Account of the family of Brant subsequent to his death--Catharine
Brant--The line of descent among the Mohawks--John Brant, the youngest
son, appointed to the Chieftainship--The war of 1812--General Van
Rensselaer on the Niagara frontier--Preparations for a descent upon
Queenston Heights--First attempt frustrated--Arrangement for a second
movement--Arrival of Lieutenant-colonel Scott on the lines--His efforts
to accompany the expedition--Landing of Colonel Solomon Van Rensselaer
and his party--Intrepidity of the attack--Van Rensselaer and others
grievously wounded--Captain Wool carries the Heights--Advance of General
Brock--His defeat and fall--Arrival of Lieutenant-colonel Scott upon
the Heights--Attack of the Indians--General Sheaffe advances from
Niagara with reinforcements--Battle--The Americans driven down the
Heights--Attempts of Scott to capitulate--His flag-bearers shot
down--Determines to bear a flag himself--A young Indian leaps upon him
like a tiger--His rescue--Interview with General
Sheaffe--Capitulation--March to Niagara--Remarkable interview between
Scott and two Indians at Niagara, the younger of whom was John
Brant--Base poltroonry of the militia--Battle of the Beaver-dams--Close
of young Brant's military life--Removes to the Brant House with his
sister--Account of the family by Lieutenant Hall--Visit of the British
Consul to the Brant House--Controversy of John Brant with Archdeacon
Strachan---He visits England respecting the ancient land-title
controversy--Succeeds with the ministers--Disappointed by the Colonial
Government--Correspondence with Campbell respecting the memory of his
father--Attention to the moral wants of his people--Correspondence
respecting the Mohawk schools--Presentation of a silver cup--His
election to the Provincial Parliament--Seat contested--Death by
cholera--His character--Farther notices of the family--Description of
his sister, and of his successor--Death of Catharine Brant--Conclusion.
Catharine Brant, the widow of Thayendanegea, was forty-eight years old at
the time of his decease. According to the constitution of the Mohawks,
which, like that of Great Britain, is unwritten, the inheritance descends
through the female line exclusively. Consequently the superior
chieftainship does not descend to the eldest male; but the eldest female,
in what may be called the royal line, nominates one of her sons or other
descendants, and he thereby becomes the chief. If her choice does not fall
upon her own son, the grandson whom she invests with the office must be
the child of her daughter. The widow of Thayendanegea was the eldest
daughter of the head chief of the Turtle tribe--first in rank of the
Mohawk nation. In her own right, therefore, on the decease of her husband,
she stood at the head of the Iroquois Confederacy, alone clothed with
power to designate a successor to the chieftaincy. The official title of
the principal chief of the Six Nations, is Tekarihogea; to which station
John, the fourth and youngest son, whose Indian name was Ahyouwaighs, was
appointed.
On the removal of the old Chief, Thayendanegea, to his new establishment
at the head of Lake Ontario, he had adopted the English mode of living,
and arranged his household accordingly. Mrs. Brant, however,--the Queen
mother she might be styled in Europe--preferred the customs of her people,
and soon after the death of her husband returned to the Mohawk Village on
the Grand River, where she ever afterward resided.
The young Chief was born at the Mohawk Village on the 27th of September,
1794--being at the time of his father's decease thirteen years of age. He
received a good English education at Ancaster and Niagara, under the
tuition of a Mr. Richard Cockrel; but through life improved his mind
greatly, by the study of the best English authors, by associations with
good society, and by travel. He was a close and discriminating observer
of the phenomena of nature, upon which he reasoned in a philosophical
spirit. Amiable and manly in his feelings and character, and becoming well
acquainted with English literature, his manners were early developed as
those of an accomplished gentleman.
When the war of 1812-'15, between the United States and England, broke
out, the Mohawks, true to their ancient faith, espoused the cause of the
latter, and the _Tekarihogea_ took the field with his warriors. He was
engaged in many of the actions on the Niagara frontier, in all of which
his bearing was chivalrous and his conduct brave. His first effort was at
the battle of Queenston--commenced so auspiciously for the American arms
by the gallant and daring Van Rensselaer, and ended so disastrously by
reason of the cowardice of the militia on the American side, who refused
to cross the river and secure the victory which had been so bravely won.
There were incidents marking that battle, however, involving the conduct
of the young Chief, and connected with the life of an American officer
whose name from that day forth has been identified with the military glory
of his country, which forbid that the transaction should be thus
summarily despatched. Aside, moreover, from the part borne by John Brant
in the battle, and the exciting incidents to be related, sufficient of
themselves to form a chapter that might well be entitled "the romance of
history," many facts connected with that singular engagement have to this
day remained unwritten.
