I here became more alarmed, and came to a determination to leave the path.

I then ascended a hill, and crossed a ridge toward Squaw run, and came

upon a trail or path. Here I stopped and meditated what to do; and while

I was thus musing, I saw three deers coming toward me in full speed; they

turned to look at their pursuers; I looked too with all attention, and saw

the flash of a gun, and then heard the report as soon as the gun was

fired. I saw some dogs start after them, and began to look about for a

shelter, and immediately made for a large log, and hid myself behind it;

but most providentially I did not go clear to the log; had I done so, I

might have lost my life by the bites of rattle-snakes; for as I put my

hand to the ground to raise myself, that I might see what was become of

the hunters and who they were, I saw a large heap of rattle-snakes, and

the top one was very large, and coiled up very near my face, and quite

ready to bite me. This compelled me to leave this situation, let the

consequences be what they might.

In consequence of this occurrence, I again left my course, bearing to the

left, and came upon the head waters of Squaw run, and kept down the run

the remainder of that day.

During the day it rained, and I was in a very deplorable situation; so

cold and shivering were my limbs, that frequently, in opposition to all

my struggles, I gave an involuntary groan. I suffered intensely this day

from hunger, though my jaws were so far recovered from the injury they

sustained from the blows of the Indians, that wherever I could I procured

grape vines, and chewed them for a little sustenance. In the evening I

came within one mile of the Allegheny river, though I was ignorant of it

at the time; and there, at the root of a tree, through a most tremendous

night's rain, I took up my fifth night's lodgings; and in order to shelter

my infant at much as possible, I placed him in my lap, and placed my head

against the tree, and thus let the rain fall upon me.

On the sixth (that was Sabbath) morning from my captivity, I found myself

unable, for a very considerable time, to raise myself from the ground; and

when I had once more, by hard struggling, got myself upon my feet, and

started upon the sixth day's encounter, nature _was so nearly exhausted,

and my spirits were so completely depressed,_ that my progress was

amazingly slow and discouraging.

In this almost helpless condition, I had not gone far before I came to a

path where there had been cattle traveling; I took the path, under the

impression that it would lead me to the abode of some white people, and by

traveling it about one mile, I came to an uninhabited cabin; and though I

was in a river bottom, yet I knew not where I was, nor yet on what river

bank I had come. Here I was seized with the feelings of despair, and

under those feelings I went to the threshold of the uninhabited cabin, and

concluded that I would _enter and lie down and die;_ as death would have

been to me an _angel of mercy_ in such a _situation,_ and would have

removed me from all my misery.

Such were my feelings at this distressing moment, and had it not been for

the recollection of those sufferings which my _infant_ would endure, who

would survive for some time after I was dead, I should have carried my

determination into execution. Here, too, I heard the sound of a cow bell,

which imparted a _gleam of hope to my desponding mind._ I followed the

sound of the bell till I came opposite to the fort at the Six Mile Island.

When I came there, I saw three men on the opposite bank of the river. My

feelings at the sight of these were better felt than described. I called

to the men, but they seemed unwilling to risk the danger of coming after

me, and requested to know who I was. I replied that I was one who had been

taken prisoner by the Indians on the Allegheny river on last Tuesday

morning, and had made my escape from them. They requested me to walk up

the bank of the river for a while, that they might see if the Indians

were making a decoy of me or not; but I replied to them that my feet were

so sore that I could not walk.

Then one of them, James Closier, got into a canoe to fetch me over, and

the other two stood on the bank, with their rifles cocked, ready to fire

on the Indians, provided they were using me as a decoy. When Mr. Closier

came near to the shore, and saw my haggard and dejected situation, he

exclaimed, "who, in the name of God, are you?" This man was one of my

nearest neighbors before I was taken; yet in six days I was so much

altered that he did not know me, either by my voice or my countenance.

When I landed on the inhabited side of the river, the people from the fort

came running out to the boat to see me; they took the child from me, and

now I felt safe from all danger, I found myself unable to move or to

assist myself in any degree; whereupon the people took me and carried me

out of the boat to the house of Mr. Cortus.

Here, when I felt I was secure from the ravages and cruelties of the

barbarians, for the first time since my captivity my feelings returned

with all their poignancy. When I was dragged from my bed and from my home,

a prisoner with the savages; when the in-human butchers dashed the brains

of one of my dear children out on the door-sill, and afterward scalped him

before my eyes; when they took and tomahawked, scalped, and stabbed

another of them before me on the island; and when, with still more

barbarous feelings, they afterward made a hoop, and stretched his scalp

on it; nor yet, when I endured hunger, cold, and nearly nakedness, and at

the same time my infant sucking my very blood to support it, I never wept.

No! it was too, too much for nature. A tear then would have been too great

a luxury. And it is more than probable, that tears at these seasons of

distress would have been fatal in their consequences; for savages despise

a tear. But now that my danger was removed, and I was delivered from the

pangs of the barbarians, the tears flowed freely, and imparted a happiness

beyond what I ever experienced before, or ever expect to experience in

this world.

When I was taken into the house, having been so long from fire, and having

endured so much from hunger for a long period, the heat of the fire, and

the smell of the victuals, which the kindness of the people immediately

induced them to provide for me, caused me to faint. Some of the people

attempted to restore me and some of them put some clothes upon me. But the

kindness of these friends would, in all probability, have killed me, had

it not been for the providential arrival from down the river, of Major

McCulley, who then commanded the line along the river. When he came in and

saw my situation, and the provisions they were making for me, he became

greatly alarmed, and immediately ordered me out of the house, from the

heat and smell; prohibited my taking any thing but the whey of buttermilk,

and that in very small quantities, which he administered with his own

hands. Through this judicious management of my almost lost situation, I

was mercifully restored again to my senses, and very gradually to my

health and strength.

Two of the females, Sarah Carter and Mary Ann Crozier, then began to take

out the thorns from my feet and legs; and Mr. Felix Negley, who now lives

at the mouth of Bull Creek, twenty miles above Pittsburgh, stood by and

counted the thorns as the women took them out, and there were one hundred

and fifty drawn out, though they were not all extracted at that time, for

the next evening, at Pittsburgh, there were many more taken out. The flesh

was mangled dreadfully, and the skin and flesh were hanging in pieces on

my feet and legs. The wounds were not healed for a considerable time.

Some of the thorns went through my feet and came out on the top. For two

weeks I was unable to put my feet to the ground to walk.

Besides which, the rain to which I was exposed by night, and the heat of

the sun, to which my almost naked body was exposed by day, together with

my carrying my child so long in my arms without any relief, and any

shelter from the heat of the day or the storms of the night, caused nearly

all the skin of my body to come off, so that my body was raw nearly all

over.

The news of my arrival at the station spread with great rapidity. The two

spies took the intelligence that evening as far as Coe's station, and the

next morning to Reed's station, to my husband.

As the intelligence spread, the town of Pittsburgh, and the country for

twenty miles round, was all in a state of commotion. About sunset the same

evening, my husband came to see me in Pittsburgh, and I was taken back to

Coe's station on Tuesday morning. In the evening I gave the account of the

murder of my boy on the island. The next morning (Wednesday) there was a

scout went out, and found it by my direction, and buried it, after being

murdered nine days.

_Copy of a Letter from Mr. John Corbly, a Baptist Minister, to his

friend in Philadelphia, dated_

Muddy Creek, Penn, Sept. 1, 1793.

"Dear Sir,

"The following are the particulars of the destruction of my unfortunate

family by the savages:--On the 10th May last, being my appointment to

preach at one of my meeting houses, about a mile from my dwelling-house,

I set out with my loving wife and five children for public worship. Not

suspecting any danger, I walked behind a few rods, with my Bible in my

hand, meditating. As I was thus employed, on a sudden I was greatly

alarmed by the shrieks of my dear family before me. I immediately ran to

their relief with all possible speed, vainly hunting a club as I ran. When

within a few yards of them, my poor wife observing me, cried out to me to

make my escape. At this instant an Indian ran up to shoot me. I had to

strip, and by so doing outran him. My wife had an infant in her arms,

which the Indians killed and scalped. After which they struck my wife

several times, but not bringing her to the ground, the Indian who

attempted to shoot me approached her, and shot her through the body; after

which they scalped her. My little son, about six years old, they

dispatched by sinking their hatchets in his brains. My little daughter,

four years old, they in like manner tomahawked and scalped. My eldest

daughter attempted an escape by concealing herself in a hollow tree, about

six rods from the fatal scene of action. Observing the Indians retiring,

as she supposed, she deliberately crept from the place of her concealment,

when one of the Indians, who yet remained on the ground, espying her, ran

up to her, and with his tomahawk knocked down and scalped her. But,

blessed be God, she yet survives, as does her little sister whom the

savages in the like manner tomahawked and scalped. They are mangled to a

shocking degree, but the doctors think there are some hopes of their

recovery.

"When I supposed the Indians gone, I returned to see what had become of my

unfortunate family, whom, alas! I found in the situation above described.

No one, my dear friend, can form a true conception of my feelings at this

moment. A view of a scene so shocking to humanity quite overcome me. I

fainted, and was unconsciously borne off by a friend, who at that instant

arrived to my relief.

"Thus, dear sir, have I given you a faithful, though a short narrative of

the fatal catastrophe; amidst which my life is spared, but for what

purpose the Great Jehovah best knows. Oh, may I spend it to the praise and

glory of His grace, who worketh all things after the counsel of his own

will. The government of the world and the church is in his hands. I

conclude with wishing you every blessing, and subscribe myself your

affectionate though afflicted friend, and unworthy brother in the gospel

ministry,

"John Corbly"

* * * * *

No. IX.

[Reference from Page 376.]

_Miamis Rapids, May_ 7th, 1794.

Two Deputies from the Three Nations of the Glaize arrived here yesterday,

with a speech from the Spaniards, brought by the Delawares residing near

their posts, which was repeated in a council held this day, to the

following nations now at this place, viz:--

Wyandots, Mingoes,

Ottawas, Munseys,

Chippewas, Nanticokes.

Grand-children and Brethren,

We are just arrived from the Spanish settlements upon the Mississippi, and

are come to inform you what they have said to us in a late council. These

are their words:

Children Delawares,

_Six Strings White Wampum,_

{TN: Icon of finger pointing to right} "Pointing to this country." When

you first came from that country to ask my protection, and when you told

me you had escaped from the heat of a great fire that was like to scorch

you to death, I took yon by the hand and under my protection, and told you

to look about for a piece of land to hunt on and plant for the support of

yourselves and families in this country, which the Great Spirit had given

for our mutual benefit and support. I told you at the same time that I

would watch over it, and when anything threatened us with danger, that I

would immediately speak to you; and that when I did speak to you, that it

would behoove you to be strong and listen to my words.

_Delivered six Strings White Wampum._

The Spaniard then, addressing himself to all the nations who were present,

said,--

Children, These were my words to all the nations here present, as well as

to your grand-fathers, the Delawares. Now, Children, I have called you

together to communicate to you certain intelligence of a large force

assembling on the Shawanoe river to invade our country. It has given me

very great satisfaction to observe the strong confederacy formed among

you, and I have no doubt of your ready assistance to repel this force.

Children, You see me now on my feet, and grasping the tomahawk to strike

them.

Children, We will strike them together. I do not desire yon to go before

me, in the front, but to follow me. These people have too long disturbed

our country, and have extinguished many of our council fires. They are

but a trifling people compared to the white people now combined against

them, and determined to crush them for their evil deeds. They must by this

time be surrounded with enemies, as all the white nations are against

them. Your French Father also speaks through me to you on this occasion,

and tells you that those of his subjects who have joined the Big-knives,

are only a few of his disobedient children who have joined the disobedient

in this country; but as we are strong and unanimous, we hope, by the

assistance of the Great Spirit, to put a stop to their mischievous

designs.

_Delivered a bunch Black Wampum._

Children, Now I present you with a war-pipe, which has been sent in all

our names to the Musquakies, and all those nations who live toward the

setting of the sun, to get upon their feet and take hold of our tomahawk;

and as soon as they smoked it they sent it back, with a promise to get

immediately on their feet to join us and strike this enemy. Their

particular answer to me was as follows:

"Father, We have long seen the designs of the Big-knives against our

country, and also of some of our own color, particularly the Kaskaskies,

who have always spoke with the same tongue as the Big-knives. They must

not escape our revenge; nor must you, Father, endeavor to prevent our

extirpating them. Two other tribes of our color, the Piankishaws and the

Cayaughkians who have been strongly attached to our enemies the

Big-knives, shall share the same fate with the Kaskaskies."

Children, You hear what these distant nations have said to us, so that we

have nothing farther to do but put our designs in immediate execution, and

to forward this pipe to the three warlike nations who have so long been

struggling for their country, and who now sit at the Glaize. Tell them to

smoke this pipe, and to forward it to all the Lake Indians and their

northern brethren; then nothing will be wanting to complete our general

union from the rising to the setting of the sun, and all nations will be

ready to add strength to the blow we are going to make.

_Delivered a War-Pipe._

Children, I now deliver you a Message from the Creeks, Cherokees, and

Choctaws and Chickasaws, who desire you to be strong in uniting

yourselves; and tell you it has given them pleasure to hear you have been

so unanimous in listening to your Spanish Father; and they acquaint you

that their hearts are joined to ours, and that there are eleven nations of

the southern Indians now on their feet with the hatchet in their hand,

ready to strike our common enemy.

_Black Strings of Wampum._

The Deputies of the Three Nations of the Glaize, after speaking the above

speeches from the Spaniards, addressed themselves to the several nations

in council, in the following manner:

Brothers, You have now heard the speeches brought to our council at the

Glaize a few days ago from the Spaniards, and as soon as they heard them

and smoked the pipe, their hearts were glad, and they determined to step

forward and put into execution the advice sent them. They desire you to

forward the pipe, as has been recommended, to all our northern brethren,

not doubting but as soon as you have smoked it, you will follow their

example; and they will hourly expect you to join them, as it will not be

many days before the nearness of our enemies will give us an opportunity

of striking them.

