CHAPTER VIII.

WHETHER THE ROMANS

ENCOURAGED TOLERATION.

Among the ancient Romans, from the days of Romulus to those in which

the Christians began to dispute with the priests of the empire, we

do not find a single instance of any person being persecuted on

account of his sentiments. Cicero doubted everything, Lucretius

denied everything, and yet neither the one nor the other underwent

the least reproach from their fellow-citizens; nay, so far did this

licence go, that Pliny, the naturalist, begins his book by denying

the existence of a God, and saying, that if there be one, it must be

the sun. Cicero, in speaking of hell, says: _Non est una tam excors

quæ credat_ (“There is not even an old woman so silly as to believe

it”). Juvenal says: _Nec pueri credunt_ (“Nor do the children believe

it”). And the following maxim was publicly repeated in the Roman

theatre: _Post mortem nihil est, ipsaque mors nihil_ (“Naught after

death; even death itself is naught”). While we abhor these maxims,

let us pardon them in a people who were never enlightened by the holy

truths of the Gospel; and, while we own them to be false and impious,

let us, however, confess that the Romans were great friends to

toleration, seeing that such tenets never excited any commotions.

_Deorum offensa diis curæ_, was the grand principle of the senate and

people of Rome, that illustrious nation employing their attention

wholly to conquer, govern and civilize the universe. They were our

legislators as well as our conquerors; and even Cæsar, who reduced

us to his subjection, and gave us laws and games, never attempted to

compel us to quit our Druids for him, though supreme pontiff of a

nation whose subjects we were now become.

The Romans themselves did not profess all kinds of religion,

therefore they did not give public sanction to all, but they

permitted them. Under Numa nothing material was the object of their

worship. They had neither statues nor pictures; in process of time,

however, some were erected to the _Dii Majorum Gentium_, with which

the Greeks brought them into acquaintance. That law in the twelve

tables, _Deos peregrinos ne colunto_, was confined to the allowing

no public worship to be paid, except to the superior and inferior

deities, approved by the senate. The Egyptian goddess Isis had a

temple in Rome at the time of Tiberius, who demolished it because

its priests, having been bribed by Mundus, suffered him to lie with

a lady called Paulina in the temple itself, under the name and form

of the god Anubis. Indeed this story is to be found only in Josephus,

who did not live at that time, and was moreover a credulous and

exaggerating writer; and there is very little probability that

in so enlightened an age as that of Tiberius, a lady of the first

distinction in Rome could be so weak as to believe that a god

cohabited with her.

But whether this anecdote be true or false, this one thing is

certain, that the Egyptian idolatry was in the possession of a temple

in Rome with the public consent. The Jews had also lived as traders

in that city ever since the Punic war; they had their synagogues

there in the time of Augustus, and almost always continued to have

them in the same manner as they now have in modern Rome. Can we

desire a stronger instance that the Romans looked upon toleration as

the most sacred of all the laws of nations?

We are told that as soon as the Christian religion began to make its

appearance, its followers were persecuted by these very Romans who

persecuted no one. This fact, however, appears to me to be evidently

false, and I desire no better authority than that of St. Paul

himself. In the Acts of the Apostles[15] we are told that St. Paul,

being accused by the Jews of attempting to overturn the Mosaic law by

that of Jesus Christ, St. James proposed to him to shave his head and

go into the temple with four Jews and purify himself with them, “That

all men may know,” says he, “that those things whereof they were

informed concerning thee, are nothing, but that thou thyself dost

keep the law of Moses.”

Accordingly, we find that St. Paul, though a Christian, submitted

to perform these Jewish ceremonies for the space of seven days; but

before the expiration of this time, the Jews of Asia, who knew him

again, seeing him in the temple, not only with Jews but Gentiles

also, cried out that he had polluted the holy place, and laid hands

upon him, drew him out of the temple, and carried him before the

Governor Felix; they afterwards accused him at the judgment-seat of

Festus, whither the Jews came in crowds demanding his death. But

Festus answered them: “It is not the manner of the Romans to deliver

any man to die, before that he which is accused have the accusers

face to face, and have licence to answer for himself.”[16]

These words of the Roman magistrate are the more remarkable as he

appears to have been no favorer of St. Paul, but rather to have held

him in contempt, for, imposed upon by the false lights of his own

reason, he took him for a person beside himself; nay, he expressly

says to him, “Much learning hath made thee mad.”[17] Festus then was

entirely guided by the equity of the Roman law in taking under his

protection a stranger for whom he could have no regard.