The command of the Niagara section of the American frontier, during the
Autumn of 1812, had been committed by Governor Tompkins to Major General
Stephen Van Rensselaer, the senior officer of the State Cavalry of
New-York. Attached to his staff was Colonel Solomon Van Rensselaer, an
officer who, as a subaltern in the regular service, had signalized himself
by his undaunted bravery, and coolness and intrepidity in action, during
the Indian wars, and particularly under the command of General Wayne at
the Miamis. The situation of General Van Rensselaer had been exceedingly
embarrassing during the whole period of his command, or nearly three
months before the movement under review. His selection for that post by
the Commander-in-chief of New-York, considering the adverse state of their
political relations, was deemed an equivocal act on the part of the
Governor. But, although opposed to the policy of the war, and in the
possession of the first paternal estate in America, and in the enjoyment
of every blessing which can sweeten life, General Van Rensselaer hesitated
not to comply with the call of his country, and took the field
immediately. [FN-1] After reconnoitering the frontier from Ogdensburgh to
Lake Erie, he determined to establish his head-quarters at Lewiston, on
the Strait of Niagara. After the failure of the expedition of General
Hull, who had been ingloriously captured with his army at Detroit, the
next point of attack upon the enemy's country was obviously the Canadian
peninsula at Niagara. But the season for active military operations had
almost glided away under the tardy levy of regular troops, and the
uncertain assemblages of the militia; and it was October before General
Van Rensselaer found himself in force to warrant offensive operations. His
solicitude, not only for the interests of the public service and the
honor of his country, but for his own reputation, determined him to strike
a blow at the enemy if possible, [FN-2] in order to obtain a position for
winter-quarters on the Canada shore. Added to which was the manifestation
of a strong and impatient desire by the militia to be led against the
enemy. This desire rose to such a height that resistance seemed scarcely
possible, and patriotism was apparently passing the limits of
subordination. [FN-3] Indeed, the determination of the militia was
expressed to the General through various channels, as an _alternative,_
that they must have orders to _act_ against the enemy or they would go
home. [FN-4] Nor was the General himself less desirous of action than his
troops professed to be. He felt that the disgrace of the American arms at
Detroit, at the opening of the campaign, could only be wiped away by a
brilliant close of it; and that unless a signal blow should be struck, the
public expectation would be disappointed; all the toil and expense of the
campaign would be thrown away; and, worse than all, the whole would be
tinged with dishonor. [FN-5]
* * * * *
[FN-1] Memoirs of General Wilkinson.
[FN-2] Ibid.
[FN-3] Low's History of the War.
[FN-4] General Van Rensselaer's official report.
[FN-5] Letter of General Van Rensselaer to Governor Tompkins, Oct 8,
1812.
Impressed by considerations like these, and encouraged by the apparent
desire of the militia to take the field, dispositions were made for an
attack upon Queenston Heights, with a view of moving thence upon Fort
George at Niagara, which it was proposed to carry by storm, and then take
up the quarters of the army there for the winter--an excellent position
for obtaining supplies, and making the necessary arrangements for opening
the campaign early in the following Spring. [FN-1] General Brock, the
British commander on the opposite shore of the river, was watching the
motions of the Americans with unwearied vigilance; but a spy, who had been
despatched across the river, having returned with the erroneous
information that that officer had moved in the direction of Detroit with
all his disposable force, arrangements were made by General Van Rensselaer
for crossing the river and attacking Queenston Heights early on the
morning of the 11th of October. The design, however, was frustrated,
either by the ignorance, the cowardice, or the treachery of a boatman, who
had been selected as the leading waterman for his skill and steadiness.
The enterprise was to be led by Colonel Solomon Van Rensselaer,--"The
corps designated for the expedition, and principally composed of militia,
assembled punctually and in good order at the place of rendezvous, and,
with the exception of the weather, which was wet and windy, every thing
wore a propitious aspect. But when, after long and patiently abiding the
pelting of a north-easterly storm, the embarkation was ordered and the
boats called for, none were found to be in readiness; and on inquiry it
was discovered that the person having charge of them had not only
withdrawn himself, but had carried with him all the oars necessary for the
service. For this unexpected occurrence there was no remedy but patience;
the expedition was accordingly suspended, and the troops sent back to
their cantonments." [FN-2]
* * * * *
[FN-1] Ibid.
[FN-2] General Armstrong's Notices on the war of 1812.
The impatience of the militia continuing, and having received a
reinforcement of three hundred and fifty regular troops under
Lieutenant-colonel Chrystie, the General determined to renew the attempt
before daylight on the morning of the 13th. Colonel Van Rensselaer was to
command the expedition as before, and lead the attack with three hundred
militia, to be followed by Lieutenant-colonel Chrystie with three hundred
regulars. Lieutenant-colonels Chrystie and Fenwick had agreed to waive
rank, and serve under Colonel Van Rensselaer. Lieutenant-colonel Fenwick,
with Major Mullaney, was to follow Chrystie with three hundred and fifty
regular troops and some pieces of artillery, after whom the greater body
of the militia were to succeed in order. Such is an outline of the
dispositions for the movement on the morning of the 13th of October.
Meantime Lieutenant-colonel, (now Major general Scott) had arrived with
his regiment of artillery at Schlosser, two miles above the Falls, and
twelve from Lewiston, on the day before the engagement. Having heard from
Colonel Stranahan, of the Otsego militia, whose regiment, stationed at the
Falls, was on the move, that an expedition of some kind was contemplated
by General Van Rensselaer, Scott, then young, and ardent as he is now,
impatient of an early opportunity to meet an enemy, mounted his horse and
rode full speed to Lewiston. He forthwith presented himself to the
Commanding General, from whom he learned the character of the enterprise
on foot, and of whom he solicited the privilege of taking a part. The
General replied that the details had all been arranged--that Colonel
Solomon Van Rensselaer was to have the command, and that
Lieutenant-colonels Fenwick and Chrystie had waived their rank, and were
to serve under that officer. But such was the urgency of Scott, that the
General gave him permission to accompany the expedition as a volunteer,
if he also would waive his rank. This proposition was declined; but as
Scott was anxious to bring his regiment down to Lewiston, it was
ultimately stipulated that he might select a position upon the bank of the
river, and use his artillery to such advantage as opportunity might
afford. Under this arrangement he hastened back to his regiment at
Schlosser, which, although wearied by its long journey, was nevertheless,
by a forced march, over horrible roads, brought down to Lewiston all in
good time in the evening. Scott again importuned for permission to
participate directly in the enterprise. But in vain. Had he been in the
field, his rank in the line of the regular service would have given him
the command of a Colonel of militia--in which only Van Rensselaer bore a
commission; and as the whole project had originated with the latter, the
commanding General designed that he should reap the laurels in expectancy.
