'The figures round the border first attracted me, and the mere

_reading_ of them gave me very little trouble. But I was convinced that

behind their meaning thus read lay some deep esoteric significance; and

this, almost to the last, I was utterly unable to fathom. You perceive

that these border figures consist of waved lines of two different

lengths, drawings of snakes, triangles looking like the Greek delta,

and a heart-shaped object with a dot following it. These succeed one

another in a certain definite order on all the slips. What, I asked

myself, were these drawings meant to represent,--letters, numbers,

things, or abstractions? This I was the more readily able to determine

because I have often, in thinking over the shape of the Roman letter S,

wondered whether it did not owe its convolute form to an attempt on the

part of its inventor to make a picture of the _serpent;_ S being the

sibilant or hissing letter, and the serpent the hissing animal. This

view, I fancy (though I am not sure), has escaped the philologists, but

of course you know that all letters were originally _pictures of

things,_ and of what was S a picture, if not of the serpent? I

therefore assumed, by way of trial, that the snakes in the diagram

stood for a sibilant letter, that is, either C or S. And thence,

supposing this to be the case, I deduced: firstly, that all the other

figures stood for letters; and secondly, that they all appeared in the

form of pictures of the things of which those letters were originally

meant to be pictures. Thus the letter "m," one of the four "_liquid_"

consonants, is, as we now write it, only a shortened form of a waved

line; and as a waved line it was originally written, and was the

character by which _a stream of running water_ was represented in

writing; indeed it only owes its name to the fact that when the lips

are pressed together, and "m" uttered by a continuous effort, a certain

resemblance to the murmur of running water is produced. The longer

waved line in the diagram I therefore took to represent "m"; and it at

once followed that the shorter meant "n," for no two letters of the

commoner European alphabets differ only in length (as distinct from

shape) except "m" and "n", and "w" and "v"; indeed, just as the French

call "w" "double-ve," so very properly might "m" be called "double-en."

But, in this case, the longer not being "w," the shorter could not be

"v": it was therefore "n." And now there only remained the heart and

the triangle. I was unable to think of any letter that could ever have

been intended for the picture of a heart, but the triangle I knew to be

the letter #A.# This was originally written without the cross-bar from

prop to prop, and the two feet at the bottom of the props were not

separated as now, but joined; so that the letter formed a true

triangle. It was meant by the primitive man to be a picture of his

primitive house, this house being, of course, hut-shaped, and

consisting of a conical roof without walls. I had thus, with the

exception of the heart, disentangled the whole, which then (leaving a

space for the heart) read as follows:

{ ss

'mn { anan ... san.'

{ cc

But 'c' before 'a' being never a sibilant (except in some few so-called

'Romance' languages), but a guttural, it was for the moment discarded;

also as no word begins with the letters 'mn'--except 'mnemonics' and

its fellows--I concluded that a vowel must be omitted between these

letters, and thence that all vowels (except 'a') were omitted; again,

as the double 's' can never come after 'n' I saw that either a vowel

was omitted between the two 's's,' or that the first word ended after

the first 's.' Thus I got

'm ns sanan... san,'

or, supplying the now quite obvious vowels,

'mens sana in... sano.'

The heart I now knew represented the word 'corpore,' the Latin word for

'heart' being 'cor,' and the dot--showing that the word as it stood was

an abbreviation--conclusively proved every one of my deductions.

'So far all had gone flowingly. It was only when I came to consider the

central figures that for many days I spent my strength in vain. You

heard my exclamation of delight and astonishment when at last a ray of

light pierced the gloom. At no time, indeed, was I wholly in the dark

as to the _general_ significance of these figures, for I saw at once

their resemblance to the sepulchral reliefs of classical times. In case

you are not minutely acquainted with the _technique_ of these stones, I

may as well show you one, which I myself removed from an old grave in

Tarentum.'

He took from a niche a small piece of close-grained marble, about a

foot square, and laid it before me. On one side it was exquisitely

sculptured in relief.

'This,' he continued, 'is a typical example of the Greek grave-stone,

and having seen one specimen you may be said to have seen almost all,

for there is surprisingly little variety in the class. You will observe

that the scene represents a man reclining on a couch; in his hand he

holds a _patera,_ or dish, filled with grapes and pomegranates, and

beside him is a tripod bearing the viands from which he is banqueting.