_Delivered the Pipe._

Brothers, Our Grand-fathers, the Delawares, spoke first in our late

council at the Glaize, on this piece of painted tobacco and this painted

Black Wampum, and expressed their happiness at what they had heard from

their Spanish Father and their brethren to the westward, and desired us

to tell you to forward this tobacco and Wampum to the Wyandots, to be sent

to all the Lake Indians, and inform them that in eight days they would be

ready to go against the Virginians, who are now so near us, and that

according to the number of Indians collected, they would either engage

the army or attempt to cut off their supplies. The Delawares also desired

us to say to the Wyandots, that, as they are our elder brethren, and took

the lead in all our affairs last summer, it was thought strange that none

of them were now there to put the resolution then formed into execution.

It is true, some of them went last Fall when it was thought too late, and

the assembling of the nations put off till spring; but the spring is now

far advanced, and none of them have yet come.

_Delivered the Tobacco and Wampum._

Egouchouay answered for all the nations present:--Brothers, I am happy at

the good news you have told us, and we will immediately go and collect

all our people, and be with you as soon as possible.

(Signed) A. McKee, D. A. I. A.

A true copy, Thomas Talbot.

* * * * *

No. X.

[Reference from Page 406.]

The Chiefs to Sir John Johnson.

"_Grand River, Feb._ 6, 1802.

"Our Dear Friend,

"We take the opportunity of Moses Johnson's going to Canada, to trouble

you with this the easiest method that the distance of our situation from

each other allows of, to communicate our sentiments to you. We wish to

acquaint you, that last Fall, at our usual meeting at the beach, we made

a speech to Captain Claus, which he has not yet fully answered. It was

principally respecting the letter you wrote to Captain Brant, when you was

at Niagara last summer, which we were sorry to find so severe; and as we

are sensible that he has never attempted any thing to the detriment of the

British interest, we were much surprised to find that his conduct seemed

to give umbrage there. As to the uneasiness you mentioned prevailed at

Grand River, we are entirely ignorant of any such thing among us who

manage the affairs of the tribes living here; and as he is our appointed

agent, he yet never acts without our approbation in whatever regards the

public; consequently, if any of his transactions have given offence, we

are all equally culpable. Therefore, if customs are so much changed with

you, that the following the tracks of our predecessor gives umbrage, we

hope, from our ancient friendship, you will inform us wherein it injures

the interests of our brethren, for then our regard for their welfare will

cause us to desist; and if there is a change in politics, don't let us

remain ignorant of it; for ignorance might cause us unwittingly to give

offence. As you know that not long ago a friendly correspondence and union

with the different nations seemed to give pleasure to our brothers, we yet

remain of the same sentiments, for we could not lightly drop what we took

so much pains to begin; and we can yet hardly persuade ourselves that you

have changed your sentiments; but if it is the case, we hope you will do

us the favor fully to acquaint us, that we may not be liable to give

uneasiness where we really mean none.

"I have the honor to be

Your humble and most obed't servt.,

(Signed) Aaron Hill.

"In behalf of the Chiefs of the Mohawk,

Oghkwaga, Onondaga, Cayuga,

and Seneca Nations, living on the

Grand River."

* * * * *

No. XI.

[Reference from Page 411.]

Governor Clinton to Captain Brant.

"_Greenwich,_ 1_st December,_ 1799.

"Dear Sir,

"On my return from the country about a month ago, I was favored with your

letter of the 4th of September. I am much gratified by the determination

you express of furnishing Doctor Miller with the information he requested

of you, and I hope, as the work for which it is wanted is progressing,

you will find leisure to do it soon. I am confident he will make a fair

and honorable use of it; and, as far as he shall be enabled, correct the

erroneous representations of former authors respecting your nations.

"I am surprised to find that you have not received my answer to your

letter of the 11th January last. It was inclosed and forwarded as

requested, to Mr. Peter W. Yates of Albany. Had it reached you, I presume

you will find, from the copy I now inclose, it would have been

satisfactory; but as a particular detail of what passed between the

Coghnawagoes and me, respecting their lands, may be more agreeable, I will

now repeat it to you as far as my recollection will enable me:--

"In the Winter of 1792-1793, our Legislature being in session in Albany,

a committee from the seven nations or tribes of Lower Canada attended

there, with whom I had several conferences. They complained that some of

our people had settled on their lands near Lake Champlain and on the River

St. Lawrence, and requested that Commissioners might be appointed to

inquire into the matter, and treat with them on the subject. In my answer

to their speeches I mentioned that it was difficult to define their rights

and their boundaries; that it was to be presumed that the Indian rights to

a considerable part of the lands on the borders of the lake had been

extinguished by the French Government before the conquest of Canada, as

those lands, or the greater part of them, had been granted to individuals

by that government before that period. In their reply, they described

their southern boundary as commencing at a creek or run of water between

Forts Edward and George, which empties into South Bay, and from thence

extending on a direct line to a large meadow or swamp, where the Canada

Creek, which empties into the Mohawk opposite Fort Hendrick, the Black and

Oswegatchie Rivers have their sources. Upon which I observed to them that

this line would interfere with lands patented by the British Government

previous to the Revolution, and particularly mentioned Totten and

Crossfield's purchase and Jessup's patent; but I mentioned, at the same

time, that I was neither authorised nor disposed to controvert their

claims, which I would submit to the Legislature, who I could not doubt

would pay due attention to them, and adopt proper measures to effect a

settlement with them upon fair and liberal terms. This I accordingly did;

and some time after Commissioners were appointed to treat with them in

the presence of an agent of the United States, the result of which I find

you are informed of.

"I believe you will readily agree that no inference could be drawn from

anything that passed on the above occasion to countenance the charge made

against your nations. The mentioning and interference of their boundaries,

as above stated, with tracts patented under the British Colonial

Government, could certainly have no allusion to the cessions made by the

Six Nations, or either of them, to the state; especially as (if I

recollect right) those cessions are of the territory of the respective

nations by whom they were made without defining them by any particular

boundaries, and subject only to the reservations described in the deed.

"I wish it was in my power to transmit you copies of their speeches and

my answers at full length; but it is not, for the reasons mentioned in my

former letter. Should they, however, be deemed necessary by you, I will

endeavor to procure and forward them. In the meantime you may rest assured

that what I have above related the substance of them.

"I am, with great regard and esteem,

Your most obed't servant,

Geo. Clinton.

"_Col. Joseph Brant._"

* * * * *

No. XII.

[Reference from Page 416.]

CERTIFICATE OF GENERAL CHAPIN.

I certify I have been personally acquainted with Captain Joseph Brant for

fourteen years past; that during this time have frequently been with him

in treaties and councils held between the people of the United States and

the Five Nations of Indians. That during the time aforesaid, my father,

Israel Chapin, Esq. held the office of Indian affairs for the Five Nations

of Indians, under the President of the United States; and during his

agency, Captain Brant was several times in the States in transacting

business of importance. At one time, in particular, he was invited to the

seat of Government of the United States for the purpose of consulting upon

means for restoring the Indians then hostile to the United States to a

general peace; which visit occasioned some suspicions and censures against

Captain Brant by certain characters residing in the province where he

belonged. That, through the instigation of certain persons, jealousies

have arisen, not only among some white people, but among his own also.

That the jealousies of his own people are easily awakened; and solely upon

this ground they have proceeded in the Indian forms to disown him as a

Chief. That the Seneca Indians, with some others residing within the

territory of the United States, who have had the disposal of a

considerable part of the Five Nations' lands, and have sold, and do

actually receive annuities from the people of the United States annually

for the same, have been the principal actors in deposing him. That after

the death of my father I succeeded him in the office, as aforesaid, and

during my own agency had frequent meetings with Captain Brant in Indian

councils, &c. And I do further certify, that during the whole of my

acquaintance with Captain Brant, he has conducted himself with honor and

integrity. That, so far from conducting himself in secrecy, or in any way

inclining to alienate himself from the British government, or in doing

anything that might be prejudicial to the Indians; on the other hand, he

has frankly avowed that he would strenuously adhere to the Government and

interest of the people to which he belonged; that his honor and friendship

for the Indian nations were so near his heart, that nothing should

occasion him to do any thing incompatible with his duty; and that his own

time and trouble have been expended and greatly prolonged in doing every

thing in his power to promote the interest of his nation and those allied

to them. And Captain Brant having called on me to certify my opinion as

aforesaid, I am free to declare to any who may be concerned, that from a

long and intimate acquaintance I have good reason to make the remarks as

aforesaid.

Israel Chapin,

_Agent of Indian Affairs for the Five Nations._

Canandaigua, in the western part of the }

State of N. Y., Oct. 28th, 1805. }

* * * * *

No. XIII.

[Reference from Page 417.]

CERTIFICATE OF CAPTAIN LEONARD AND OTHERS.

We, the subscribers, certify, that in the month of April last there came

to Fort Niagara about forty Seneca Indians, among whom were the Farmer's

Brother, Red Jacket, Jack Berry, and other Chiefs. While at Niagara,

detained by ice, we heard them say in public and private conversation,

that they were going into Upper Canada for the express purpose of breaking

Captain Brant, a Mohawk Chief. We also certify that the Seneca Chiefs

above named reside within the United States.

Given under our hands at Fort Niagara, this 20th day of October 1805.

W. Leonard, Capt. U. S. Artillery,

G. Armistead, Lieut. U. S. Artillery.

H. M. Allen, Lieut. U. S. Artillery,

Robert Lee, Col. of the Revenue.

* * * * *

No. XIV.

[Reference from Page 418.]

Proceedings of a Council held at the Grand River, the 29th day of June,

1804, with the Six Nations, viz: Mohawks, Oneydas, Onondagas, Cayougas,

Senecas, and Tuscaroras; and the following Nations,--Tutulies, Delawares,

and Nanticokes.

Present,

Lieut. Col. Brock, 49th _Reg't. Commanding,_

William Claus, Esq., _Dept'y Supt. Gen. of Indian Affairs._

James Gwins, Esq., _Agent of Indian Affairs._

Lieut. Cary, 49th _Regiment._

Lieut. Stratton, 49th _Regiment._

William Dickson, Esq.

Richard Beasley, Esq.

Alexander Stewart, Esq.

Mr. W. I. Chew, _Store-keeper and Clerk Indian Dep._

Benj. Fairchild, }

J. B. Rousseau, } _Interpreters Indian Dep._

The Deputy Superintendent General addressed the Chiefs as follows:--

Brethren, It gives me great satisfaction to meet you at this place, and

in presence of so many of the King's officers and others this day, to

renew our assurances of friendship, which I hope will continue

uninterrupted as long as the waters run.

I dispel the darkness which hangs over you by reason of your many losses.

I most heartily wish you may enjoy a serene and clear sky; so that you may

be able to see your brethren from the sun-rising to the sun-setting.

Brethren, I must admonish and exhort you that you will at all times, but

more especially at this juncture, pluck from your hearts and cast away all

discords, jealousies, and misunderstandings which may subsist among you,

or which any evil spirits may endeavor to raise in your breasts.

I therefore, with this Wampum, make this Council-room clean from every

thing offensive, and hope that you will take care that no snake may creep

in among us, or any thing that may obstruct our harmony.

_Bunch of Wampum._

Brethren, I have but a few words to speak, as the fewer that is said the

easier you will understand and comprehend. Last year, about the time your

corn was getting hard, I had the pleasure of seeing you at the King, your

Great Father's council fire at Niagara. I then addressed you on the

business of your land transactions. I informed you then that General

Hunter had taken your affairs into his most deliberate consideration, and

what the result of those considerations were.

Since that time some people have come forward to pay for the township

which was sold to Mr. Beasley and his associates; and the only thing which

now remains upon the minds of your trustees, and which they cannot answer

for, (unless you, in the most public manner, express your satisfaction,)

is the statement made by Mr. Beasley of monies said to have been paid on

your account to your agent, Captain Brant.

I will here explain to you the sums said to have been paid; and if you are

satisfied, the necessary discharges will then be given, and your business,

I hope, carried on in future more to your satisfaction, and also of the

others concerned.

Brethren, The following sums are stated by Mr. Beasley to have been paid

by him, and boards delivered by his order.

[Here follows the statement of the pecuniary transactions of Captain

Brant, as the agent of the Mohawk Nation, which there is no occasion to

transcribe in this place.]

If you wish to consult among yourselves before you give your answer, as I

wish you to do, I shall wait until you are ready, as it is necessary that

this business should come to a close; but do not let us hurry, take time

and weigh the matter well; if you are satisfied that the statement of the

account is just, I will lay before you a paper to sign, which shall be

explained to you, that you may perfectly comprehend and understand it.

I must farther inform you, that I hope every man that attends for the

purpose of executing the above papers may keep from liquor, as I am

determined no name shall appear there, unless the whole council are

perfectly sober.

Before we cover the fire to-day, I must inform you that the King's

Council, with the approbation of General Hunter, have given themselves a

great deal of pains in inquiring and seeing that justice should be done to

the Six Nations in this business, for which I am confident you will

acknowledge yourselves sensible.

I have further to mention to you, that the Governor in Council have

thought it for the advantage, benefit, and interest of the Six Nations,

that Sir John Johnson should be added as a Trustee for the Six Nations,

but it is left for you to consider and say whether he is, or is not, to be

added to those who are now acting for you.

I shall now retire, and when you have finished consulting, I shall be

ready to attend you.

[_Large Bunch of Wampum._]

30_th June._ Present the same as yesterday.

I am much pleased that you have so clearly comprehended what I said to you

yesterday, and as you are unanimously agreed to admit of the account as

just, the following is the paper which it will be necessary for your

principal people to sign; but before I go further, I must tell you that

your expressions of friendship for me draws from me the warmest sense of

feeling. I shall ever endeavor to preserve your esteem and regard, and

you may rest assured that my constant exertions shall be for your interest

and happiness.