It would be foreign from the purpose of this narrative to dwell upon the
variety of untoward and vexatious circumstances which delayed, and had
nearly caused a total failure of, the enterprise. Suffice it to say, that
after those difficulties had been in part surmounted, the expedition
departed upon its perilous undertaking. It has already been remarked that
the enemy was keeping a vigilant watch over the motions of the Americans,
and they had discovered indications of a movement of some kind during the
last few preceding days. The narrowness of the river, without the agency
of spies, enabled them to make these observations; added to which the
sound of the oars had been heard, so that, instead of being surprised,
the enemy was measurably prepared for Van Rensselaer's reception. Indeed,
a fire was opened before the boat of Colonel Van Rensselaer had reached
the shore, and Lieutenant Rathbone was killed in the Colonel's boat. Two
companies of regular troops, however, and Captains Armstrong and Malcolm,
had previously landed without annoyance or discovery. [FN]
* * * * *
[FN] Armstrong's Notices of the War.
Other boats successively followed, and the landing of two hundred and
thirty-five men was effected, although the detachments first arriving
suffered severely from the fire of the enemy, especially in the loss of
their officers. The troops formed under a very warm fire, climbed the
bank, Van Rensselaer himself leading the detachment, and routed the enemy
at the point of the bayonet without firing a shot. In this operation
Ensign Morris was killed, and Captains Armstrong, Malcolm, and Wool were
wounded, the latter slightly. Colonel Van Rensselaer himself was a severe
sufferer, having received one ball in his hip, which passed out at his
spine, two in his thigh, one of which lodged, two in his leg, and a sixth
in his heel. Lieutenant-colonel Fenwick was also severely wounded, and
Colonel Chrystie slightly. Indeed Captain Wool, himself wounded also, was
now the senior officer fit for duty. The gallant leader, concealing his
wounds under his great-coat as long as he could, immediately on the
retreat of the enemy toward the town, ordered Captain Wool, the senior
officer capable of duty, to ascend the mountain and carry the battery,
giving him a direction for the movement by which he would avoid the fire
of the enemy's artillery--placing Lieutenants Randolph and Gansevoort, who
volunteered, at the head of the little column, and Major Lush, another
volunteer, in the rear, with orders to put to death the first man who
should fall back. [FN-1] This enterprise was gallantly executed by Captain
Wool, and the battery was carried "without much resistance." [FN-2]
Colonel Van Rensselaer, however, unable longer to sustain himself, fell
to the ground soon after the party had filed off before him; but he did
not lose his consciousness, and the pains of his wounds were soon
alleviated by the shouts of victory.
* * * * *
[FN-1] Wilkinson's Memoirs.
[FN-2] Report of Captain Wool. The officers engaged in storming the
battery were Captains Wool and Ogilvie; Lieutenants Kearney, Huginen,
Carr, and Sammons of the 13th regiment; Lieutenants Gansevoort and
Randolph of the light artillery, and Major Lush of the militia.
Meantime, the most intense anxiety was felt on the American shore to learn
the result of the daring attempt; and before it was well light, the
painful intelligence was received that the gallant leader had fallen,
covered with wounds. And upon the heels of that unpleasant news, the
report came that Colonel Fenwick had also fallen, dangerously wounded. Had
Scott been in the field, Fenwick would have ranked him, being the oldest
in commission. Chrystie was younger in rank than Scott; but while the
latter was again urging to be sent across, Chrystie himself appeared at
General Van Rensselaer's marquee, having received a slight wound in the
hand. Scott was now entitled to the post he had been seeking, and was
immediately gratified with directions to cross the river, and assume the
command.
But while these arrangements were concerting on the American side, and
before Lieutenant-colonel Scott had arrived at the scene of action,
another important act in the changing drama of the day had been performed.
The landing of the Americans had been opposed by the light company of the
49th regiment of grenadiers, and the York volunteer militia, together with
a small number of Indians. The light troops had been dislodged by the
Americans on ascending the heights, and an eighteen pounder battery taken.
[FN-1] The fortress on the heights, carried by Captain Wool, was manned by
a detachment of the grenadiers, the whole numbering, as was supposed, one
hundred and sixty regulars. [FN-2] The heights having been cleared of the
enemy, who retired upon the village of Queenston, the Americans were
allowed to repose a short time upon their laurels. But the respite was
brief. General Brock being at Niagara when the action commenced, was
startled from his pillow by the roar of the artillery; but so rapid were
his movements, that he arrived at Queenston ere the grey of the morning
had passed, accompanied by his Provincial aid-de-camp, Lieutenant-colonel
McDonell. [FN-3] Placing himself immediately at the head of four companies
of his favorite 49th grenadiers and a body of militia, General Brock
advanced for the purpose of turning the left of the Americans, and
recovering the ground that had been lost. A detachment of one hundred and
fifty men, directed by Captain Wool to take possession of the heights
above the battery, and hold General Brock in check, was compelled to
retreat by superior numbers. An engagement ensued, in the course of which,
after some fighting, the Americans were driven to the edge of the bank.