Here then we have the word of God itself declaring that the Romans

were a just people, and no persecutors. Besides, it was not the

Romans who laid violent hands on St. Paul, but the Jews. St. James,

the brother of Jesus, was stoned to death by order of a Sadducee Jew,

and not by that of a Roman judge. It was the Jews alone who put St.

Stephen to death;[18] and though St. Paul held the clothes of those

who stoned him, he certainly did not act then as a Roman citizen.

The primitive Christians had certainly no cause of complaint against

the Romans; the Jews, from whom they at that time began to separate

themselves, were their only enemies. Every one knows the implacable

hatred all sectaries bore to those who quit their sect. There

doubtless were several tumults in the synagogues in Rome. Suetonius,

in his life of Claudius, has these words, _Judæos impulsore Christo

assidue tumultuantes Roma expulit_. He is wrong in saying that it

was at the instigation of Christ they raised commotions in Rome; but

he could not be acquainted with all the circumstances relating to

a people who were held in such contempt in Rome as the Jews were;

and, however mistaken he may have been in this particular, yet he is

right as to the occasion of these commotions. Suetonius wrote in the

reign of Adrian in the second century, when the Christians were not

distinguished from the Jews by the Romans; therefore this passage

of Suetonius is a proof that the Romans, so far from oppressing the

primitive Christians, chastised the Jews who persecuted them, being

desirous that the Jewish synagogue in Rome should show the same

indulgence to its dissenting brethren as it received itself from

the Roman Senate; and we find from Dion Cassius and Ulpian, that

the Jews who were thus banished from Rome returned soon after, and

even attained to several honors and dignities, notwithstanding the

laws which excluded them therefrom.[19] Can it be believed, that

after the destruction of Jerusalem, the emperors would have loaded

the Jews with their favors, and have persecuted and put to death the

Christians, whom they looked upon as a sect of the Jews?

Nero is said to have been a great persecutor of the Christians. But

Tacitus tells us that they were accused of having set fire to the

city of Rome, and were thereupon given up to the resentment of the

populace. But had religion anything to do with this charge? No,

certainly. We might as well say that the Chinese, whom the Dutch

murdered a few years ago in Batavia, were slaughtered on account of

their religion. And nothing but a strong desire to deceive ourselves

can possibly make us attribute to persecution the sufferings of a

few half-Jews and half-Christians under Nero.[20]

Several Christians afterwards suffered martyrdom; it is not easy

to say on what particular account they were condemned, but I can

venture to assert that none suffered under the first Cæsars merely on

the account of religion, for they tolerated all beliefs; therefore,

why should they seek out and persecute an obscure people, who had a

worship peculiar to themselves, at the time they licensed all others?

The Emperors Titus, Trajan, Antoninus, and Decius were not

barbarians; how then can we imagine that they would have deprived

the Christians alone of that liberty with which they indulged every

other nation, or that they would even have troubled them for having

concealed mysteries, while the worshippers of Isis, Mithra, and the

Goddess of Assyria, whose rites were all of them equally unknown

to the Romans, were suffered to perform them without hindrance?

Certainly, the persecutions the Christians suffered must have arisen

from other causes, and from some private pique, enforced by reasons

of state.

For instance, when St. Laurence refused to deliver to Cornelius

Secularius, the Roman prefect, the money belonging to the Christians

which he had in his custody, was it not very natural for the prefect

and the emperor to be incensed at this refusal? They did not know

that St. Laurence had distributed this money among the poor, in acts

of charity and benevolence; therefore they considered him only as a

refractory person, and punished him accordingly.[21]

Again, let us consider the martyrdom of St. Polyeuctes. Can he be

said to have suffered on account of religion only? He enters a

temple, where the people are employed in offering thanksgivings to

their gods on account of the victory gained by the Emperor Decius;

he insults the priests and overturns and breaks in pieces the altar

and statues. Is there a country in the world where so gross an

insult would have been passed over? The Christian who publicly tore

the edict of the Emperor Diocletian, and by that act brought on the

great persecution against his brethren in the two last years of this

prince’s reign, had not, surely, a zeal according to knowledge, but

was the unhappy cause of all the disasters that befell his party.