We, the Sachems and principal War Chiefs, Warriors, and principal women of

the Six Nations, having taken into mature consideration the said account,

and having examined the several items and entries therein, and the whole

having been explained to us in the fullest manner, declare that we

perfectly understand and comprehend the same; do hereby unanimously

approve thereof as just and true; and do fully admit and acknowledge that

the several sums of money set down and charged in the said account as

payments made by Mr. Beasley, to and for the use of the Six Nations, were

really and truly made; and that the boards and materials charged in the

same accounts were actually furnished by Mr. Beasley, also to and for the

use of the Six Nations.

In testimony whereof, the aforesaid Sachems, principal War Chiefs,

Warriors, and principal Women of the Six Nations, in behalf of the Body of

the said Six Nations, have to these presents (done in triplicate) set our

hands and affixed our seals at the Council House at the Mohawk Village on

the Grand River, this 30th day of June, in the year of our Lord, 1804, and

forty fourth year of his Majesty's reign.

his his

Tekarihoken X Gonesseronton X

mark mark

his his

Thaweyogearat X Shagogeaseronni X

mark mark

his his

Oghnaongoghton X Ojageghte X

mark mark

his his

Otoghaeronge X Waorighonti X

mark mark

his his

Aonghwicjaga X Tekaenyough X

mark mark

his his

Otyoghwawagon X Ogpaghsaneyout X

mark mark

his his

Aghetugwaresera X Thaoeonnenghton X

mark mark

his his

Tekahentakwa X Teghsitaasgowa X

mark mark

his his

Oghsonwalagette X Arenghoot X

mark mark

his his

Yoghstatheaugh X Nihaweanaagh X

mark mark

his his

Araghkwente X Karrhageayate X

mark mark

his his

Oghgwarioghseta X Kaweanontye X

mark mark

We do certify that the within proceedings were held in our presence, and

that the accounts and different items were explained to the Sachems. War

Chiefs, and principal Women under the direction of the Deputy

Superintendent General of Indian Affairs; that they seemed perfectly to

understand and comprehend the same, and acknowledged that they did so, and

were perfectly satisfied therewith. We do also certify that those whose

names, marks and seals are hereunto affixed, as well as the whole Council,

were perfectly sober when they executed the within.

_Council Room, Grand River,_ 30_th June,_ 1804.

ISAAC BROCK, _Col._ 49_th Regt._

_Commissioners._

William Carey, _Lieut._ 49_th Regt._

William Stratton, _Lieut._ 49_th Regt._

After finishing, the usual ceremony of taking leave was gone through and,

[_A large bunch of Wampum delivered._]

* * * * *

No. XV.

[Reference from Page 423.]

COUNCIL HELD AT NIAGARA.

[This speech was made by Capt. Brant at Niagara to Col. William Claus,

Deputy Superintendent General of Indian affairs--after John Norton, alias

Teyoninhokarawen, had returned from England, who had been sent there by

Capt. Brant.]

[W. J. Kerr.]

Brother,--We have now come to this place, the Council-fire of our Great

Father the King, to explain, in a public manner, the foundation of our

claim to the lands we now possess, the attempts made in this country to

curtail and invalidate our title to them, and latterly the means taken to

obstruct the just decision of his Majesty's Right Honorable Privy Council

on the subject.

Brother,--In the year 1775, when hostilities had commenced, the Mohawks,

always faithful to the royal interest, brought off the Indian Department,

in company with the Oghkwagas, from the Mohawk River to Canada. Upon our

arrival there, this conduct was approved of by Sir Guy Carleton, who, in

a public Council, desired us to take up the hatchet and defend our

country, and that any losses we might sustain by the war, he promised

should be replaced.

When the support given the Americans by the various European powers gave

us reason to apprehend, that the war might take such an unfavorable

conclusion as to deprive us of the happiness of return to our homes, and

to the re-enjoyment of our forsaken lands, we applied to Sir Frederick

Haldimand, then Governor and Commander-in-Chief, for a confirmation of

General Carleton's promise; this he readily granted us, and we have it now

in our possession.

When the line drawn at the peace, and the manner in which that was

concluded, left us no hopes of regaining our former possessions, we

applied to His Excellency Sir Frederick Haldimand for a grant in the Bay

of Quinte.

On this becoming known to the Senecas and others at Buffalo Creek, they

upbraided us with having treated them unfairly, after having been the

most forward to engage in the royal cause, and having drawn them into the

contest, now to abandon them in the present critical situation, to be

exposed alone to such retaliation as revenge might urge the Americans to

attempt.

We were struck with the justness of their argument, and in consequence

relinquished the place we had first chosen, and applied for the Grand

River in lieu of it; as there being more conveniently situated either to

give assistance to our brethren, if assistance was wanted, or to afford

them a comfortable asylum should superior numbers oblige them to retreat.

His Excellency expressed his satisfaction at our determination, and the

terms of his grant will confirm the accuracy of this assertion.

In a little time the Senecas were relieved from their apprehensions, they

remained on their lands, and sold them gradually to the Americans; for

which they receive annually six thousand five hundred dollars, besides

four thousand five hundred dollars which they get in common with others of

the Six Nations inhabiting within the territories of the United States,

from whom also several of their Chiefs receive pensions; with these

arrangements they have appeared to remain contented on the reserves they

have retained.

General Haldimand was on the eve of embarking for Europe when he executed

the grant. This we may suppose to have been the reason why it was not

registered at Quebec; and from this circumstance, shortly after the

formation of the Canadian government, an attempt was made to curtail our

land.

After we came to a proper understanding on this head, from the

consideration that the animals were becoming scarce for the hunters, we

proposed leasing a part of our lands, not in our power to occupy, to

receive therefrom an annual income; the leasing was objected to by the

Executive, but they were sold with the sanction of the Canadian

Government, and mortgaged for the payment of the interest; the

incumbrances, however, annexed to these arrangements, have prevented us

as yet deriving the benefit therefrom we had reason to expect.

We have asked for a confirmation of the remaining lands, that our

posterity might enjoy in security the benefits of our industry, and of

their own; but this request has never yet met with an answer.

What we asked for, seemed to be of such a nature as not to render it

necessary to apply to higher authority than there was in this country,

(providing the inclination should be favorable to grant us our requests,)

was the reason we persevered in entreating for a satisfactory decision of

the Executive for many years; notwithstanding repeated retardments in our

business, we were reluctant to trouble his Majesty's Government in Britain

with so trifling an affair.

However, at the time my nephew Teyoninhokarawen desired to go to Europe to

serve in the war, we hoped, should an opportunity occur for him to make

representation of our situation, it might expedite the conclusion of the

business to our satisfaction. This he was well enabled to do from his

knowledge of the subject, and authorized as being an adopted Chief; as

such, I gave him letters of introduction to my friends there; and from the

generosity and love of justice, which ever distinguishes his Majesty's

Government, and is peculiarly prevalent in the British nation, it appears

he was attended to, and in consequence of his representation, letters in

our favor were wrote to the Government here.

Brother,--You then, as Agent for Indian Affairs, sent notice to the Grand

River, as we have evident proof, through the medium of a Cayuga Chief named

Tsinonwanhonte, who acquainted the other Chief of that tribe,

Okoghsaniyonte, that Teyoninhokarawen had been making use of their names

to their detriment, and that I had got to my highest, and would soon fall;

that the method they were to take to prevent evil arriving to them, was

to come to Niagara, protest against and disavow all the proceedings of

Teyoninhokarawen, depose me from being chief, and disannul all that we had

done from the time we formed the settlement.

The Chiefs of the Grand River would not listen to this, but many of the

common people were thereby prevailed on to go to Buffalo Creek on the

American side. There they held a Council with the Senecas and others of

the Five Nations living within that territory, made new chiefs contrary

to our established customs, came to Niagara, complied in every respect

with your desires; so as to contradict the application of Teyoninhokarawen

on our behalf, and prevent him obtaining that confirmation to our grant

which he hoped for from the justice of his Majesty's Government, and which

apparently was on the point of being accomplished to our satisfaction.

Brother,--We protest against this your proceeding for these reasons, that

you knew the Five Nations living within the American territories, and who

composed the principal part of that council, were not the real proprietors

of the Grand River, according to Sir. Frederick Haldimand's Grant; neither

did they deserve to be so from their subsequent conduct since we settled

there; that several of these Chiefs were pensioners to the United States;

that the names of many who were not Chiefs were sent to England, and that

none of the principal men from the Grand River were there. Those who were

made chiefs at Buffalo, we cannot allow of, as being contrary to all

authority and custom, as well as their ignorance of public affairs

rendering them absolutely unfit for such a situation.

The Farmer's Brother and Red Jacket, two of these Chiefs, pensioners to

the United States, a few years ago at Hartford, in the Assembly of the

Connecticut State, declared "that they were subjects to the United States,

and would never cross the river, kissing the medal of General Washington

in token of their steady attachment to the United States, vowing that they

would ever remain united."

Is it such men as these you should represent as being the proprietors of

the Grand River? No; they were granted to us as loyalists, that had fought

and lost our lands in support of his Majesty's interests; and the love we

bear our Great Father the King, and the desire we have of living under his

protection, is the reason we set so great a value on these lands, and

persevere to obtain a confirmation of them. Neither is there any reason

why you should prefer the title or claims of the opposite party of our own

dialect, inhabiting at present the same village with us; but who have

joined those people in opposition, to promote anarchy among us. Before the

war, they lived at Fort Hunter, and had sold the most of their lands

before hostilities commenced; what they lost, therefore, is more to be

imputed to their imprudence than to their loyalty. This was not the case

with us of Canajoharie or Oghkwaga. When we took up the hatchet, our lands

remained almost entire and unbroken, like those of the tribes to the

westward.

Brother,--We, the principal Chiefs of that part of the Five Nations

inhabiting the Grand River, who obtained the grant from General Haldimand

in consequence of our services and losses, now affirm that we approve in

every respect of the representation of our affairs made by

Teyoninhokarawen in England; and also of his request in our behalf; but

so much having been said on the subject for these many years past renders

so necessary a discussion, that we entreat the Government to direct an

inquiry to be made into the conduct of those concerned.

Brother,--Since we appointed Trustees by the direction of the Executive

in this province, we have found the appointment very insufficient, both

as to the speedy execution of our business, as also to the giving us the

proper security for the property which may pass through their hands. The

confidence we ever entertained of being protected in all our rights by our

Great Father, caused us to remove to the place we now occupy within his

dominions. We therefore petition that his Majesty's Government appoint

such other medium for the transaction of our business as to their wisdom

may appear proper, and which to us may be more satisfactory and secure.

Brother,--You know, that some years ago our Council-fire was taken from

Buffalo Creek and kindled at the Onondaga Village on the Grand River; it

is there that in a general Council we determined on what we now

communicate at the Council fire-place of our Great Father, in consequence

of our being made acquainted with the effect the Council held here last

spring twelvemonth had in England.

We have delayed some time, in hopes to have had previously a fair

discussion of the affair at our General Council, and to have convinced the

people of Buffalo Creek of the mistake they had fallen into, in thinking

that they had any right to hold councils at their village to interfere in

our land affairs; especially as our Council-fire, which had been

extinguished by the Americans, was now rekindled under the protection of

our Great Father, at the Grand River; from whose benevolence we now hold

that land, of which the Onondagas, the keepers of our Council-fire, are

joint proprietors; which is not the case at Buffalo Creek on the American

side; for which reason it certainly deserves the preference, as most

likely of duration through the blessing of God and the support of our

Great Father the King. From the time that our forefathers formed the

confederacy, it has been with these that the General Council Fire-place

has been kept, and there that every thing relating to the welfare of the

whole has been deliberated on; and, as such, it was regarded by all the

neighboring nations.

Brother:--It is with pain and regret we have to observe that you received,

as Trustee, thirty-eight thousand dollars of our money near two years ago,

and that you have not since accounted to us for principal or interest, or

given us any satisfactory account of the application of the same; and we

therefore are so convinced that you have forfeited our esteem and

confidence, that we desire our Great Father will appoint some other

person to superintend our affairs, and render us that justice, which, as

strict adherents in loyalty and attachment to our Great Father, we have

so long and faithfully deserved.

[Additional Memoranda, by Captain Brant.]

The Agent had deferred meeting us the three preceding days, giving for the

reason, that he waited for a Mr. Selby from Detroit; but the Chiefs

gaining information that this gentleman's arrival was uncertain, insisted

on meeting him that day between twelve and one o'clock, he came with the

commanding officer. Col. Proctor said, as he had before said, he would not

meet them in Council; so he remained in resolution, and would not hear

them, giving the same excuse for it; but as this had never been the case

before, nor the attendance of Mr. Selby required at any former council,

the chiefs resolved to deliver their sentiments in the house built by his

Majesty for that purpose, where they were assembled in the presence of

several officers of the garrison, of Judge Thorpe, Mr. Weeks, Mr. Addison,

Mr. Edwards, and several other gentlemen of the place.

Okoghsenniyonte, a Chief of the Cayugas, then rose, and expressed the

general approbation of what was said, alleging it was the sentiment of the

whole; that the satisfaction they had felt on having the lands granted

them according to the promise of his Majesty's representatives, was

greatly weakened and disappointed by the disputes raised against their

title, and the right to make the use of it they desire.

* * * * *

No. XVI.

[Reference from Page 453.]

"_New-York,_ 1_st Dec._ 1837.