With great exertions, Captain Wool brought his men to a stand, and
directed a charge immediately on the exhaustion of his ammunition. This
order was executed, though with some confusion. It was, nevertheless,
effectual, and the enemy in turn were driven to the verge of the heights,
where Colonel McDonell, having his horse shot under him, fell, himself
mortally wounded. [FN-4] In the meantime General Brock, in attempting to
rally his forces, received a musket ball in his breast, and died almost
immediately. The last words he uttered as he fell from his horse, were,
"Push on the brave York Volunteers." [FN-5] The enemy thereupon dispersed
in every direction; [FN-6] and Captain Wool, receiving at that time a
small reinforcement of riflemen from the American side, set about forming
a line on the heights, fronting the village, detaching flanking parties,
and making such other dispositions as were first prompted by the
exigencies of the occasion.
* * * * *
[FN-1] Chrystie's account of the Canadian War.
[FN-2] Wilkinson's Memoirs.
[FN-3] Chrystie.
[FN-4] Captain Wool's official Report.
[FN-5] Chevatler.
[FN-6] Captain Wool.
It was at this point of time, being yet early in the morning, that
Lieutenant-colonel Scott arrived on the heights, where he found the
troops, both regulars and volunteers, in considerable disorder. He
immediately announced his name and rank, and assuming the command, with
the assistance of his adjutant, an officer of great activity and
intelligence, brought them into line. On counting his men, he found that
of regular troops there were three hundred and fifty rank and file, all
told, and two hundred and fifty-seven volunteers, under General Wadsworth
and Colonel Stranahan, the former of whom at once waived his rank in favor
of Scott. Just before Scott had arrived upon the ground, Captain Wool had
ordered Lieutenants Gansevoort and Randolph, with a detachment of
artillery, to drill out the eighteen pounder heretofore spoken of as
having been taken from the enemy, at a point some distance below the
crest of the heights, but which had been spiked before its capture.
Hearing of the circumstance, and being told that the gun had been spiked
only with a ramrod, Scott hurried away in person to direct the process of
extracting this impediment to its use. He was not long absent, and on
reascending the heights, great was his astonishment to find a cloud of
Indians in the act of rushing upon his line, tomahawk in hand, while his
troops were breaking, and evidently on the point of a general flight. The
Indians bore down fiercely, and were, some of them, within ten paces of
his men, when he gained his place just in season to prevent total
disorder, and bring them to the right about, facing the enemy, upon whom
they were turning their backs. All this was but the work of a moment. The
Indians, finding this sudden change in the mode of their reception,
recoiled; and after a sharp engagement, were compelled to retreat. Their
leader was a dauntless youth, of surprising activity; dressed, painted and
plumed _en Indien,_ cap-a-pied.
The Americans, it will be recollected by those familiar with the history
of the war, retained possession of the heights, and of the little
fortress they had taken, during several hours--undisturbed by the regular
troops of the enemy, who was waiting for reinforcements from Fort George
at Newark, six miles below. But they were incessantly harassed by the
Indians, who hovered about them, occasionally advancing in considerable
numbers, but who were invariably put to flight when seriously engaged by
the Colonel's handful of an army. The stripling leader of the Indians was
of graceful form and mould, and, as already remarked, of uncommon agility.
He was often observed by Colonel Scott, and others, and was always
accompanied by a dark, stalwart chief, evidently of great strength, who
was subsequently known as Captain Jacobs. It was discovered that these two
Indians in particular were repeatedly making a mark of Scott, who, like
the first monarch of Israel, stood a full head above his soldiers, and
who was rendered a yet more conspicuous object by a new and brilliant
uniform, and a tall white plume in his hat. The conduct of these two
Indians having been particularly observed by an officer, a message was
instantly sent to Scott upon the subject, with his own overcoat, advising
the Colonel to put it on. But the disguise was declined; and the Indians,
having taken refuge in a wood at some distance on the left, were driven
thence by a spirited charge, gallantly led by Scott in person.
By these successive actions, however, the numbers of the Americans, both
regulars and volunteers, had been sadly reduced, the wounded having been
sent across the river to the American shore in the few boats not rendered
useless by the enemy's fire in the morning. The British column, led by
General Sheaffe, the successor of General Brock, was now discovered
advancing in the distance from Niagara. Its approach, though slow and
circumspect, was steady and unremitting; and of its character and objects
there could be no doubt. [FN-1] The column with which General Sheaffe was
thus advancing, consisted of three hundred and fifty men of the 41st
regiment, several companies of militia, and two hundred and fifty Indians.
Reinforcements, both of troops and Indians, arriving from Chippewa, the
force of the enemy was augmented to eight hundred. [FN-2] Major-General
Van Rensselaer, having crossed the river before he made this discovery,
hastened back to his own camp, to make another appeal to the militia to
cross over to the rescue of the little band of their own countrymen, now
in such imminent peril. But in vain. Not a man could overcome his
constitutional scruples about crossing the confines of his own country;
and for more than two hours the troops and volunteers upon the heights
were allowed to behold an advancing enemy, in numbers sufficient to
overwhelm them, while by looking over their right shoulders they could
see an army of American militia, abundantly sufficient to defeat the
approaching column, and maintain the victories of the morning. [FN-3] The
march of General Sheaffe was protracted by an extensive detour to the
west, beyond the forest heretofore spoken of as having been a shelter to
the Indians. Scott and his officers, in consideration of their own
diminished numbers, marveled greatly at this fatiguing measure of
precaution on the part of the enemy, but were afterward informed by the
officers into whose hands they fell, that the enemy had no idea that the
diminutive force they saw upon the heights constituted the whole of the
army they were marching to encounter.
* * * * *
[FN-1] General Armstrong's Notices
[FN-2] This is the estimate of the Canadian historian, Robert Chrystie.