This inconsiderate zeal, which was often breaking forth, and was

condemned even by several of the Fathers of the Church, was probably

the occasion of all those persecutions we read of.

Certainly, I would not make a comparison between the first

sacramentarians and the primitive Christians, as error should never

be ranked in the same class with truth, but it is well known that

Farrel, the predecessor of Calvin, did the very same thing at Arles

which St. Polyeuctes had done before him in Armenia. The townsmen

were carrying the statue of St. Anthony, the hermit, in procession

through the streets; Farrel and some of his followers in a fit of

zeal fell upon the monks who were carrying the image, beat them, made

them take to their heels, and, having seized upon St. Anthony, threw

him into the river. Assuredly Farrel deserved death for this flagrant

outrage upon the public peace, but he had the good luck to escape by

flight. Now, had he only told those monks in the open streets that he

did not believe that a raven had brought half a loaf to St. Anthony,

nor that this hermit had had conversation with centaurs and satyrs,

he would have deserved a severe reprimand for troubling the public

peace; but if the night after the procession he had quietly examined

the story in his own room, no one could have found any fault with him

for it.

But, indeed, can we suppose that the Romans, after permitting the

infamous Antinous to be ranked among their demi-gods, would have

massacred and thrown to wild beasts those against whom they had no

other cause of reproach than having peaceably worshipped a just

Deity? Or would those very Romans, who worshipped a supreme and

all-powerful God,[22] master of all the subordinate deities, and

distinguished by the title of _Deus optimus maximus_, would they, I

say, have persecuted such who professed to worship only one God?

There appears little reason to believe that there ever was an

inquisition instituted against the Christians under the Roman

emperors; I mean, that they were ever judicially examined on the

subject of their faith; neither do we find that Jew, Syrian, Egyptian

bards, Druids, or philosophers were ever troubled on this account.

The primitive martyrs then were men who opposed the worship of false

gods. But, however wise or pious they might be in rejecting the

belief of such absurd fictions, if, not content with worshipping the

true God in spirit and in truth, they offered a violent and public

outrage to the received religion of the government under which they

lived, however absurd that religion might be, impartiality obliges us

to confess that they themselves were the first persecutors.

Tertullian, in his Apology,[23] says that the Christians were

looked upon as a turbulent and seditious sect. This accusation is

doubtless unjust; but it serves to prove that the civil power did

not set itself against the Christians purely on account of their

religion. In another place,[24] he says that the Christians refused

to adorn the doors of their houses with laurel branches on the days

of public rejoicing for the victories of the emperors. Now this

blamable particularity might not, without some reason, be taken for

disaffection to the government.

The first judicial act of severity we find exercised against

the Christians was that of Domitian; but this extended only to

banishment, which did not last above a year, for, says the author

above quoted, _Facile cœptum repressit restitutis quos ipse

relegaverat_. Lactantius, so remarkable for his passionate and

pompous style, acknowledges that from the time of Domitian to that

of Decius the Church continued in a peaceable and flourishing

condition. This long tranquillity, says he,[25] was interrupted by

that execrable animal Decius, who began to oppress the Church: _Post

multos annos extitit execrabile animal Decius qui vexaret ecclesiam_.

I shall not here enter into a discussion of the opinion of the

learned Mr. Dodwell concerning the small number of martyrs; but

if the Romans had been such violent persecutors of the Christian

religion, if their senate had condemned so many of its innocent

votaries to perish by the most unheard-of tortures, plunging them

alive in boiling oil, and exposing their wives and daughters naked

to the wild beasts in the circus, how happened it that they suffered

all the first bishops of Rome to live unmolested? St. Ireneus reckons

only one martyr among all these bishops, namely, Telesphorus, who

suffered in the year 139 of our vulgar era; nor have we any positive

proof of this Telesphorus being put to death. Zephirinus governed the

flock in Rome for eighteen years successively, and died peaceably in

the year 219. It is true that in the ancient martyrologies we find

almost all the first popes ranked as martyrs, but the word martyr is

there taken only in its original and true signification, which is a

witness and not a sufferer.