"Dear Sir,

"In the year 1797, I visited Col. Brant on his return from Philadelphia to

his home on Grand River, seventy miles north of Niagara, in company with

Doctor Dingly and Doctor Priestley, _at the Hotel kept by Mr. James

Batten,_ corner of John and Nassau streets. He appeared to be in good

health and spirits, rather inclined to corpulency, of the middling

stature, his dress that of a private citizen; was very communicative. In

the course of our interview he told us of his reception at the Court of

St. James, spoke of our revolutionary war, and the active part he took,

assisted by the English, which he now had reason to regret; would never

again take up the tomahawk against these United States; gave us a pressing

invitation to call and see him at his residence on Grand River; stated

that he had large possessions, and could make his friends very

comfortable; that he had many black slaves, which he had taken prisoners

in the revolutionary war, who appeared to be happy, and entirely willing

to live with him; pleased with the Indian habits and customs, and never

expressed a wish to return into civil society, where they were sure to be

slaves to the white people, as they had been before the war. He seemed to

be pleased with the attention he had received from the citizens of

New-York. We took leave of him, and promised if either of us ever visited

that part of Canada, we would call and see him. I think Doctor Priestley,

in his tour of the United States, did call and see him.

"Respectfully, your ob't serv't,

Jeromus Johnson.

"_William L. Stone, Esq._"

* * * * *

No. XVII.

[Reference from Page 480.]

"_London, April_ 2_d,_ 1803.

"My dear Col. Joseph Brant,

"Years may have banished me out of the temple of your memory, but I have

not yet forgot you, Sir William Johnson, his Lady and children. You will

graciously receive this letter, which is to inform you that I esteem and

reverence the virtues of Great Hendrick, yourself, and those of the Mohawk

nation and their Allies; while I do not admire the policy, humanity, and

justice of the English nation towards the Mohawks and their Allies, in

aiding and assisting their enemies to rob them of their territory and

country, and compelling them to seek shelter and lands amongst the

Ottawawas and Mississagas, formerly their enemies, by the arts and

intrigues of the French. The Christian rules are good and excellent; yet

few Christians of the Roman and Protestant kind love or practise those

rules. What is remarkable to me is, that Popes, Bishops. Nobles and Kings,

who ought to be wise in doctrine and example, are the greatest strangers

and enemies to Christianity.

"The reason of such conduct, no doubt, is pride; yet Solomon, in wisdom

great, says, 'Pride was not made for man.' I conclude, therefore, that

great men in state and church, having robbed Lucifer of his pride, they

stole all his cruelty, and so became legislators; made laws to deprive

the multitude of rational freedom, and plunder Gentiles without sin,

because they are honest and good; and not Christians.

"The Pope, in 1492, gave, by his Bull to the King of Spain, all America,

only because America was owned by the Gentiles, and because the Pope was,

by his claim, successor of Christ, 'to whom God had given the heathen for

his inheritance, and the western parts of the earth for his possession.'

Had the Apostles and Christian Bishops, for the first six hundred years,

understood Christ's words, 'I have other sheep which are not of this

fold, them I will gather in,' the Pope would have not been content with

his triple crown, which represents Asia, Africa, and Europe, but would

have put on a quadruple crown to include America.

"It is evident that Christ commissioned his twelve Apostles to teach and

baptize the people in Asia, Africa, and Europe, but not in America; for

Christ said to them, 'I have other sheep which are not of this fold, them

I will gather in,' and not depend on the twelve Apostles to do that

benevolent work.

"What right then could the Pope, in 1492, have over America, when his

predecessor, St. Peter, and the other eleven Apostles, held no commission

in America or over America. Hence, as the King of Spain had no valid title

to America from the Pope, what right has the King of England in and over

America, who is an excommunicated heretic from the church of Rome. I

conclude that the people of America belong to '_the fold of Christ,_' not

to the fold of the twelve Apostles, because God gave America to Christ,

Psalm 2, v. 8, the Pope, Kings, and Bishops in the old world, have not,

and never had, any divine authority in America, over Christ's sheep, the

Gentiles; of course they are usurpers, robbers and deceivers.

"I consider you, Sir, as the Chief of the Mohawks, and the other five

nations of Indians, the legal and just owners of the country lying between

the waters St. Lawrence, Ontario, Lake Erie, Lake Champlain, and Hudson's

River to the forks of Susquehanna, which you have lost for fighting your

Gentile brethren in behalf of English Christians; and the good and honest

Mississagas have in part lost their country, for fighting you, their

Gentile brethren, in behalf of French Christians. Thus, I see you and the

Mississagas have been crucified like Christ between two thieves, (i. e.)

Jews and Romans. I have seen so much of Christian knavery and policy, that

I am sick of Europe, which loves war and hates peace; therefore I want and

long to have a wigwam near Great Pontiack, King by divine right of the

Mississaga Nation and Tribes near Detroit and Lake Michigan. Great

Pontiack has adopted my grandson, Nikik, Samuel Peters Jarvis. Should you

judge it proper to explain my obligations to Great Pontiack, [FN] and

thereby induce the Great Chief to patronize me also, I will go with Nikik

to Michigan, and teach Nikik the rules and laws, how he shall defend in

all shapes his brothers and sisters of the Mississaga Nation."

* * * * *

[FN] It would seem from these references to Pontiac, that the eccentric

writer of this letter was ignorant of his death years before.--_Author._

"I beg you to accept a portrait of Nikik my grandson, a captain and prince

of the Mississagas, by creation of Great Pontiack; as I suppose he is

successor of the wise and great Pontiack, King and Lord of that country,

A. D. 1760.

"I know you and your generosity and benevolence, and therefore ask you to

accept my gratitude, and to give me, (via.) Mr. Jarvis, such an answer as

your goodness shall dictate to be due to, Sir,

"Your friend and servant,

Samuel Peters."

* * * * *

No. XVIII.

[Reference from Page 487.]

The following brief but very interesting account of a French Colony,

located in the town of Pompey, in the year 1666, is taken from "A Memoir

on the Antiquities of the western parts of the State of New-York," by

De Witt Clinton.

After informing us that the statement is collected partially from the

Sachems of the Six Nations, and partly from a manuscript journal of one

of the French Jesuits, he proceeds to remark:--

"From the Jesuits' journal it appears, that in the year 1666, at the

request of Karakontie, an Onondaga chieftain, a French Colony was directed

to repair to his village, for the purpose of teaching the Indians arts and

sciences, and to endeavor, if practicable, to civilize and christianise

them.

"We learn from the Sachems, that at this time the Indians had a fort, a

short distance above the village of Jamesville, on the banks of a small

stream near; a little above which, it seems, the chieftain, Karakontie,

would have his new friends sit down. Accordingly they repaired thither and

commenced their labors, which being greatly aided by the savages, a few

months only were necessary to the building of a small village.

"This little colony remained for three years in a very peaceable and

flourishing situation, during which time much addition was made to the

establishment, and, among others, a small chapel, in which the Jesuit used

to collect the barbarians, and perform the rites and ceremonies of his

church.

"But the dire circumstance which was to bury this colony in oblivion, and

keep their history in secret, was yet to come. About this time, (1669,) a

party of Spaniards, consisting of twenty-three persons, arrived at the

village, having for guides some of the Iroquois, who had been taken

captive by the southern tribes. It appears evident that this party came up

the Mississippi, as it has been ascertained that they passed Pittsburg,

and on to Olean Point; where, leaving their canoes, they traveled by land.

They had been informed by some of the southern tribes that there was a

lake at the north of them, whose bottom was covered with a substance

shining and white, [FN] and which they took, from the Indians'

description, to be silver; and it is supposed that the idea of enriching

themselves upon this treasure, induced them to take this long and

desperate journey; for silver was the first thing inquired for on their

arrival, and on being told that none was ever seen in or about the

Onondaga lake, they became almost frantic, and seemed bent upon a quarrel

with the French, and charged them with having bribed the Indians, and even

those who had been their guides, that they would not tell where the mines

might be found. Nor dare they, finding the French influence to prevail,

venture out on a search, lest the Indians might destroy them. A compromise

was however made, and both parties agreed that an equal number of each

should be sent on an exploring expedition, which was accordingly done. But

the effect of this upon the minds of the Indians was fatal. Upon seeing

these strangers prowling the woods with various kinds of instruments, they

immediately suspected some plan to be in operation to deprive them of

their country."

* * * * *

[FN] The salt crystallizes at the present time on the grass and upon the

naked earth in the immediate vicinity of the springs, though the water

of the lake is fresh.

"Nor was this jealousy by any means hushed by the Europeans. The Spaniards

averred to the Indians that the only object of the French was to tyrannize

over them; and the French, on the other hand, that the Spaniards were

plotting a scheme to rob them of their lands.

"The Indians by this time becoming equally jealous of both, determined,

in private council, to rid themselves of so troublesome neighbors. For

aid in this, they sent private instructions to the Oneidas and Cayugas,

who only wanted a watchword to be found immediately on the ground. The

matter was soon digested, and the time and manner of attack agreed upon

A little before day-break, on _All-Saints_ day, 1669, the little colony,

together with the Spaniards, were aroused from their slumbers by the

roaring of fire-arms and the dismal war-whoop of the savages. Every house

was immediately fired or broken open, and such as attempted to escape from

the flames met a more untimely death in the _tomahawk._ Merciless

multitudes overpowered the little band, and the Europeans were soon either

lost in death or writhing in their blood; and such was the furious

prejudice of the savages, that not one escaped, or was left alive _to

relate the sad disaster._ Thus perished the little colony, whose labors

have excited so much wonder and curiosity.

"The French in Canada, on making inquiries respecting the fate of their

friends, were informed by the Indians that they had gone towards the

south, with a company of people who came from thence, and at the same time

showing a _Spanish coat of arms_ and other national trinkets, confirmed

the Canadian French in the opinion that their unfortunate countrymen had

indeed gone thither, and in all probability perished in the immense

forests. This opinion was also measurably confirmed by a Frenchman who had

long lived with the Senecas, and who visited the Onondagas at the time the

Spaniards were at the village, but left before the disaster, and could

only say that he had seen them there."

This history accounts, in the opinion of its learned author, for the

appearance at this place of a small village, with evident remains of a

blacksmith's shop, &c. to be seen at the first settlement of the country

by the English. The account appears every way credible, and the

explanation satisfactory. But in several other places in the country, the

remains of blacksmiths' shops have been discovered, and in some instances

the tools used by the trade. A blacksmith's vise was found, buried deep

in the ground, on a farm in Onondaga Hollow, about three-fourths of a mile

south of the turnpike. But the existence of a fort near this spot, every

vestige of which is now nearly obliterated, readily accounts for the

existence of these relics of civilization. In the cultivation of the lands

lying upon the Onondaga Creek, innumerable implements of war and of

husbandry have been found, scattered over a territory of four or five

miles in length. Swords, gun-barrels, gun-locks, bayonets, balls, axes,

hoes, and various other articles made of iron, have been found, and many

of them are still preserved. I have now in my possession a sword that was

dug up on the farm at present owned by Mr. Wyman, where have been found

all the different kinds of articles mentioned above. On this farm, also,

was found a stone of considerable dimensions, on which were rudely carved

some European characters. But the stone has been lost, and the import of

the characters is not remembered. It is proper also to remark here, that

a stone, which has been preserved, and is now in the Albany museum, was

found some years ago in the town of Pompey, containing inscriptions. The

stone was of an oblong figure, being fourteen inches long by twelve broad,

and is eight inches in thickness. It had in the centre of the surface the

figure of a tree, with a serpent climbing it, and the following is a

_fac simile_ of the characters that were inscribed upon each side of the

tree.

Leo X De The tree, &c. Ls

Vix 1520 {TN: Cross icon--inverted U}

"We have here the true chronology of the pontificate of Leo X., and,

without doubt, the year in which the inscriptions were made. This pontiff

came to the papal chair in the year 1518 or 1514, and consequently the

sixth year of his pontificate would be as stated above. The inscription

may be thus translated:--'Leo X. by the grace of God; sixth year of his

pontificate--1520.' The stone was doubtless designed as a sepulchral

monument, and the letters Ls were probably the initials of the name of the

person whose grave it designated. The Cross informs us that the deceased

was a Catholic, and the inverted U, was probably some other emblem, which

the hand of time had in a great measure effaced. The supposition is not

incredible that this stone was carved by a Spanish hand on or near the

spot where it was found, and there deposited by him. Mexico was settled by

the Spaniards in 1521. But previously to this period, Spanish adventurers

frequently arrived upon the American coast. Florida was discovered by them

in 1502. The French voyager Verrazano explored nearly the whole coast of

the present United States in 1524, but a little subsequent to the date

which forms the subject of our inquiry. And De Soto, who had been

constituted Governor of Cuba and President of Florida, performed his

celebrated expedition into the interior of America, having with him six

hundred men, as early as 1538. He spent four years in the country, and as

Florida then extended to an indefinite point in the north, embracing all

that tract of country which has since been called Virginia, and as

mention is made by his historian of 'extreme cold,' and of a place called

_Saquechama,_ it is reasonable to conjecture that they penetrated to the

north as far as the _Susquehanna._ [FN] But in the course of his travels,

he fell in with a body of natives, who had with them a Spaniard by the

name of John Ortez, of Seville. He had then been a captive for nearly ten

years. It is not incredible, when all these facts are taken into

consideration, that eight years anterior to the time of Ortez being taken

prisoner, two or three, or half a dozen Spaniards, should have been taken

by misfortune or the spirit of adventure to Pompey Hill, where one of them

dying, the survivor or survivors prepared and placed this monument over

his remains. It is also quite possible, that the visit of the Spanish

adventurers, to which the narrative furnished by De Witt Clinton and

recited above, relates, was at a period much earlier than that which he

assigns for it. De Soto himself was amused by similar stories told him by

the savages of the existence of gold and silver in regions that were

always beyond him. In this way he was taken many hundred leagues into the

bosom of a country filled only with savages, and never before trodden by

the foot of an European. But he returned vexed to find that he had been

amused only with golden dreams. The story of a lake at the north, whose

bottom was lined with silver, was sufficient to fire the bosom of a

Spaniard with an ungovernable spirit of daring in pursuit of that object;

and as the date of this enterprise was left to be established by

tradition, that erring chronicler of events, it is altogether probable

that a mistake in time, sufficient to explain the subject of our inquiry,

was committed. However this may be, there can be little doubt but

Spaniards, carried there as captives or allured by the love of gold, were

at Pompey Hill as early as 1520.--_Lectures of Rev. Mr. Adams, of

Syracuse, (N. Y.)_"

* * * * *

[FN] See Sandford's Aborigines, p. cxiv. note. Also, "Yates and Moulton's

Hist."