Colonel Chrystie of the American forces, in his estimate, stated the
force of Sheaffe at from four to five hundred regulars, with four pieces
of artillery, from five to six hundred militia, and three hundred
Indians.
[FN-3] "Neither entreaty nor threats, neither arguments nor ridicule,
availed any thing. They had seen enough of war to satisfy them that it
made no part of their special calling; and at last, not disdaining to
employ the mask invented by faction to cover cowardice or treason,
fifteen hundred able-bodied men, well armed and equipped, who a week
before boasted largely of patriotism and prowess, were now found openly
pleading constitutional scruples in justification of disobedience to the
lawful authority of their chief."--_General Armstrong's Notices of the
War._
During the breathing-time thus enjoyed by the Americans, and prolonged by
the extreme caution of the enemy, a note from General Van Rensselaer was
received by General Wadsworth, informing him of the facts heretofore
stated respecting the cowardice of the militia, and advising a retreat.
The General stated that not a company could be prevailed upon to cross the
river; that he had himself seen the movements of the enemy, and knew that
they were too powerful to be resisted by the handful of men upon the
heights; and that he would endeavor to furnish boats and cover a retreat.
Still, he left it optional with Wadsworth and his officers, to govern
themselves according to circumstances under their own more immediate view.
A consultation of the officers was immediately held; but nothing was
decided upon. Meantime the enemy continued to approach, but with
undiminished circumspection--"maneuvering from right to left, and from
left to right, and counter-marching nearly the whole length of the
American line twice, as if determined to count every man in the ranks, and
to make himself familiar with every foot of the position before he
hazarded an attack." [FN-1] This deliberation gave time for renewed
councils on the part of the American officers. A retreat, however, was
considered hopeless; whereupon Colonel Scott literally mounted a stump,
and made a short but animated address to his soldiers:--"We cannot
conquer; we may fall; we must die," said Scott; "but if we die like
soldiers, we effect more by our example of gallantry upon a conquered
field, than we could ever have done for our countrymen if surviving a
successful one." A unanimous shout of approval answered the stirring
appeal. Nor were the militia volunteers, who had continued faithful
through the morning skirmishings, backward in seconding the determination.
Indeed, though inexperienced, there were no braver men upon the field
than Wadsworth and Stranahan. [FN-2] The British advanced steadily in
column, reserving their fire, as did the Americans, excepting the single
piece of artillery in their possession, until they came within eighty
paces. Several well-directed and effective fires succeeded--the Americans
maintaining their ground firmly until actually pricked by the bayonets of
the enemy. They then retreated toward the river, the side of the steep
being at that day covered with shrubs, which enabled the soldiers to let
themselves down from one to another, with sufficient deliberation to
allow an occasional return of the fire of their pursuers. Presently,
however, the Indians came springing down from shrub to shrub after them;
which circumstance somewhat accelerated the retreat of the Americans. On
reaching the water's edge not a boat was at command; and to avoid the
galling fire of the pursuers, Scott drew his men farther up the river, to
obtain shelter beneath the more precipitous, and, in fact, beetling
cliffs.
* * * * *
[FN-1]General Armstrong's Notices of the War.
[FN-2] The late Colonel Farrand Stranahan, of Cooperstown. General
Wadsworth and Colonel Stranahan have both since deceased.
Escape was now impossible, and to fight longer was not only useless but
madness. After a brief consultation with Gibson and Totten, therefore,
(the latter officer having returned to the field in the afternoon,) a
capitulation was determined upon. A flag was accordingly sent, with a
proposition. After waiting for some time without any tidings, another was
sent, and afterward yet another--neither of which returned; and it
subsequently appeared that the bearers had been successively shot down by
the Indians. Scott thereupon determined to go with the flag himself. But
while preparing to execute his hazardous purpose, his attention was
attracted by two of his men, who were deliberately stripping themselves
to the skin. On inquiring their motive, they replied that they might as
well drown as be hanged, as they were sure to be if taken, since they
acknowledged themselves to be deserters from the ranks of the enemy.
Saying which they plunged into the dark torrent flowing madly along in
its mighty eddies and whirlpools. It was a fearful leap, but both
succeeded in reaching the American shore in safety, and the Colonel
afterward saw and conversed with them.
But to resume. Colonel Scott having determined to bear the fourth flag
himself, Totten's cravat was taken from beneath his stock for that
purpose. Totten and Gibson both resolved to accompany their commander,
who, being the tallest, bore the handkerchief upon the point of his sword.
Keeping close to the water's edge, and sheltering themselves as well as
they could behind the rocks, the Indians continually firing in the
meantime, they passed down until the bank afforded no farther protection,
when they turned to the left to take the road. But just as they were
gaining it up rose the two Indians who had been aiming at Scott in the
morning--the young and agile chief, and the more muscular Captain
Jacobs--who both sprang upon them like tigers from their lairs. Scott
remonstrated, and made known the character in which he was seeking the
British commander, but to no purpose. The Indians grappled with them
fiercely, and Jacobs succeeded in wrenching the sword from the Colonel's
hand. The blades of Totten and Gibson instantly leaped from their
scabbards, and the Indians were raising their hatchets when a British
serjeant rushed forward, hoarsely exclaiming--_"Honor! Honor!"_--and
having a guard with him, the combatants were separated, and Colonel Scott
was conducted to the presence of General Sheaffe, to whom he proposed a
surrender, and with whom terms of capitulation were speedily arranged--the
General at once saying that they should be treated with all the honors of
war. Orders were immediately given that the firing should cease; but these
orders were not promptly obeyed, which caused a remonstrance from Colonel
Scott, and finally a peremptory demand to be conducted back to his troops.