At his feet sits a woman--for the Greek lady never reclined at table.

In addition to these two figures a horse's head, a dog, or a serpent

may sometimes be seen; and these forms comprise the almost invariable

pattern of all grave reliefs. Now, that this was the real model from

which the figures on the papyrus were taken I could not doubt, when I

considered the seemingly absurd fidelity with which in each murder the

papyrus, smeared with honey, was placed under the tongue of the victim.

I said to myself: it can only be that the assassins have bound

themselves to the observance of a strict and narrow ritual from which

no departure is under any circumstances permitted--perhaps for the sake

of signalling the course of events to others at a distance. But what

ritual? That question I was able to answer when I knew the answer to

these others,--why _under the tongue,_ and why _smeared with honey?_

For no reason, except that the Greeks (not the Romans till very late in

their history) always placed an _obolos,_ or penny, beneath the tongue

of the dead to pay his passage across the Stygian river of ghosts; for

no reason, except that to these same Greeks honey was a sacred fluid,

intimately associated in their minds with the mournful subject of

Death; a fluid with which the bodies of the deceased were anointed, and

sometimes--especially in Sparta and the Pelasgic South--embalmed; with

which libations were poured to Hermes Psuchopompos, conductor of the

dead to the regions of shade; with which offerings were made to all the

chthonic deities, and the souls of the departed in general. You

remember, for instance, the melancholy words of Helen addressed to

Hermione in _Orestes:_

[Greek: _Kai labe choas tasd'en cheroin komas t'emas

elthousa d'amphi ton Klutaimnaestras taphon

melikrat'aphes galaktos oinopon t'achnaen._]

And so everywhere. The ritual then of the murderers was a _Greek_

ritual, their cult a Greek cult--preferably, perhaps, a South Greek

one, a Spartan one, for it was here that the highly conservative

peoples of that region clung longest and fondliest to this

semi-barbarous worship. This then being so, I was made all the more

certain of my conjecture that the central figures on the papyrus were

drawn from a Greek model.

'Here, however, I came to a standstill. I was infinitely puzzled by the

rod in the man's hand. In none of the Greek grave-reliefs does any such

thing as a rod make an appearance, except in one well-known example

where the god Hermes--generally represented as carrying the _caduceus_,

or staff, given him by Phoebus--appears leading a dead maiden to the

land of night. But in every other example of which I am aware the

sculpture represents a man _living_, not dead, banqueting _on earth_,

not in Hades, by the side of his living companion. What then could be

the significance of the staff in the hand of this living man? It was

only after days of the hardest struggle, the cruellest suspense, that

the thought flashed on me that the idea of Hermes leading away the dead

female might, in this case, have been carried one step farther; that

the male figure might be no living man, no man at all, but _Hermes

himself_ actually banqueting in Hades with the soul of his disembodied

_protégée_! The thought filled me with a rapture I cannot describe, and

you witnessed my excitement. But, at all events, I saw that this was a

truly tremendous departure from Greek art and thought, to which in

general the copyists seemed to cling so religiously. There must

therefore be a reason, a strong reason, for vandalism such as this. And

that, at any rate, it was no longer difficult to discover; for now I

knew that the male figure was no mortal, but a god, a spirit, a DAEMON

(in the Greek sense of the word); and the female figure I saw by the

marked shortness of her drapery to be no Athenian, but a Spartan; no

matron either, but a maiden, a lass, a LASSIE; and now I had forced on

me lassie daemon, _Lacedaemon._

'This then was the badge, the so carefully-buried badge, of this

society of men. The only thing which still puzzled and confounded me at

this stage was the startling circumstance that a _Greek_ society should

make use of a _Latin_ motto. It was clear that either all my

conclusions were totally wrong, or else the motto _mens sana in corpore

sano_ contained wrapped up in itself some acroamatic meaning which I

found myself unable to penetrate, and which the authors had found no

Greek motto capable of conveying. But at any rate, having found this

much, my knowledge led me of itself one step further; for I perceived

that, widely extended as were their operations, the society was

necessarily in the main an _English,_ or at least an English-speaking

one--for of this the word "lassie" was plainly indicative: it was easy

now to conjecture London, the monster-city in which all things lose

themselves, as their head-quarters; and at this point in my

investigations I despatched to the papers the advertisement you have

seen.'