* * * * *

No. XIX.

[Reference from Page 487.]

Since the text of the present volume was written, the Antiquarian world

has been gratified by a publication issued by the Society of Northern

Antiquities of Copenhagen, which is creating a great sensation among men

of letters. It is entitled

"Antiquitates Americanae sive Scriptores Septentrionales rerum

Ante-Columbianarum in America. (Antiquities of America, or Northern

writers of things in America before Columbus.) Hafniae, 1837, 4to. pp.

486."

The following summary notice of this most important work is copied from

the New Haven Chronicle of the Church, of December 15, 1837:--

This interesting and erudite volume is composed of ancient Icelandic

histories relative to America, being mostly accounts of voyages of

discovery to this country, made by the Northmen in the 10th, 11th, 12th,

and 13th centuries, that is, anterior to the time of Columbus. To these

are added critical and explanatory notes, chronological and genealogical

tables, archaeological and geographical disquisitions, concerning the

migration of the Northmen to this country, their first landing-places, and

earliest settlements, with the vestiges of the same now remaining. We give

the following summary of the conclusions drawn by the author of this work

in reference to the discovery and settlement of this country by the

Norwegians.

In the spring of 986, Eric the Red emigrated from Iceland to Greenland,

and formed a settlement there. In 994, Biarne, the son of Heriulf Bardson,

one of the settlers who accompanied Eric, returned to Norway, and gave an

account of discoveries he had made to the south of Greenland. On his

return to Greenland, Leif, the son of Eric, bought Biarne's ship, and with

a crew of thirty-five men, embarked on a voyage of discovery, A. D. 1000.

After sailing some time to the south-west, they fell in with a country

covered with a slatey rock, and destitute of good qualities; and which,

therefore, they called _Helluland,_ (Slate-land.) They then continued

southerly, until they found a low, flat coast, with white sand cliffs, and

immediately back, covered with wood, whence they called the country

_Markland,_ (Woodland.) From here they sailed south and west, until they

arrived at a promontory which stretched to the east and north, and sailing

round it, turned to the west; and sailing westward, passed between an

island and the mainland, and entering a bay through which flowed a river,

they concluded to winter there.

Having landed, they built houses to winter in, and called the place

_Lefsbuthir,_ (Leifs-booths.) Soon after this they discovered an abundance

of vines, whence they named the country _Vinland_ or Wineland.

Antiquarians have been much puzzled to know where _Vinland_ was located;

but the Antiquarian Society, to whose exertions we owe the above work,

after the most careful examination of all the evidence on the subject, do

not hesitate to place it at the head of Narragansett Bay, in Rhode Island.

Every thing in the description of the voyage and country agrees most

exactly with this. The promontory extending east and north, corresponds

closely with that of Barnstable and Cape Cod, and the islands they would

encounter immediately upon turning west, would be Nantucket and Martha's

Vineyard.

Two years after, 1002, Thorwold, the brother of Leif, visited Vinland,

where he spent two years, and was finally murdered by the natives. Before

his death, he coasted around the promontory, and called the north end, now

Cape Cod, _Kjalarnes,_ (Keel-Cape.) He was killed and buried on a small

promontory, reaching south from the mainland, on the west side of the Bay,

inclosed by the promontory of _Kjalarnes,_ and which answers most

accurately to the strip of land on the east side of Plymouth Harbour, now

called Gurnet's Point. The Norwegians called it _Krassanes,_ (Crossness or

Crossland,) because the grave of Thorwold had a cross erected at both

ends.

In 1007, three ships sailed from Greenland for Vinland, one under the

command of Thorfinn Karlsefne, a Norwegian of royal descent, and Snorre

Thorbrandson, of distinguished lineage; one other commanded by Biarne

Grimalfson and Thorhall Gamlason; and the third by Thorward and Thorhall.

The three ships had 100 men, and carried all sorts of domestic animals

necessary for the comfort and convenience of a colony. An account of this

voyage, and a history of the country, by Thorfinn Karlsefne, is still

extant, and forms one of the documents in the _Antiquities Americana._

They sailed from Greenland to _Helluland,_ and passing _Markland,_ arrived

at _Kjalarnes,_ whence sailing south by the shore of the promontory, which

they found to consist of trackless beaches and long wastes of sand, they

called it _Furthutrstrandir,_ (Wonder-Strand, or Beach;) whether on

account of the extensive sandy shore, or from the mirage and optical

illusion so common at Cape Cod, it is impossible to determine. Passing

south, they sailed by the island discovered by Leif, which they called

_Straumey,_ (Stream-Isle,) probably Martha's Vineyard, and the straits

between _Straumfjothr,_ (Stream-Firth,) and arrived at Vinland, where they

spent the winter. The Bay into which they sailed, they called _Hopsvatn,_

and their residence received the name of _Hop,_ (_English_ Hope, _Indian_

Haup,) the identical Mount Hope, so much celebrated as the residence of

King Philip. After various successes, Thorfinn returned to Greenland, and

finally went to Iceland and settled.

From a comparison of all the remaining accounts of these voyages, the

geographical, nautical and astronomical facts contained in them, with the

natural history and geography of this country when first settled by the

whites, there can be little doubt that Vinland has been correctly located

by the learned Society. By similar evidence it also appears, that

_Markland_ was what is now called Nova Scotia; that _Litla Helluland_

(Little Helluland) was Newfoundland; and that _Helluland it Mikla,_

(Greater Helluland,) was the coast of Labrador. We ought also to have

observed above, that _Straumfjothr_ (Stream-Firth) probably included the

whole of Buzzard's Bay.

Of the _climate_ of Vinland, the Northmen say, it was, when they were

there, so mild, that cattle would live out-doors during the year; that the

snow fell but lightly, and that the grass continued to be green in some

places nearly all winter. Among the _productions_ of Vinland, were

abundance of vines, a kind of wild wheat, (_maize,_) a beautiful wood

which they called _mazer_ (Birdseye-maple, _Acer Saccharinum,_) a great

variety of forest animals, Eider Ducks in great plenty; and the rivers and

bays they describe as filled with fish, among which they reckon salmon,

halibut, whales, &c. It is also said by the same historians, that the sun

rose at half past seven o'clock in the shortest days, which is the exact

time it rises at Mount Hope.

Subsequent to this time, explorations were made to the south of Vinland

along the eastern shore, and judging from the fragments of voyages, it

would seem that some penetrated as far south as Florida. The whole country

south of Chesapeake Bay is called by them _Hvitamannaland,_

(white-man's-land,) or _Ireland it Mikla,_ (Ireland the Great.) In 1121

Vinland was visited by Bishop Eric, and as there is no account of his

return, it seems probable that he spent his days there. Other explorations

were made by the Norwegians and Greenlanders to the north, who penetrated

as far as Barrow's Straits, which they called _Kroksfjorthr,_

(Kroks-Firth or Strait,)and the land on the northern side, now known as

the Cumberland Mountains, they denominated _Kroksfjarltharheithi,_

(Barren-highlands-of-Kroks-Strait.) There are several other particulars

we should be glad to notice, but the length of this article will not

allow.

Among other matters, curious and important, contained in this valuable

publication from Copenhagen, not noted by the New-Haven Chronicle, are one

or more readings of the celebrated hieroglyphic inscription upon "Dighton

Rock," in Fall River, Massachusetts, and of which no satisfactory

explanation has previously been given. These Northern Antiquaries profess

at length to have mastered that inscription. They pronounce the characters

to be Runic, and read therein a confirmation of their theory, that a

settlement was formed by the Northmen at Fall River as early as the tenth

century. But this is not all. Since the work of the Copenhagen Antiquaries

has been published, another discovery has been made in the immediate

neighborhood of Dighton Rock, which is equally curious and important as

connected with this investigation. The discovery referred to may be

considered the most interesting relic of antiquity ever discovered in

North America, viz:--the remains of a human body, armed with a breast

plate, a species of mail, and arrows of brass; which remains we suppose to

have belonged either to one of the race who inhabited this country for a

time anterior to the so-called Aborigines, and afterwards settled in

Mexico or Guatemala, or to one of the crew of some Phoenician vessel,

that, blown out of her course, thus discovered the western world long

before the Christian era.

These remains were found in the town of Fall River, in Bristol county,

Massachusetts, about eighteen months since.

In digging down a hill near the village, a large mass of earth slid off,

leaving in the bank, and partially uncovered, a human skull, which on

examination was found to belong to a body buried in a sitting posture; the

head being about one foot below what had been for many years the surface

of the ground. The surrounding earth was carefully removed, and the body

found to be enveloped in a covering of coarse bark of a dark color. Within

this envelope were found the remains of another of coarse cloth, made of

fine bark, and about the texture of a Manila coffee bag. On the breast

was a plate of brass, thirteen inches long, six broad at the upper end and

five at the lower. This plate appears to have been cast, and is from one

eighth to three thirty-seconds of an inch in thickness. It is so much

corroded, that whether or not any thing was engraved upon it has not yet

been ascertained. It is oval in form--the edges being irregular,

apparently made so by corrosion.

Below the breast-plate, and entirely encircling the body, was a belt

composed of brass tubes, each four and a half inches in length, and three

sixteenths of an inch in diameter, arranged longitudinally and close

together; the length of a tube being the width of the belt. The tubes are

of thin brass, cast upon hollow reeds, and were fastened together by

pieces of sinew. This belt was so placed as to protect the lower parts of

the body below the breast-plate. The arrows are of brass, thin, flat, and

triangular in shape, with a round hole cut through near the base. The

shaft was fastened to the head by inserting the latter in an opening at

the end of the wood, and then tying it with a sinew through the round

hole--a mode of constructing the weapon never practised by the Indians,

not even with their arrows of thin shell. Parts of the shaft still remain

on some of them. When first discovered the arrows were in a sort of quiver

of bark, which fell in pieces when exposed to the air.

The skull is much decayed, but the teeth are sound, and apparently those

of a young man. The pelvis is much decayed, and the smaller bones of the

lower extremities are gone.

The integuments of the right knee, for four or five inches above and

below, are in good preservation, apparently the size and shape of life,

although quite black.

Considerable flesh is still preserved on the hands and arms, but none on

the shoulders and elbows. On the back, under the belt, and for two inches

above and below, the skin and flesh are in good preservation, and have the

appearance of being tanned. The chest is much compressed, but the upper

viscera are probably entire. The arms are bent up, not crossed; so that

the hands turned inwards touch the shoulders. The stature is about five

and a half feet. Much of the exterior envelope was decayed, and the inner

one appeared to be preserved only where it had been in contact with the

brass.

The following sketch will give our readers an idea of the posture of the

figure and the position of the armor. When the remains were discovered,

the arms were brought rather closer to the body than in the engraving. The

arrows were near the right knee.

[Illustration: Sketch of Remains.]

The preservation of this body may be the result of some embalming process;

and this hypothesis is strengthened by the fact, that the skin has the

appearance of having been tanned; or it may be the accidental result of

the action of the salts of the brass during oxydation; and this latter

hypothesis is supported by the fact, that the skin and flesh have been

preserved only where they have been in contact with, or quite near, the

brass; or we may account for the preservation of the whole by supposing

the presence of _saltpetre_ in the soil at the time of the deposit. In

either way, the preservation of the remains is fully accounted for, and

upon known chemical principles.

That the body was not one of the Indians, we think needs no argument. We

have seen some of the drawings taken from the sculptures found at

Palenque, and in those the figures are represented with breast-plates,

although smaller than the plate found at Fall River. On the figures at

Palenque the bracelets and anklets appear to be of a manufacture precisely

similar to the belt of tubes just described. These figures also have

helmets precisely answering the description of the helmet of Homer's

{quote in Greek script.}

* * * * *

No. XX.

[Reference from Page 499.]

We the subscribers, having been requested to give our opinion with regard

to the religious and moral character of the late Capt. Joseph Brant, and

the state of his mind as it appeared to us at its dissolution--hereby

declare, that having lived a number of years a near neighbor of his, (our

farms adjoining the place of his residence,) we were intimately acquainted

with him; in conversation he would often begin the subject, and dwell upon

the duties that we owed one to another. He was a believer in the Christian

religion, and was brought up in the doctrine of the Episcopal Church of

England, of which he was a member when he died. During his illness we were

often with him, and were present at his dissolution. During his sickness,

(which was painful,) he was patient and resigned, and appeared always

thankful to his friends for the attention paid to him. It is our opinion

that during his sickness, and at the close of it, he was possessed of his

rational faculties, and that he lived and died in the faith of the

Christian religion.

Augustus Bates,

Asahel Davis.

Wellington Square, U. C. }

_August_ 15_th_, 1837. }

* * * * *

No. XXI.

[Reference from Page 526.]

_Letter to the Mohawk Chief Ahyonwaeghs, commonly called John Brandt

Esq. of the Grand River, Upper Canada._

_London, January_ 20, 1822.

Sir,

Ten days ago I was not aware that such a person existed as the son of the

Indian leader Brant, [FN] who is mentioned in my poem "Gertrude of

Wyoming." Last week, however, Mr. S. Bannister of Lincoln's Inn, called to

inform me of your being in London, and of your having documents in your

possession which he believed would change my opinion of your father's

memory, and induce me to do it justice. Mr. Bannister distinctly assured

me that no declaration of my sentiments on the subject was desired but

such as should spontaneously flow from my own judgment of the papers that

were to be submitted to me.

* * * * *

[FN] The name has been almost always inaccurately spelt Brandt in English

books.