This prolonged fire was from the Indians, whom General Sheaffe admitted
he could not control, as they were exceedingly exasperated at the amount
of their loss. Scott passed a rather severe rebuke upon an enemy who
avowed allies of such a character; but officers being ordered among them
in all directions, they were presently compelled to desist.
The prisoners surrendered by Scott numbered one hundred and thirty-nine
regular troops, and one hundred and fifty-four volunteers, just--the
Colonel accurately counting them of himself. [FN] They were all marched
down to Newark, (now Niagara,) the same evening, where the Colonel and his
two principal officers were quartered in a small tavern, having
invitations the first evening to dine with General Sheaffe. While waiting
for the arrival of an officer to conduct them to the General's quarters,
another incident occurred, equally spirited, and even more startling than
the scene with the two Indians by the road-side. Just at twilight, a
little girl entered the parlor, with a message that somebody in the hall
desired to see the "tall officer." Colonel Scott thereupon stepped out of
the parlor, unarmed, of course, into the hall, which was dark and narrow,
and withal incommoded by a stairway; but what was his astonishment on
again meeting, face to face, his evil geniuses, the brawny Captain Jacobs
and the light-limbed chief! The Colonel had shut the door behind him as
he left the parlor; but there was a sentinel standing at the outer door,
who had improperly allowed the Indians to pass in. The dusky visitors
stepped up to the Colonel without ceremony, and the younger, who alone
spoke English, made a brief inquiry as to the number of balls which had
cut through his clothes, intimating astonishment that they had both been
firing at him almost the whole day, without effect. But while the young
Indian was thus speaking, or rather beginning thus to speak--for such,
subsequently, seemed to be the import of what he meant to say--Jacobs,
rudely seizing the Colonel by the arm, attempted to whirl him round,
exclaiming in broken English, "Me shoot so often, me sure to have hit
somewhere." "Hands off, you scoundrel," cried Scott, indignant at such
freedom with his person, and adding a scornful expression reflecting upon
the Indian's skill as a marksman, as he flung him from him.
* * * * *
[FN] When, shortly afterward, the general order of Sheaffe appeared, it
was announced that two hundred of the Americans were drowned and nine
hundred taken prisoners. Colonel Scott immediately called upon General
Sheaffe, and remonstrated against such an exaggeration; since he had
himself counted his own men, and knew that the number was less than
three hundred, all told. Sheaffe replied that the numbers he had
announced had been reported to him, and he felt strong confidence in the
accuracy of the statement. In conclusion, he invited Scott to go to the
barracks and see for himself. He did so and to his deep mortification
found that the statement of the general order was true! On an
investigation of the discrepancy, it appeared that the number of
prisoners had bean swollen to that amount by several hundred cowardly
rascals of the militia, who, upon landing on the Canadian shore, had
availed themselves of the darkness and other facilities, to hide
themselves away among the clefts of the rocks; where they had remained
in concealment during the day, and were only dragged by the legs from
their lurking-places by the British troops after the surrender. So much
for militia.
The Indians drew instantly both dirk and tomahawk, when, with the rapidity
of lightning, Scott, who had fortunately espied a number of swords
standing at the end of the passage, seized one from its iron sheath, and
placed himself in a posture of defence against the menacing Indians. As
they stood in this picturesque attitude, Scott with his sword ready to
strike, and the Indians with their tomahawks and dirks in the air,
frowning defiance upon each other,--both parties awaiting the first
blow,--Colonel Coffin, who had been sent with a guard to conduct Scott to
the General's quarters to dinner, sprang into the passage, and cried
"Hold!" Comprehending at a glance the dangerous position of Scott, he
interfered at once, by sharp remonstrance, and also by weapon, in his
defence. Jacobs, exasperated, turned Upon Colonel Coffin, and, uttering a
menace, his companion also unguardedly turned to observe the issue of the
new combat. The scene was of the most exciting and earnest character. The
Indians having thus turned upon Coffin, one of them exclaimed--"I kill
you!" Scott instantly raised his sabre, which was heavy and substantial,
so that a descending blow would have fallen upon both the savages at once,
and called out, "If you strike, I will kill you both!" For a moment they
stood frowning; the piercing eyes of the Indians gleaming with wild and
savage fury, while Scott and Coffin alike looked upon both with angry
defiance, all with upraised arms and glittering steel. Recovering somewhat
from the gust of passion into which they had been thrown, the Indians then
slowly dropped their arms and retired. The officer who thus came to the
rescue, was the aid of General Sheaffe, whose errand was to conduct the
Colonel to dinner, and who, by this timely arrival, probably saved his
life. It can hardly be necessary to mention who was the young chief that
had sustained himself so actively and bravely through the day, as the
reader will already have anticipated the name--John Brant--the successor
of the great Captain, his father, who, as has already been stated, though
not eighteen years of age, had that day, for the first time, led his
tribe upon the war-path. Beyond doubt it was no part of the young Chief's
design to inflict injury upon the captive American commander. His whole
character forbids the idea, for he was as generous and benevolent in his
feelings as he was brave. Having been exhausting much ammunition upon the
Colonel during the day, this visit was one of curiosity, to ascertain how
near they had come to the accomplishment of their object. Like Cassius,
the Indian bears anger as the flint does fire, though not always cold
again so soon. It was the same with Scott. Neither would allow of personal
freedom--the Colonel did not fully comprehend the object of their visit,
and a sudden rencontre; that had well nigh proved fatal, was the
consequence. [FN]
* * * * *
[FN] General Sheaffe is an American by birth, and he took an early
opportunity of explaining to Colonel Scott how it happened that, most
reluctantly, he was in arms against the land of his birth. He stated that
he was a lad at the commencement of the war of the American Revolution,
living with his widowed mother at Boston. While the British army was in
the occupancy of that town, Earl Percy's quarters were in the house of
his mother. His Lordship manifested a strong degree of partiality for
him, and took him away with a view of providing for him. He gave him a
military education, and placed him in the army, purchasing commissions
and promotion for him as far as promotion can be acquired by purchase in
the British service. His subsequent promotion to the rank of
Major-general had been acquired by service. The breaking out of the war
had found him stationed in Canada. He lost no time in stating his
reluctance to serve against his own countrymen, and solicited a transfer
to some other country. But his request had not been complied with at the
time of the events now under review. For his exploit in capturing Scott
and his little band at Queenston Heights, he was created a Baronet.