'But,' I exclaimed, 'even now I utterly fail to see by what mysterious

processes of thought you arrived at the wording of the advertisement;

even now it conveys no meaning to my mind.'

'That,' he replied,' will grow clear when we come to a right

understanding of the baleful _motive_ which inspired these men. I have

already said that I was not long in discovering it. There was only one

possible method of doing so--and that was, by all means, by any means,

to find out some condition or other common to every one of the victims

before death. It is true that I was unable to do this in some few

cases, but where I failed, I was convinced that my failure was due to

the insufficiency of the evidence at my disposal, rather than to the

actual absence of the condition. Now, let us take almost any two cases

you will, and seek for this common condition: let us take, for example,

the first two that attracted the attention of the world--the poor woman

of the slums of Berlin, and the celebrated man of science. Separated by

as wide an interval as they are, we shall yet find, if we look closely,

in each case the same pathetic tokens of the still uneliminated

_striae_ of our poor humanity. The woman is not an old woman, for she

has a "small young" family, which, had she lived, might have been

increased: notwithstanding which, she has suffered from hemiplegia,

"partial paralysis." The professor, too, has had not one, but two,

large families, and an "army of grand-children": but note well the

startling, the hideous fact, that _every one of his children is dead!_

The crude grave has gaped before the cock to suck in _every one_ of

those shrunk forms, so indigent of vital impulse, so pauper of civism,

lust, so draughty, so vague, so lean--but not before they have had time

to dower with the ah and wo of their infirmity a whole wretched "army

of grand-children." And yet this man of wisdom is on the point, in his

old age, of marrying once again, of producing for the good of his race

still more of this poor human stuff. You see the lurid significance,

the point of resemblance,--you see it? And, O heaven, is it not too

sad? For me, I tell you, the whole business has a tragic pitifulness

too deep for words. But this brings me to the discussion of a large

matter. It would, for instance, be interesting to me to hear what you,

a modern European, saturated with all the notions of your little day,

what _you_ consider the supreme, the all-important question for the

nations of Europe at this moment. Am I far wrong in assuming that you

would rattle off half a dozen of the moot points agitating rival

factions in your own land, select one of them, and call that "the

question of the hour"? I wish I could see as you see; I wish to God I

did not see deeper. In order to lead you to my point, what, let me ask

you, what _precisely_ was it that ruined the old nations--that brought,

say Rome, to her knees at last? Centralisation, you say, top-heavy

imperialism, dilettante pessimism, the love of luxury. At bottom,

believe me, it was not one of these high-sounding things--it was simply

War; the sum total of the battles of centuries. But let me explain

myself: this is a novel view to you, and you are perhaps unable to

conceive how or why war was so fatal to the old world, because you see

how little harmful it is to the new. If you collected in a promiscuous

way a few millions of modern Englishmen and slew them all

simultaneously, what, think you, would be the effect from the point of

view of the State? The effect, I conceive, would be indefinitely small,

wonderfully transitory; there would, of course, be a momentary lacuna

in the boiling surge: yet the womb of humanity is full of sap, and

uberant; Ocean-tide, wooed of that Ilithyia whose breasts are many,

would flow on, and the void would soon be filled. But the effect would

only be thus insignificant, if, as I said, your millions were taken

promiscuously (as in the modern army), not if they were _picked_

men----in _that_ case the loss (or gain) would be excessive, and

permanent for all time. Now, the war-hosts of the ancient

commonwealths--not dependent on the mechanical contrivances of the

modern army--were necessarily composed of the very best men: the

strong-boned, the heart-stout, the sound in wind and limb. Under these

conditions the State shuddered through all her frame, thrilled adown

every filament, at the death of a single one of her sons in the field.

As only the feeble, the aged, bided at home, their number after each

battle became larger _in proportion to the whole_ than before. Thus the

nation, more and more, with ever-increasing rapidity, declined in

bodily, and of course spiritual, quality, until the _end_ was reached,

and Nature swallowed up the weaklings whole; and thus war, which to the

modern state is at worst the blockhead and indecent _affaires

d'honneur_ of persons in office--and which, surely, before you and I

die will cease altogether--was to the ancient a genuine and

remorselessly fatal scourge.

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