I could not be deaf to such an appeal. It was my duty to inspect the

justification of a man whose memory I had reprobated, and I felt a

satisfaction at the prospect of his character being redressed, which was

not likely to have been felt by one who had willfully wronged it. As for

as any intention to wound the feelings of the living was concerned, I

really knew not, when I wrote my poem, that the son and daughter of an

Indian chief were ever likely to peruse it, or be affected by its

contents. And I have observed most persons to whom I have mentioned the

circumstance of your appeal to me, smile with the same surprise which I

experienced on first receiving it. With regard to your father's character,

I took it as I found it in popular history. Among the documents in his

favor I own that you have shown me one which I regret that I never saw

before, though I might have seen it, viz. the Duke of Rochefoucault's

honorable mention of the chief in his travels. [FN] Without meaning,

however, in the least to invalidate that nobleman's respectable authority,

I must say, that even if I had met with it, it would have still offered

only a general and presumptive vindication of your father, and not such a

specific one as I now recognize. On the other hand, judge how naturally I

adopted accusations against him which had stood in the Annual Register of

1779, as far as I knew, uncontradicted for thirty years. A number of

authors had repeated them with a confidence which beguiled at last my

suspicion, and I believe that of the public at large. Among those authors

were Gordon, Ramsay, Marshall, Belsham, and Weld. The most of them, you

may tell me, perhaps, wrote with zeal against the American war. Well, but

Mr. John Adolphus was never suspected of any such zeal, and yet he has

said in his History of England, &c. (vol. iii. p. 110) "that a force of

sixteen hundred savages and Americans in disguise, headed by an Indian

Col. Butler, and a half Indian of extraordinary ferocity named Brant,

lulling the fears of the inhabitants (of Wyoming) by treachery, suddenly

possessed themselves of two forts, and massacred the garrisons." He says

farther, "that _all_ were involved in unsparing slaughter, and that even

the devices of torment were exhausted." He possessed, if I possessed them,

the means of consulting better authorities; yet he has never to my

knowledge made any atonement to your father's memory. When your Canadian

friends, therefore, call me to trial for having defamed the warrior Brant,

I beg that Mr. John Adolphus may be also included in the summons. And

after his own defence and acquittal, I think he is bound, having been one

of my historical misleaders, to stand up as my gratuitous counsel, and

say, "Gentlemen, _you must acquit my client, for he has only fallen into

an error, which even my judgment could not escape._"

* * * * *

[FN] The following testimony is borne to his fair name by Rochefoucault,

whose ability and means of forming a correct judgment will not be denied.

"Col. Brant is an Indian by birth. In the American war he fought under

the English banner, and he has since been in England, where he was most

graciously received by the King, and met with a kind reception from all

classes of people. His manners are semi-European. He is attended by two

Negroes; has established himself in the English way; has a garden and a

farm; dresses after the European fashion; and nevertheless possesses much

influence over the Indians. He assists at present (1795) at the Miami

Treaty, which the United States are concluding with the western Indians.

He is also much respected by the Americans; and in general bears so

excellent a name, that I regret I could not see and become acquainted

with him."--_Rochefoucault's Travels in North America._

In short, I imbibed my conception of your father from accounts of him that

were, published when I was scarcely out of my cradle. And if there were

any public, direct, and specific challenges to those accounts in England

ten years ago, I am yet to learn where they existed.

I rose from perusing the papers you submitted to me certainly with an

altered impression of his character. I find that the unfavorable accounts

of him were erroneous, even on points not immediately connected with his

reputation. It turns out, for instance, that he was a Mohawk Indian of

unmixed parentage. This circumstance, however, ought not to be overlooked

in estimating the merits of his attainments. He spoke and wrote our

language with force and facility, and had enlarged views of the union and

policy of the Indian tribes. A gentleman who had been in America, and from

whom I sought information respecting him in consequence of your

interesting message, told me that though he could not pretend to

appreciate his character entirely, he had been struck by the _naivete_

and eloquence of his conversation. They had talked of music, and Brant

said, "I like the harpsichord well, and the organ still better; but I like

the drum and trumpet best of all, for they make my heart beat quick." This

gentleman also described to me the enthusiasm with which he spoke of

written records. Brant projected at that time to have written a History of

the Six Nations. The genius of history should be rather partial to such a

man.

I find that when he came to England, after the peace of 1763, the most

distinguished individuals of all parties and professions treated him with

the utmost kindness. Among these were the late Bishop of London, the late

Duke of Northumberland, and Charles Fox. Lord Rawdon, now Marquis of

Hastings, gave him his picture. This circumstance argues recommendations

from America founded in personal friendship. In Canada the memorials of

his moral character represent it as naturally ingenuous and generous. The

evidence afforded, induces me to believe that he often strove to mitigate

the cruelty of Indian warfare. Lastly, you affirm that he was not within

many miles of the spot when the battle which decided the fate of Wyoming

took place, and from your offer of reference to living witnesses, I cannot

but admit the assertion. Had I learnt all this of your father when I was

writing my poem, he should not have figured in it as the hero of mischief.

I cannot, indeed, answer by anticipation what the writers who have either

to retract or defend what they may have said about him, may have to

allege; I can only say that my own opinion about him is changed. I am now

inclined exceedingly to doubt Mr. Weld's anecdote, and for this reason:

Brant was not only trusted, consulted, and distinguished by several

eminent British officers in America, but personally beloved by them. Now I

could conceive men in power, for defensible reasons of state politics, to

have officially trusted, and even publicly distinguished at courts or

levees, an active and sagacious Indian chief, of whose private character

they might nevertheless still entertain a very indifferent opinion. But I

cannot imagine high-minded and high-bred British officers forming

individual and fond friendships for a man of ferocious character. It comes

within my express knowledge that the late General Sir Charles Stuart,

fourth son of the Earl of Bute, the father of our present Ambassador at

Paris, the officer who took Minorca and Calvi, and who commanded our army

in Portugal, knew your father in America, often slept under the same tent

with him, and had the warmest regard for him. It seems but charity to

suppose the man who attracted the esteem of Lord Rawdon and General Stuart

to have possessed amiable qualities, so that I believe you when you affirm

that he was merciful as brave. And now I leave the world to judge whether

the change of opinion, with which I am touched, arises from false delicacy

and flexibility of mind, or from a sense of honor and justice.

Here, properly speaking, ends my reckoning with you about your father's

memory; but as the Canadian newspapers have made some remarks on the

subject of Wyoming, with which I cannot fully coincide, and as this letter

will probably be read in Canada, I cannot conclude it without a few more

words, in case my silence should seem to admit of propositions which are

rather beyond the stretch of my creed. I will not, however, give any

plain truths which I have to offer to the Canadian writers the slightest

seasoning of bitterness, for they have alluded to me, on the whole, in a

friendly and liberal tone. But when they regret my departure from

historical truth, I join in their regret only in as far as I have

unconsciously misunderstood the character of Brant, and the share of the

Indians in the transaction, which I have now reason to suspect was much

less than that of the white men. In other circumstances I took the liberty

of a versifier to run away from fact into fancy, like a school-boy who

never dreams that he is a truant when he rambles on a holiday from school.

It seems, however, that I falsely represented Wyoming to have been a

terrestrial paradise. It was not so, say the Canadian papers, because it

contained a great number of Tories; and undoubtedly that cause goes far to

account for the fact. Earthly paradises, however, are not earthly things,

and Tempe and Arcadia may have had their drawbacks on happiness as well as

Wyoming. I must nevertheless still believe that it was a flourishing

colony, and that its destruction furnished a just warning to human beings

against war and revenge. But the whole catastrophe is affirmed in a

Canadian newspaper to have been nothing more than a fair battle, if this

be the fact, let accredited signatures come forward to attest it, and

vindicate the innocence and honorableness of the whole transaction, as

your father's character has been vindicated. An error about him by no

means proves the whole account of the business to be a fiction. Who would

not wish its atrocity to be disproved? But who can think it disproved by

a single defender, who writes anonymously, and without definable weight

or authority?

In another part of the Canadian newspapers, my theme has been regretted

as dishonorable to England. Then it was, at all events, no fable. But how

far was the truth dishonorable to England? American settlers, and not

Englishmen, were chiefly the white men calling themselves Christians, who

were engaged in this affair. I shall be reminded, perhaps, that they also

called themselves Loyalists. But for Heaven's sake let not English loyalty

be dragged down to palliate atrocities, or English delicacy be invoked to

conceal them. I may be told that England permitted the war, and was

therefore responsible for its occurrences. Not surely universally, nor

directly. I should be unwilling to make even Lord North's administration

answerable for all the actions of Butler's rangers; and I should be still

more sorry to make all England amenable either for Lord North's

administration, or for Butler's rangers. Was the American war an unanimous

and heartfelt war of the people? Were the best patriots and the brightest

luminaries of our Senate for, or against it? Chatham declared that if

America fell she would fall like the strong man--that she would embrace

the pillars of our constitution and perish beneath its ruins. Burke, Fox,

and Barre kindled even the breasts of St. Stephen's chapel against it; and

William Pitt pronounced it a war against the sacred cause of Liberty. If

so, the loss of our colonies was a blessing, compared with the triumph of

those principles that would have brought Washington home in chains. If

Chatham and Pitt were our friends in denouncing the injustice of this war,

then Washington was only nominally our foe in resisting it; and he was as

much the enemy of the worst enemies of our constitution, as if he had

fought against the return of the Stuarts on the banks of the Spey or the

Thames. I say, therefore, with full and free charity to those who think

differently, that the American war was disgraceful only to those who were

its abettors, and that the honor of Englishmen is redeemed in proportion

as they deprecate its principles and deplore its details. Had my theme

even involved English character more than it does, I could still defend

it. If my Canadian critic alleges that a poet may not blame the actions

of his country, I meet his allegation, and deny it. No doubt a poet ought

not forever to harp and carp upon the faults of his country; but _he may

be her moral censor, and he must not be her parasite._ If an English poet

under Edward III. had only dared to leave one generous line of

commiseration to the memory of Sir William Wallace, how much he would have

raised our estimation of the moral character of the age! There is a

present and a future in national character, as well as a past, and the

character of the present age is best provided for by impartial and

generous sentiments respecting the past. The twentieth century will not

think the worse of the nineteenth for regretting the American war. I know

the slender importance of my own works. I am contending, however, against

a false principle of delicacy that would degrade poetry itself if it were

adopted;--but it never will be adopted.

I therefore regret nothing in the historical allusions of my poem, except

the mistake about your father. Nor, though I have spoken freely of

American affairs, do I mean to deny that your native tribes may have had

a just cause of quarrel with the American colonists. And I regard it as a

mark of their gratitude that they adhered to the royal cause, because the

governors, acting in the king's name, had been their most constant

friends; and the colonial subjects, possibly at times their treacherous

invaders. I could say much of European injustice towards your tribes, but

in spite of all that I could say, I must still deplore the event of

Christians having adopted their mode of warfare, and, as circumstances

then stood, of their having invoked their alliance. If the Indians

thirsted for vengeance on the colonists, that should have been the very

circumstance to deter us from blending their arms with ours. I trust you

will understand this declaration to be made in the spirit of frankness,

and not of mean and inhospitable arrogance. If I were to speak to you in

that spirit, how easily and how truly could you tell me that the American

Indians have departed faster from their old practices of warfare, than

Christians have departed from their habits of religious persecution. If I

were to preach to you about European humanity you might ask me how long

the ashes of the Inquisition have been cold, and whether the slave-trade

be yet abolished? You might demand, how many--no, how few generations have

elapsed since our old women were burnt for imaginary commerce with the

devil, and whether the houses be not yet standing from which our great

grand-mothers may have looked on the hurdles passing to the place of

execution, whilst they blessed themselves that they were not witches! A

horrible occurrence of this nature took place in Scotland during my own

grandfather's life-time. As to warlike customs, I should be exceedingly

sorry if you were to press me even on those of my brave old ancestors,

the Scottish Highlanders. I can, nevertheless, recollect the energy,

faith, and hospitality of those ancestors, and at the same time I am not

forgetful of the simple virtues of yours. [FN]

* * * * *

[FN] Considering the filial motives of the young chief's appeal to me, I

am not afraid that any part of this letter, immediately relating to him,

will be thought ostentatious or prolix. And if charitably judged, I hope

that what I have said of myself and of my poem will not be felt as

offensive egotism. The public has never been troubled with any defences

of mine against any attacks on my poetry that were mere literary;

although I may have been as far as authors generally are from bowing to

the justice of hostile criticism. To show that I have not been

over-anxious about publicity, I must mention a misrepresentation

respecting my poem on Wyoming which I have suffered to remain

uncontradicted for ten years. Mr. Washington Irving, in a biographical

sketch prefixed to it in an American edition, described me as having

injured the composition of the poem by shewing it to friends who struck

out its best passages. Now I read it to very few friends, and to none at

whose suggestion I ever struck out a single line. Nor did I ever lean on

the taste of others with that miserable distrust of my own judgment which

the anecdote conveys. I knew that Mr. Irving was the last man in the

world to make such a misrepresentation intentionally, and that I could

easily contradict it; but from aversion to bring a petty anecdote about

myself before the world, I forbore to say any thing about it. The case

was different when a Canadian writer hinted at the patriotism of my

subject. There he touched on my principles, and I have defended them,

contending that on the supposition of the story of Wyoming being true,

it is a higher compliment to British feeling to reveal than to palliate

or hide it.

I have been thus special in addressing you from a wish to vindicate my

own consistency, as well as to do justice to you in your present

circumstances, which are peculiarly and publicly interesting. The chief

of an aboriginal tribe, now settled under the protection of our sovereign

in Canada, you are anxious to lead on your people in a train of

civilization that is already begun. It is impossible that the British

community should not be touched with regard for an Indian stranger of

respectable private character, possessing such useful and honorable views.