In the successive battles fought on that hardly-contested frontier during
the years 1813 and 1814, young Brant, as the Indian leader, sustained
himself with great credit, as well for his bravery as for his intelligence
and activity. In the course of the extraordinary campaign of 1813,
commenced so brilliantly for the American arms at York, and followed up
in the same spirit and with the same success at Fort George, (Niagara,)
and yet attended with such surprising disasters as the capture by the
enemy of Generals Chandler and Winder, and the surrender of Colonel
Boerstler at the Beaver Dams, young Brant had several opportunities of
distinguishing himself. He was in the affair of Fort George, under General
Vincent, when that fortress was so gallantly carried by the American
troops under the immediate command of Major-general Lewis.
After Vincent retired into the interior, with a view of taking up a
position at Burlington Heights, and after the disaster of Winder and
Chandler at Forty Mile Creek, Colonel Boerstler was pushed forward with
six hundred men of all arms--dragoons, artillery and infantry--to dislodge
a strong picquet of the enemy posted in a stone house about two miles
beyond a hilly pass called the Beaver Dams, seventeen miles from Fort
George. [FN-1] Arriving at the Beaver Dams, Colonel Boerstler was
surprised by a large body of Indians under the conduct of young Brant and
Captain William J. Kerr, numbering about four hundred and fifty warriors.
The battle was maintained for about three hours--the Indians, of course,
fighting after their own fashion, in concealment--having apparently
surrounded Colonel Boerstler in the woods. Indeed, the enemy must have
conducted the battle with remarkable adroitness; for Colonel Boerstler,
galled upon all sides, dared neither to advance nor retreat, while the
result of every observation was a conviction that he was surrounded by
far superior numbers. At length Lieutenant Fitzgibbons, of the 49th
enemy's regiment, arriving on the ground with forty-six rank and file,
sent a flag to Colonel Boerstler, demanding a surrender. After some
parleying--the British lieutenant magnifying the number of their troops,
and pretending to conduct the negotiation in the name of Major De Haren,
[FN-2] not forgetting a few occasional suggestions touching the horrors of
an Indian massacre--Colonel Boerstler, having neither reserve to sustain,
nor demonstration to favor him, [FN-3] surrendered his detachment as
prisoners of war. This battle occurred on the 24th of June, and was a
brilliant affair for young Brant, since it was fought by the Indians
alone, not a single cartridge being expended by the regular troops of the
enemy. [FN-4]
* * * * *
[FN-1] General Armstrong.
[FN-2] Chrystie's History of the War in Canada.
[FN-3] General Armstrong's "Notices."
[FN-4] Letter to the author from Colonel William J. Kerr. This singular
battle was the subject of much controversy at the time, and of not a
little ridicule. The American accounts first published, stated that
Boerstler was attacked by five hundred regular troops and one hundred
Indians Colonel Bosrstler's own account of the affair dwells largely upon
the great odds in numbers against him; but although the reader is left
to infer that he fought long against regular troops as well as Indians,
yet the fact is nowhere expressly stated. The Colonel maintained that it
was an ill-advised expedition, detached in consequence of false
information communicated by Major Cyrenius Chapin, commanding a
detachment of volunteers. The Major, he averred, behaved like a
consummate coward during the engagement. In regard to the battle itself,
there is no doubt that the Colonel was out-generaled by Captain Kerr and
young Brant, and having been kept at bay for several hours, was at
length induced to surrender by stratagem.
After this achievement, young Brant participated in almost all the
skirmishes that took place on the Niagara frontier while the American
army occupied Fort George and the village of Niagara; and in the summer
of 1814 he was engaged in the memorable battles of Chippewa, Lundy's Lane,
and Fort Erie, while that post was invested by the British forces. In all
these engagements his conduct was such as to command the admiration not
only of his own people, but of the British officers--affording promise to
all who marked his prowess, of becoming a very distinguished warrior.
