASURES FOR THEIR PRESERVATION AS HAVE BEEN ADOPTED
FOR THEIR SUBJUGATION.
When l’Etat Militaire for the year 13 (a work containing the official
statement of our military forces) was presented to Bonaparte by Berthier,
the latter said: “Sire, I lay before Your Majesty the book of the destiny
of the world, which your hands direct as the sovereign guide of the
armies of your empire.” This compliment is a truth, and therefore no
flattery. It might as justly have been addressed to a Moreau, a
Macdonald, a Le Courbe, or to any other general, as to Bonaparte, because
a superior number of well disciplined troops, let them be well or even
indifferently commanded, will defeat those inferior in number. Three to
one would even overpower an army of giants. Add to it the unity of
plans, of dispositions, and of execution, which Bonaparte enjoys
exclusively over such a great number of troops, while ten, or perhaps
fifty, will direct or contradict every movement of his opponents. I
tremble when I meditate on Berthier’s assertion; may I never live to see
it realized, and to see all hitherto independent nations prostrated,
acknowledge that Bonaparte and destiny are the same, and the same
distributor of good and evil.
One of the bad consequences of this our military education of youth is a
total absence of all religious and moral lessons. Arnaud had, last
August, the courage to complain of this infamous neglect, in the National
Institute. “The youth,” said he, “receive no other instruction but
lessons to march, to fire, to bow, to dance, to sit, to lie, and to
impose with a good grace. I do not ask for Spartans or Romans, but we
want Athenians, and our schools are only forming Sybarites.” Within
twenty-four hours afterwards, Arnaud was visited by a police agent,
accompanied by two gendarmes, with an order signed by Fouche, which
condemned him to reside at Orleans, and not to return to Paris without
the permission of the Government,--a punishment regarded here as very
moderate for such an indiscreet zeal.
A schoolmaster at Auteuil, near this capital, of the name of Gouron, had
a private seminary, organized upon the footing of our former colleges. In
some few months he was offered more pupils than he could well attend to,
and his house shortly became very fashionable, even for our upstarts, who
sent their children there in preference. He was ordered before Fouche
last Christmas, and commanded to change the hours hitherto employed in
teaching religion and morals, to a military exercise and instruction, as
both more necessary and more salubrious for French youth. Having replied
that such an alteration was contrary to his plan and agreement with the
parents of his scholars, the Minister stopped him short by telling him
that he must obey what had been prescribed by Government, or stand the
consequences of his refractory spirit. Having consulted with his friends
and patrons, he divided the hours, and gave half of the time usually
allotted to religion or morality to the study of military exercise. His
pupils, however, remained obstinate, broke the drum, and tore and burnt
the colours he had bought. As this was not his fault, he did not expect
any further disturbance, particularly after having reported to the police
both his obedience and the unforeseen result. But last March his house
was suddenly surrounded in the night by gendarmes, and some police agents
entered it. All the boys were ordered to dress and to pack up their
effects, and to follow the gendarmes to several other schools, where the
Government had placed them, and of which their parents would be informed.
Gouron, his wife, four ushers, and six servants, were all arrested and
carried to the police office, where Fouche, after reproaching them for
their fanatical behaviour, as he termed it, told them, as they were so
fond of teaching religious and moral duties, a suitable situation had
been provided for them in Cayenne, where the negroes stood sadly in need
of their early arrival, for which reason they would all set out on that
very morning for Rochefort. When Gouron asked what was to become of his
property, furniture, etc., he was told that his house was intended by
Government for a preparatory school, and would, with its contents, be
purchased, and the amount paid him in lands in Cayenne. It is not
necessary to say that this example of Imperial justice had the desired
effect on all other refractory private schoolmasters.
The parents of Gouron’s pupils were, with a severe reprimand, informed
where their sons had been placed, and where they would be educated in a
manner agreeable to the Emperor, who recommended them not to remove them,
without a previous notice to the police. A hatter, of the name of
Maille, however, ordered his son home, because he had been sent to a
dearer school than the former. In his turn he was carried before the
police, and, after a short examination of a quarter of an hour, was
permitted, with his wife and two children, to join their friend Gouron at
Rochefort, and to settle with him at Cayenne, where lands would also be
given him for his property, in France. These particulars were related to
me by a neighbour whose son had, for two years previous to this, been
under Gouron’s care, but who was now among those placed out by our
Government. The boy’s present master, he said, was a man of a
notoriously bad and immoral character; but he was intimidated, and weak
enough to remain contented, preferring, no doubt, his personal safety to
the future happiness of his child. In your country, you little
comprehend what a valuable instrument terror has been in the hands of our
rulers since the Revolution, and how often fear has been mistaken abroad
for affection and content.
All these minutiae and petty vexations, but great oppressions, of petty
tyrants, you may easily guess, take up a great deal of time, and that,
therefore, a Minister of Police, though the most powerful, is also the
most occupied of his colleagues. So he certainly is, but, last year, a
new organization of this Ministry was regulated by Bonaparte; and Fouche
was allowed, as assistants, four Counsellors of State, and an
augmentation of sixty-four police commissaries. The French Empire was
then divided into four arrondissements, with regard to the general
police, not including Paris and its vicinity, inspected by a prefect of
police under the Minister. Of the first of these arrondissements, the
Counsellor of State, Real, is a kind of Deputy Minister; the Counsellor
of State, Miot, is the same of the second; the Counsellor of State, Pelet
de la Lozere, of the third; and the Counsellor of State, Dauchy, of the
fourth. The secret police agents, formerly called spies, were also
considerably increased.