Trusting that you will amply succeed in them, and long live to promote

improvement and happiness amidst the residue of your ancient race,

I remain, your sincere well-wisher,

Thomas Campbell.

THE END

INDEX.

* * * * *

Aaron, vol. II, 286, 518.

Abel, David, II, 173, 197, 198, 204.

Abercrombie, Gen., I, 7, 11.

Acker, Benjamin, I, 357, 358.

Ackland, Major, I, 271 272.

Ackland, Lady, I, 272, 468, 469, 476, 481.

Acknowledgments of Author, I, xxi to xxxi.

Adair, Major, II, ii, 336.

Adams, Col., I, 269.

Adams, John, I, 266.

Adams, John, II, 150, 214.

Adams, Samuel, I, 266.

Adams, Mr. I, 137.

Addison, Rev. Mr. II, 426, 433, 584.

Addresses, prepared by Congress, I, 91.

Adolphus, John, II, 597.

Affidavit of Dr. Younglove, I, 459.

Aghstugwaresera, II, 576.

Agonuschioni, I, 406.

Alihannuaowaumut, Solomon, sent

to Congress, I, 58;

speech, 58;

Reply to, 59.

Ahyouwaeghs, II, 250, 500, 524, 528, 529, 530, 531,

532, 533, 534, 535, 595.

Albany Council, I, 430, 94, 98, 103, 104, 430.

Albany, Ancient seat of

Mohegans, I, 57;

Indian name of, 57;

Replies to Guy Johnson, 67, 69;

Council fire removed to, xxv.

Albany, II, 411, 428, 456, 458.

Alden, Col. Ichabod, I, 354, 372, 373.

Alden's Corps, II, 5.

Aldrich killed, II, 73.

Algonquins hostile to Six

Nations, I, 87.

Algonquins, II, 240.

Allegheny, II, 41, 45, 301.

Allen's Biographical Dictionary,

on Brant, I, 18.

Allen, Capt. I, 234.

Allen, Dr., II, 128, 125, 320, 322, 327, 467, 493.

Allen, Ethan captured, I, 78, 116, 157, 165, 392.

Allen, Ethan, II, 153, 180, 181, 182, 197, 198, 199,

200, 201, 202, 203.

Allen, Ira, II, 154, 197, 202, 203.

Allen, Lt. H. M., II, 572.

Allen, President, Remarks on

Brant, I, 19.

Allentown, I, 343.

Allies arrive from France, I, 346.

Alston, Mrs., II, 455, 457.

Ames, Ezra, paints portrait of

Brant, I, xxviii.

Amherst and Glen, I, 11, 18

Amusements, II, 445.

Anaquaqua, I, 178.

Ancaster, II, 501.

Ancrom, Major, I, 250, 252.

Andre, capture of, I, 258.

Andre, Major, II, 101, 102, 103, 132, 213, 214.

Andrustown, I, 362, 363.

Anguaga, I, 378.

Antiquities of North America, II, 483, 484.

Aonghwuigaga, II, 576.

Aqushua, II, 394.

Araghkwente, II, 576.

Aranda, Count, II, 241.

Arbitrary arrests denounced, I, 66.

Arbuckle, Capt. I, 191, 193.

Arenghoot, II, 576.

Arlington, II, 200.

Armistead, Lt. G., II, 572.

Armstrong, Capt., II, 505, 506.

Armstrong, Gen., I, 286.

Armstrong, Gen. John, II, 315.

Arnent, Ensign, I, 234.

Arnold, Gen., I, 117, 153, 156, 157, 362, 173, 174,

200, 246, 255, 256, 257, 258, 259, 260,

261, 262, 267, 268, 273, 283, 301, 369,

464, 482.

Arnold, Gen., I, 98, 99, 100, 101, 102, 103, 116,

117, 118, 133, 140, 141, 193, 194,

210, 211.

Arnold, Mrs., II, 101, 102.

Aroghyadagha, Old Brant, I, 5.

Aroghyadecka, alias Old Brant, I, 12, 16.

Arson, Capt., II, 148.

Articles of Confederation, I, 297.

Articles of Confed., II, 241.

Asgill, Col., I, 170.

Ash, Gen., II, 51.

Ashton, Capt., II, 215.

Ashton's Station, II, 215.

Asia, man of war, I, 105.

Assumpinck Creek, I, 175.

Atayataroughta, Louis, I, 401.

Atayataroughta, II, 119, 120, 122, 123, 151, 413.

Aubrey, Lieut., I, 465.

Au Glaize, II, 334, 335, 338, 340,355, 360, 375,

376, 383, 389, 565, 567.

Aupament, Capt. Hendrick, II, 307.

Badlum, Major, I, 239.

Badlock, Capt, I, 338.

Bagley, Lt. J., I, 546.

Bailey, Ensign, I, 234.

Bailey, Wm., II, 393.

Ball, Capt., I, 287.

Ball, Col., II, 110, 212, 214.

Ball, Lieut., I, 234.

Bald eagle, an old Delaware I, 40.

killed,

Ballad, Sinclair's Defeat, II, 551.

Ballston, I, 212, 310.

Ballston, II, 152, 154, 156, 210, 211, 212.

Bannister, Saxe, II, 524, 526.

Bantlin, Major, II, 97.

Barclay, Rev. Dr., I, 26.

Bard, Dr., II, 456.

Barker, Dr., I, 164.

Barker, Wm., I, 421.

Baronial Hall, fortified, I, 54.

Barrington, II, 147.

Bathust, Lord, II, 524.

Bates, Augustus, II, 595.

Batten, James, II, 582.

Battenkill, I, 271.

Batton's Hotel, II, 453.

Baum, Col., defeated, I, 232, 267, 277, 479.

Bay of Quinte, II, 239, 275, 497, 572.

Baylor, Col., I, 347.

Beacraft, II, 57, 64.

Beadle, Col., II, 436.

Beard plucked by Indians, II, 479.

Beard's Creek, II, 33.

Beasley, Col., II, 365.

Beasley, Richard, II, 573, 574, 575.

Beaver Creek, II, 350.

Beaver Dams, II, 178, 516.

Beaverton, I, 350.

Bedell, Colonel, I, 153.

Behmus Heights, I, 270.

Belknap, Dr., II, 466.

Bell, Mr., murdered, I, 363.

Bellinger, Lt. Col., Frederick, I, 242.

Bellinger, John, II, 160.

Bellinger, Col. Peter, I, 242, 249;

forced letter of, 460.

Bemis, James, D., I, 187.

Benham, Capt. Robert, II, 50, 56.

Bennington, I, 232, 265, 277, 302, 479.

Bennington, II, 131, 181.

Benson, Egbert, II, 368, 410, 413.

Berne, I, 287, 288.

Bernett, Captain, I, 310.

Berry, Jack, II, 572.

Bethlehem, II, 221.

Bettys Joseph, II, 172, 210, 211, 212, 213.

Bible of Sir John Johnson, I, 145.

Bidwell, Hon. M. S., II, 534.

Big Beaver, II, 217.

Big Knives, II, 293, 375, 566.

Big Tree, II, 245, 377.

Billings, Capt., II, 138.

Billington, Samuel, I, 242.

Bird, Capt., I, 339.

Bird, Col., I, 283.

Bird, Col., II, 71.

Bird, Lieut. Henry, I, 220, 221, 222, 227, 229.

Bishop of London, II, 251.

Bishop of Quebec, II, 432, 433, 434.

Black River, II, 570.

Black snake, II, 381, 387.

Blackstocks, II, 100.

Blauvelt, Major, I, 242.

Bleecker, Mrs. Ann Eliza, I, 206, 207.

Bleecker, Capt., I, 234, 357, 358.

Bleecker, John J., I, 121, 124, 128, 129, 131, 206.

Bleecker, John J., II, 173.

Bleecker, Capt. Leonard, II, 546.

Bleecker, Rutgers, I, 133.

Bliven, John, on committee, I, 73.

Bloodgood, S. De Witt, I, 408.

Bloomfield, Major, I, 472.

Blucher, anecdote of, I, 242.

Blue Jacket, II, 387, 388.

Blue Licks, II, 232.

Boerstler, Col., II, 516, 517.

Bogardus, Lieut., I, 234.

Bogardus, Lt. B., II, 546.

Bokum, Prof., II, 165.

Bolland, Mr., in behalf of I, 49.

Colonies.

Bolton, Lt. Col., I, 384.

Bone, Peter, I, 107.

Bontas, II, 212.

Boon, Col. Daniel, I, 349, 351,423.

Boon, Daniel, II, 71, 171, 215, 218, 232.

Boone, Capt. Hawkins, I, 422.

Boonesborough, I, 349, 351.

Boston, I, 29, 79, 115, 160, 161, 162, 196.

Boswell, James, describes Brant, I, 151.

Boswell, James, II, 251.

Bonemawcutus, II, 394.

Boundary troubles, II, 237, 364, 373, 378.

Bounties to Indians, I, 159.

Bounties for scalps, I, 227.

Bowen, Peter, I, 110, 114.

Bowen, Lt. Prentice, II, 546.

Bowman, Col., I, 422, 423.

Bowman, Jacob, I, 242.

Bowman, Capt. Joseph, I, 353.

Bowman, Mr., I, 309.

Bowman's Creek, I, 311.

Boyd, James, I, 427.

Boyd, Lieut., II, 29, 30, 31, 32, 33, 67, 491.

Brainerd, Rev., II, 224.

Bradley, Commodore, I, 221.

Bradstreet, Gen., makes a peace, I, 25.

Brandywine, I, 197, 284.

Brant, Catharine, II, 500.

Brant, Elizabeth, II, 517, 518, 519, 520, 521.

Brant, Elizabeth, marries, II, 535;

described, 535, 536;

her children, 536;

title, 537.

Brant, Isaac, killed by his II, 465, 466;

father,

his family, 467.

Brant, Jacob, II, 463, 469, 470, 477, 478.

Brant, John, II, 500, 501;

sides with British, 501;

at Battle of Queenston, 509;

rescues Col. Scott, 515, 516;

exploit at Beaver Dams, 516;

at Chippewa and Lundy's Lane, 517.

Brant, John, manners of, II, 518, 523;

goes to England, 524;

vindicates his father's name, 525, 526.

Brant, John, Correspondence of, II, 528.

Brant, John, his connection with II, 533.

Morgan affair,

Brant, John, elected to Prov. II, 533.

Parl.,

Brant, John, dies of cholera, II, 534;

letter of Tho. Campbell, II, 595.

Brant, Joseph, Orthography of I, xv;

name,

papers left by, xxli;

portraits of, I, xxviii;

birth and parentage of, I, 1, 2, 3;

life published at Kingston, I, 2;

Wampum delivered to, I, 7;

goes with Sir Wm. Johnson I, 16;

to Detroit,

early on the war-path, I, 19;

at Battle of Lake George, I, 19;

goes to Niagara, I, 20;

sent to school at Lebanon, I, 20;

an interpreter, 1, 22;

goes on an expedition I, 24;

against Pontiac,

marries and settles, I, 25, 27;

assists in Missions, I, 26, 27;

removes to Ft. Hunter, I, 27;

becomes religions, I, 27;

intimate with Lt. Provost, I, 28;

with Guy Johnson, I, 34, 86, 149;

distrusts Kirkland's I, 55;

loyalty,

letter to Oneidas, II, 63;

destroys Oneida, II, 55;

at Schoharie, II, 55, 56, 57, 106;

returns to Niagara, II, 63, 64, 67;

invades Mohawk country, II, 95, 97;

destroys Fort at II, 97, 105;

Canajoharie,

releases prisoners, II, 102;

speech to Indians, I, 90;

not at Albany Treaty, I, 104;

statement concerning rescue I, 144;

of Johnson,

promoted, I, 147;

traits of, I, 149;

visits England, I, 149, 150, 151, 249;

portraits, I, 151;

returns to New York, I, 151;

takes up the hatchet, I, 151;

his motives, I, 152, 153;

retort upon Pres. Wheelock, I, 153;

at Battle of Cedars, I, 151, 153, 155, 179;

prevents a massacre, I, 155, 156;

a Freemason, I, 155;

joins British army, I, 170;

at Oghquaga, I, 179, 181, 182, 189;

his grievances, I, 180;

meeting at Unadilla, I, 182, 183, 214, 297;

proposition to assassinate, I, 185;

at Oswego, I, 186;

Chief of Six Nations, I, 188;

at Cherry Valley, I, 189;

with St. Leger's expedition, I, 209, 218, 222, 229, 230;

at Battle of Oriskany, I, 235, 240, 243, 244;

attempt to seize Mr. Taylor, I, 290;

in league with Western I, 304;

Indians,

on Susquehanna, I, 310;

his activity as a partisan, I, 310;

attacks Springfield, I, 312;

not at Wyoming, I, 338;

attacks Cobbleskill, I, 364;

attacks Andruston, I, 362;

invades German Flats, I, 364, 365;

not in a gathering at Tioga, I, 371;

attacks Cherry Valley, I, 372, 379, 380;

an enterprise checked, I, 400, 401, 403, 404;

attacks Minisink, I, 415, 417;

opposes Sullivan's II, 19;

Expedition,

in Battle of Newtown, II, 20, 26;

captures Lt. Boyd, II, 30, 31;

hostile to Red Jacket, II, 35;

in Battle of Klock's Fields, II, 124, 125;

at Niagara, II, 136;

expedition proposed by, II, 136;

hovers in Mohawk II, 143, 144;

settlements,

plans an attack, II, 144;

differs from Walter Butler, II, 193;

neglected in Treaty, II, 238, 239;

convenes a Council, II, 239;

displeased with Treaty, II, 245;

writes to Col. Monroe, II, 246;

receives great attentions, II, 249, 250;

writes to Lord Sidney, II, 252, 253;

applies for half pay, II, 256;

letter to Sir Evan Nepean, II, 257;

withering retort of, II, 259;

attends a masquerade, II, 259;

translates prayer book and II, 260;

psalms,

returns to Canada, II, 261;

boundary question, II, 363, 364;

negotiations among Indians, II, 264, 358;

letter from Gen. Knox, II, 266;

letter from Sir John II, 267, 285, 287, 296, 389;