Moreover, we can hardly reconcile this rage of persecution with

the liberty granted the Christians, of assembling no less than

fifty-six councils in the course of the first three centuries, as is

acknowledged by all ecclesiastical writers.

That there were persecutions, is doubtless; but if they had been as

violent as represented, it is hardly probable that Tertullian, who

wrote with so much energy against the established religion, would

have been suffered to die peaceably in his bed. It is certain that

none of the emperors ever read his “Apology,” as an obscure work

composed in Africa can hardly be supposed to have come into the hands

of the governors of the world; but then, it might have been shown to

their proconsuls in Africa, and have drawn down their resentment upon

the author; nevertheless, we do not find that he suffered martyrdom.

Origen taught the Christian religion publicly in Alexandria, and yet

was not put to death for it. And this very Origen himself, who spoke

with so much freedom both to the heathens and the Christians, and

who, while he taught Jesus to the one, denied the triple Godhead to

the other, expressly acknowledges, in his third book against Celsus,

that “There were very few who suffered martyrdom, and those at a

great distance of time from one another; notwithstanding,” says he,

“that the Christians leave nothing undone to make their religion

generally embraced, running from city to city, and from town to town,

to make converts.”

It must be confessed that these continual peregrinations might

readily give cause to the priests, who were their enemies, to accuse

them of a design to raise disturbances; and yet we find that these

missions were tolerated even among the Egyptians, who have ever

been a turbulent, factious, and mean people, and who tore a Roman

to death for having killed a cat; in a word, a nation at all times

contemptible, whatever may have been said to the contrary by the

admirers of pyramids.[26]

What person could do more to call down upon him the resentment of

both ecclesiastical and civil power than St. Gregory Thaumaturgos,

the disciple of Origen? This same St. Gregory had a vision during

the night-time, in which an old man appeared to him sent from God,

accompanied by a woman shining with glory; the first of these was

St. John the Evangelist, and the other the Holy Virgin. St. John

dictated to him a creed, which Gregory afterwards went about to

preach. In his way he passed through Neo-Cæsarea, where the rain

obliged him to stay all night, and he took up his lodging near a

temple famous for its oracles. Here he made several signs of the

cross. The high priest coming the next morning into the temple was

surprised to find that the oracle did not give its answer as usual,

upon which he invoked the spirits of the place, who appearing, told

him that they could no longer inhabit that mansion, as St. Gregory

had passed a night there and had made signs of the cross, upon

which the high priest caused Gregory to be seized, who gave him to

understand that he could drive out or cause to enter the familiar

spirits wherever he pleased. “If so,” said the high priest, “pray

send them back here again.” Then St. Gregory, tearing a leaf from a

little book he held in his hand, wrote these words upon it: “Gregory

to Satan: I command thee to enter again into this temple.” The paper

being laid upon the altar, the demons, in obedience to the saint’s

mandate, gave their oracles that day as usual, after which they

remained silent.

This story is related by St. Gregory of Nyssa in his life of St.

Gregory Thaumaturgos. Certainly, the idolatrous priests had great

reason to be offended with St. Gregory, and might have delivered him

over to the secular power as one who was their greatest enemy, and

yet we do not find that they offered him any hurt.

The history of St. Cyprian informs us that he was the first bishop

of Carthage who suffered martyrdom; this was A. D. 258, consequently

no bishop of Carthage had been put to death on account of religion

for a great length of time. The history of this saint does not inform

us what charge was brought against him, who were his enemies, or how

he incurred the displeasure of the proconsul of Africa. We find St.

Cyprian thus writing to Cornelius, bishop of Rome: “There has been

a tumult of the people lately at Carthage, in which it was twice

proposed to throw me to the lions.” It might possibly happen that

the blind resentment of the people of Carthage did at length cause

Cyprian to be put to death, for, certainly, he was never condemned

to suffer for his religion by the Emperor Gallus, who lived at so

great a distance, and, moreover, permitted Cornelius to exercise his

episcopal function under his very eye.