Johnson,

letter from Major Matthews, II, 270;

prepares to attend a II, 274;

Council,

letter to Lieut. Langdon, II, 275, 277;

letter to Sir John Johnson, II, 276, 407;

attends at Fort Harmar, II, 281;

introduces white settlers, II, 283;

letter from Pres. Willard, II, 288;

proposes to write a History II, 288, 441;

of Six Nations,

letter from Gov. Clinton, II, 289;

corresponds with McKee, II, 291;

letter from Detroit, II, 294;

letter to Capt. McKee, II, 298;

letter from Col Gordon, II, 300, 320;

holds a private Council, II, 302;

negotiations westward, II, 302, 303, 304;

his influence sought, II, 305, 306, 319, 331;

charged with vanity, II, 306;

designs pacific, II, 307;

in Battle of Miamis, II, 313;

letter from Rev. S. II, 320;

Kirkland,

letter from Secretary of II, 321;

War,

letter to Sec. War, II, 324, 332, 333;

letter from Sec. War, II, 325;

visits Philadelphia, II, 327, 328, 329;

threatened in Mohawk Valley, II, 327, 330;

does not attend Treaty at II, 334, 335;

Miami,

complimentary letter of Duke II, 337;

of Northumberland,

attends Treaty at Miami II, 340;

Rapids,

returns to Buffalo, II, 342;

speech at Council, II, 343, 344, 346, 352;

goes to Miami, II, 347;

effort to secure Indians' II, 351, 352;

rights

did not concur in a treaty, II, 356;

at a Council at Buffalo II, 362;

Creek,

speech of, II, 362, 364;

hostilities threatened by, II, 377;

letter to Col. Smith, II, 379;

preparing for hostilities, II, 379, 381;

letter from Gov. Simcoe, II, 390, 392;

hostile negotiations, II, 393, 394;

end of military career, II, 395;

land negotiations, II, 396, 397, 401, 403, 409;

settles whites on Grand II, 397, 398;

River,

opposed to land-jobbers, II, 399, 400;

his plan of tenure, II, 402;

letter to Tho. Morris, II, 405;

bitterness towards Deputy II, 409;

Supt.,

engaged in sale to II, 410, 411;

Livingston,

blamed by Caughnawagas, II, 411;

visits Albany, II, 411, 412;

letter to Thomas Morris, II, 412;

visits Caughnawaga, II, 413;

amicable settlement, II, 414;

hostile to Red Jacket, II, 416, 417;

letter to Duke of II, 417, 424, 429;

Northumberland,

his acts investigated, II, 418;

his appeal, II, 419, 420, 421;

speech in his behalf, II, 422;

exonerated, II, 422, 423;

Council at Buffalo, II, 423;

proposes to visit England, II, 424;

letter from Duke of II, 426;

Northumberland,

starts for England, II, 428;

visit deferred, II, 428;

his care of the Mohawks, II, 430;

as a farmer, II, 431;

literary labors, II, 431;

letter to Sir John Johnson, II, 432;

attempts to procure a II, 433, 434, 435, 436;

pastor,

letter to Chief Justice, II, 434;

letter to Aaron Burr, II, 436;

procures a pastor from, II, 438;

U S.,

letter from Rev. J M. Mason, II, 439;

temperance measures, II, 441, 442;

Council to settle a II, 446;

difficulty,

games, II, 447;

condolence, II, 451;

speech and reply, II, 401, 452, 453;

letter describing a journey, II, 453;

letter from Burr, II, 455, 456, 457;

received at Burr's house, II, 456;

opinion of Dr. Miller, II, 457;

visits New England, II, 458;

hostility in Mohawk, II, 458, 459;

threatened by Wells, II, 459;

entertained at Albany, II, 459, 460;

anecdotes told by, II, 460, 461;

his motives as a warrior, II, 461, 462;

in domestic life, II, 463;

thrice married, II, 363;

his children, II, 363;

kills his son Isaac, II, 365, 366;

tenders resignation, II, 366;

opinion of Council, II, 366;

appeal for education of his II, 468;

children,

letter to Col. Smith, II, 468;

letter to James Wheelock, II, 469, 471;

letter to John Wheelock, II, 470, 473, 475;

letter of James Wheelock, II, 472, 474;

letter from John Wheelock, II, 473;

letter to James Wheelock, II, 476, 478;

from James Wheelock, II, 478;

correspondence of, II, 479, 481;

letter to Mr. McCauseland, II, 479;

antiquarian researches, II, 486;

personal appearance, II, 488, 496;

proposes to learn Greek, II, 489;

letter from Mr. Kirkland, II, 493;

builds First Episcopal II, 495;

church in U. C,

character, II, 496;

retorts upon Jemima II, 497;

Wilkinson,

builds a house, II, 498;

dies, II, 499;

his family, II, 500;

wife returns to Mohawks, II, 501;

Wyoming, II, 525, 526;

death of widow, II, 537;

vote of thanks, II, 549;

letter from Gov. Clinton, II, 569;

Chapin's certificate, II, 571;

certificate of Capt. II, 572;

Leonard,

speech at Niagara, II, 577;

letter of Jeromus Johnson, II, 582, 583;

letter from Saul Peters, II, 583;

at his death, II, 595.

Brant, Joseph, Jr., II, 463, 469, 470, 478.

Brant, Mary, alias Molly, I, 18, 33, 34, 87, 183, 387.

Brant, Molly, II, 519, 536.

Brant, Nickus, I, 3, 4, 6, 10, 11, 16, 17, 18.

Brantford, II, 467, 537.

Brant House, II, 517, 513.

Breadley, Capt. John, I, 242.

Breyman, Col., I, 268, 273.

Briant's station, II, 216.

Briar Creek, II, 51.

Briggs, Capt, I, 397.

Brigham, Capt., II, 470, 472.

Broad River, II, 100.

Brock, Lt. Col., II, 573.

Brock, Gen. Wool, II, 507, 508, 509, 576.

Brodack's house occurrence at, I, 357.

Brodhead, Col Daniel, II, 41, 42, 43, 45, 46, 47, 49, 207,

208, 209.

Bronkahorse, I, 461.

Brooklyn, British at, I, 170.

Brooks, Col., I, 273.

Brother, murder by, II, 28.

Brown, Capt. Christian, I, 313, 353, 354.

Brown, Col., II, 115, 116, 117, 118, 119, 120,

124, 125.

Brown, John M., I, 313.

Brown, killed, II, 58.

Brown's Schoharie quoted, I, 57.

Brownson, Timothy, II, 199.

Brudenell, I, 272, 469.

Brunswick troops, from Duke of, I, 167.

Bryant's Station, II, 171.

Buchanan, James, II, 519.

Buck Island, II, 136, 186, 189.

Buckloons, II, 42.

Buffalo, II, 244, 300, 326, 335, 377, 408,

421, 436, 555.

Buffalo Creek, I, xxx.

Buffalo Creek, II, 244, 266, 285, 301, 302, 303, 306,

324, 339, 359, 364, 378, 415, 417,

579.

Buford, Col., II, 99.

Bull, Capt., I, 33, 183.

Bullet, dispatches in, II, 213.

Bunker Hill, battle of, I, 79, 115.

Burgoyne, Gen., I, 79, 195, 196, 197, 198, 20l, 203,

204, 205, 206, 208, 209, 229, 231, 232,

241, 249, 250, 261, 264, 265, 268, 269,

270, 271, 272, 274, 275, 276, 277, 278,

279, 280, 282, 286, 287, 299, 300, 462,

465, 467, 469, 470, 473, 474, 475, 476,

477, 478, 480, 481, 483.

Burgoyne, II, 118, 173.

Burke, Mr., I, 60, 115,

Burke, II, 258.

Burlington Bay, II, 498.

Burlington Heights, II, 365.

Burnet, Gov., I, 363.

Burnet's Field, I, 7, 363.

Burnet, Lt., II, 3.

Burr, Aaron, II, 101, 102, 436, 439, 455, 456, 457,

458.

Burr, Theodosia, II, 455, 456, 457.

Bute, Lord of, II, 598.

Butler, Col. John, I, 34, 52, 54, 86, 118, 186, 210, 230,

235, 238, 240, 241, 242, 250, 253,

255, 256, 260, 291, 293, 306, 329,

331, 332, 334, 336, 338, 340, 344,

366, 373, 378, 381, 384, 385, 386,

387, 391, 459, 462, 464.

Butler, Col. J., II, 3, 9, 19, 22, 26, 31, 34, 54, 67,

126, 135, 186, 187, 189, 277, 286,

300, 302, 303, 306, 335, 341, 342,

359, 362, 368, 371, 410.

Butler, Walter N., I, xxiii, 34, 86, 336, 355, 358, 365,

369, 370, 371, 372, 378, 381, 382,

383, 884, 386, 390.

Butler, Walter N., II, 3, 19, 54, 126, 186, 191, 192, 193,

196, 214, 491.

Butler, Gen., II, 266, 308, 309, 310, 312.

Butler, Col. Wm., I, 355, 356, 367, 368.

Butler, Col. Zebulon, I, 326, 327, 328, 332, 333, 334, 335,

338, 340, 341.

Butler, Col. Zebulon, II, 36.

Butler, Mrs., I, 377, 384, 392.

Butler's Rangers, I, 392, 414.

Butler's Rangers, II, 5, 54, 105, 120, 122, 123, 164, 168.

Butler, Pa., II, 556, 557.

Butterfield, Major, I, 153, 154, 155.

Butternuts, I, 366.

Butterworth, Mr., II, 527.

Buxton family massacred, I, 378.

Cabot, Sebastian, II, 487.

Cadaragara, II, 380.

Caldwell, Lt. Col., II, 4.

Camden, Lord, I, 323.

Camden, Lord, II, 238, 404.

Camden, Gen., II, 142.

Campbell's Gertrude of Wyoming, II, 525, 526, 527.

Campbell, John, I, 382.

Campbell, Col. Samuel, I, 72, 168, 189, 281, 282, 307, 371,

376, 382, 395.

Campbell, Major, II, 388, 389, 390.

Campbell, Mrs., I, 377, 378, 387, 388, 389, 390, 391,

392.

Campbell, Mrs., II, 55, 130.

Campbell, Capt., II, 386.

Campbell, Thomas, II, 100, 250, 595.

Campbell, Wm. W., facts from, I, xx, xxi, xxiv.

Campendown, I, 218.

Canada expedition, I, 5, 112, 116, 162, 163, 164, 165,

300, 393.

Canada, invasion from, I, 198 to 264.

Canada Creek, II, 570.

Canadasago, II, 322, 362.

Canaghsioraga, II, 124.

Canadiorba, alias Nickus Brant, I, 6.

Canajoharie, I, 3, 4, 7, 11, 15, 25, 27, 52, 112,

113, 114, 291.

Canajoharie, II, 5, 37, 38, 39, 95, 96, 97, 105,

155, 156, 411, 548.

Canandaigua Lake, I, 217.

Canandaigua, II, 401, 416, 436, 453.

Canaseraga, I, 367, 408.

Cane, Barney, II, 64, 65.

Canestoga, Indians at, I, 38.

Cannassateego, I, 99, 320, 436, 437, 445, 449.

Cannibalism charged, I, 241, 460.

Cannon, Matthew, II, 130.

Cannon, Mrs., I, 378, 391.

Cantine, Col. John, II, 170.

Cape Cod, II, 590, 591.

Carlton, Sir Guy, I, 89, 109, 112, 117, 149, 151, 153,

157, 162, 163, 165, 173, 174, 195,

197, 199, 204, 243, 308.

Carlton, Sir Guy, II, 8, 116, 128, 129, 132, 211, 214,

233, 238, 250, 261, 402, 577.

Carleton, Major, II, 131, 132, 133, 135, 150.

Carleton Island, II, 68, 145.

Carlisle, Karl of, I, 394.

Carlisle, Capt. John, II, 154.

Carpenter, John, II, 220.

Carr, Lt., II, 506.

Carr, Purcifer, I, 313.

Carroll, Mr., in Canada, I, 162.

Carry-one-about, II, 348.

Carey, Lt. Wm., II, 573, 576.

Caroga Creek, II, 119.

Carter, Sarah, II, 563.

Cartwright's, I, 430.

Carver, Capt., II, 480.

Cass, Peter, II, 123.

Cassassenny, Indian castle of, I, 209.

Castleton, I, 392.

Castleton, II, 197.

Caswell, Col., I, 119.

Casweighter, II, 527.

Catamount sign, II, 181.

Cataraghqui, French buy furs at, I, 6.

Cataraqui, I, 438.

Cataraqui, II, 245.

Catawbas, I, 340.

Catherinestown, I, 340.

Catherinestown, II, 21, 22, 23.

Catlin, Geo., portrait of

Brant by, I, xxix.

Cats eyes, II, 342, 345.

Catskill, I, 356.

Catskill, II, 156, 173, 198.

Cauhow, I, 353.

Caughnawaga, I, 52, 106, 136, 142, 410, 434, 447,

449, 456.

Caughnawaga, II, 73, 74, 77, 78, 108, 114, 119, 125.

Caughnawagas, I, 89, 90, 94, 96, 103, 117, 149, 158.

Caughnawagas, II, 103, 104, 105, 368, 409, 410, 411,

412, 413, 414, 69.

Cauldwell, Capt., II, 167, 168, 169, 170.

Cayuga Lake, I, 217.

Cayuga Lake, II, 36.

Cayugas, I, 12, 13, 14, 42, 86, 182, 244, 304,

305, 307, 446.

Cayugas, II, 3, 23, 24, 25, 36, 243, 244, 289,

302, 412, 422, 423, 569.