So many and various are the hidden causes that are frequently blended

with the apparent one, in the persecution of an individual, that it

is hardly possible for posterity to discover the true source of the

misfortunes that befell even the most considerable personages, much

less that of the sufferings of a private person, hardly known to any

but those of his own sect.

And here let it be observed that neither St. Gregory Thaumaturgos

nor St. Denis, bishop of Alexandria, who were both contemporaries of

St. Cyprian, suffered the slightest persecution. How then happened

it that, being certainly as well known as the bishop of Carthage,

they were suffered to live unmolested, while he was delivered over

to punishment? May we not fairly infer that the one fell a victim to

personal and powerful enemies, either in consequence of a malicious

accusation, or from reasons of state, which frequently interfere in

religious matters, while the other had the good fortune to escape the

designs of wicked men?

We cannot, with any degree of probability, suppose that the charge

of being a Christian was the only cause of St. Ignatius being put to

death, under the just and merciful Trajan, since we find that several

of his own religion were suffered to accompany and minister comfort

to him on his way to Rome.[27] There had been frequent seditions

in Antioch, a city remarkable for the turbulent disposition of

its inhabitants; here Ignatius privately acted as bishop over the

Christians. It might happen that some of these disturbances, being

maliciously imputed to the innocent Christians, had occasioned the

government to take cognizance of them, and that the judge might have

been mistaken, as it often happens.

St. Simeon, for example, was accused before King Sapor of being a

spy to the Romans. The history of his martyrdom tells us that Sapor

proposed to him to worship the sun, whereas every one knows that the

Persians paid no divine honors to that planet, but only considered

it as an emblem of the good principle, the Orasmades, or Sovereign

Creator, whom they all adored.

Any one of the least tolerating spirit cannot help his indignation

from rising against those writers who accused Diocletian of

persecuting the Christians after his accession to the empire. Here

we need only refer to Eusebius of Cæsarea, whose testimony certainly

cannot be rejected. The favorite, the panegyrist of Constantine, and

the declared enemy of the emperors his predecessors, is certainly

entitled to our credit when he justifies those very emperors. The

following are his own words:[28]

“The emperors had for a long time given the Christians great marks of

their favor and benevolence; they had entrusted them with the care

of whole provinces; many of them lived within the imperial palace;

and some of the emperors even married Christian women; Diocletian, in

particular, espoused Prisca, whose daughter was wife to Maximianus

Galerius,” etc.

Let this authentic testimony make us cautious how we fall too readily

into calumny; and from this let any impartial person judge, if the

persecution raised by Galerius, after nineteen years of continued

clemency and favor to the Christians, must not have been occasioned

by some intrigues with which we are at present unacquainted.

From this also we may perceive the absurdity of that fabulous story

of the Theban legion, said to have been all massacred for their

religion. Can anything be more ridiculous than to make this legion

be brought from Asia by the great St. Bernard? It is altogether

impossible that this legion should have been sent for from Asia to

quiet a tumult in Gaul, a year after that tumult was suppressed,

and not less so that six thousand foot and seven hundred horse

should have suffered themselves to be all murdered in a place where

two hundred men only might have kept off a whole army. The account

of this pretended butchery is introduced with all the marks of

imposture: “When the earth groaned under the tyranny of Diocletian,

heaven was peopled with martyrs.” Now, this event, such as it is

related, is supposed to have happened in 286, the very time in which

Diocletian most favored the Christians, and that the Roman Empire

was in a state of the greatest tranquillity. But to cut short this

matter at once, no such legion as the Theban ever existed; the Romans

were too haughty and too wise to form a corps of those Egyptians, who

served only as slaves in Rome, _Vernæ Canopi_; we may as well suppose

them to have had a Jewish legion. We have the names of two and thirty

legions that formed the principal military force of the Roman Empire,

and it is very certain the Theban legion is not to be found among

them. In a word, we may rank this story with the acrostic verses of

the Sibyls, which are said to have foretold the miracles wrought by

Jesus Christ, and with many other like spurious productions, which

false zeal has trumped up to impose upon credulity.

The Works of Voltaire, Vol. IV of XLIII. Romances, Vol. III of III, and A Treatise on Toleration. · 第 8 / 22 章