At the close of the war, having attained the age of manhood, John Brant,
and his youthful sister Elizabeth, the youngest of his father's family,
returned to the head of Lake Ontario, and took up their residence in the
"Brant House"--living in the English style, and dispensing the ancient
hospitalities of their father. Lieutenant Francis Hall, of the British
service, who traveled in the United States and Canada in 1816, visited the
Brant House, and saw the old lady Chieftainess at that place. He also
speaks highly of the youthful Chief, John, as "a fine young man, of
gentleman-like appearance, who used the English language agreeably and
correctly, dressing in the English fashion, excepting only the moccasins
of his Indian habit."--Lieutenant Hall also visited the Mohawk village on
the Grand River, where Elizabeth happened at that time to be, and of whom
he gives an interesting account in his notice of the Brant family, their
situation, and the people as he found them. Speaking of Thayendanegea,
this intelligent traveler remarks:--"Brant, like Clovis, and many of the
early Anglo-Saxon and Danish Christians, contrived to unite much religious
zeal with the practices of natural ferocity. His grave is to be seen under
the walls of his church. I have mentioned one of his sons; he has also a
daughter living, who would not disgrace the circles of European fashion;
her face and person are fine and graceful; she speaks English not only
correctly, but elegantly; and has, both in her speech and manners, a
softness approaching to oriental languor. She retains so much of her
native dress as to identify her with her people, over whom she affects no
superiority, but seems pleased to preserve all the ties and duties of
relationship. She held the infant of one of her relations at the font, on
the Sunday of my visit to the church. The usual church and baptismal
service was performed by a Doctor Aaron, an Indian, and an assistant
priest; the congregation consisted of sixty or seventy persons, male and
female. Many of the young men were dressed in the English fashion, but
several of the old warriors came with their blankets folded over them
like the drapery of a statue; and in this dress, with a step and mien of
quiet energy, more forcibly reminded me of the ancient Romans than some
other inhabitants of this continent who have laid claim to the
resemblance. Some of them wore large silver crosses, medals, and trinkets
on their arms and breasts; and a few had bandeaus, ornamented with
feathers. Dr. Aaron, a grey-headed Mohawk, had touched his cheeks and
forehead with a few spots of vermilion, in honor of Sunday. He wore a
surplice, and preached; but his delivery was monotonous and unimpassioned.
Indian eloquence decays with the peculiar state of society to which it
owed its energy." [FN]
* * * * *
[FN] Hall's Travels, pp. 135, 136.
Three years afterward, in 1819, James Buchanan, Esq., H. B. M. consul for
the port of New-York, made the tour of Upper Canada, accompanied by two of
his daughters. In the course of his journey Mr. Buchanan visited the Brant
House, of which circumstance he subsequently published the following
agreeable account in his little volume of Indian sketches:--
"After stopping more than a week under the truly hospitable roof of the
Honorable Colonel Clarke, at the Falls of Niagara, I determined to proceed
by land round Lake Ontario, to York; [FN-1] and Mrs. Clarke [FN-2] offered
to give my daughters a letter of introduction to a Miss Brant, advising us
to arrange our time so as to sleep and stop a day or two in the house of
that lady, as she was certain we should be much pleased with her and her
brother. Our friend did not intimate, still less did we suspect, that the
introduction was to an Indian prince and princess. Had we been in the
least aware of this, our previous arrangements would all have given way,
as there was nothing I was more anxious to obtain than an opportunity such
as this was so well calculated to afford, of seeing in what degree the
Indian character would be modified by a conformity to the habits and
comforts of civilized life."
* * * * *
[FN-1] Now Toronto, or, more properly, Taranto, which is the Indian name.
[FN-2] Mrs. Clarke was the daughter of the late Dr. Robert Kerr, of
Niagara, and grand-daughter of Sir William Johnson, by Molly Brant. She
was of course by blood one quarter Mohawk. Colonel Clarke's residence was
upon the banks of the Niagara, a short distance above the great cataract.
His gardens and grounds were extensive, highly cultivated, and laid out
with the taste of a landscape gardener--washed by the mighty stream
thundering over the rapids past it on one side, and bounded on the other
of its sides by a deep, dark glen, of rocks, and trees, and wild
turbulent waters. Mrs. Clarke was a lady of noble appearance, of highly
cultivated mind and manners, and of sincere and unostentatious piety.
Her husband died two or three years since; and a letter to the author,
from her brother, Colonel Kerr, of Brant House, received while these
pages were in preparation for the press, announced her decease, on the
2d of March, 1837. An agreeable visit at her seat, in September preceding
her decease, enlightened by her eloquence and vivacity, will not soon be
forgotten.--_Author._
"Proceeding on our journey, we stopped at an inn, romantically situated,
where I determined to remain all night. Among other things I inquired of
the landlord if he knew the distance to Miss Brant's house, and from him
I learned that it was about twenty miles farther. He added, that young Mr.
Brant had passed that way in the forenoon, and would, no doubt, be
returning in the evening, and that if I wished it, he would be on the
look-out for him. This I desired the landlord to do, as it would enable me
to intimate our introduction to his sister, and intention of waiting on
her the next morning.
"At dusk Mr. Brant returned, and being introduced into our room, we were
unable to distinguish his complexion, and conversed with him, believing
him to be a young Canadian gentleman. We did not, however, fail to
observe a certain degree of hesitation and reserve in the manner of his
speech. He certainly expressed a wish that we would do his sister and
himself the favor of spending a few days with them, in order to refresh
ourselves and our horses; but we thought his style more laconic than
hospitable. Before candles were brought in, our new friend departed,
leaving us still in error as to his nation.
"By four o'clock in the morning we resumed our journey. On arriving at the
magnificent shores of Lake Ontario, the driver of our carriage pointed
out, at the distance of five miles, the house of Miss Brant, which had a
very noble and commanding aspect; and we anticipated much pleasure in our
visit; as besides the enjoyment of so beautiful a spot, we should be
enabled to form a competent idea of Canadian manners and style of living.
Young Mr. Brant, it appeared, unaware that with our carriage we could have
reached his house so soon, had not arrived before us; so that our approach
was not announced, and we drove up to the door under the full persuasion
that the family would be apprised of our coming. The outer door, leading
to a spacious hall, was open. We entered, and remained a few minutes,
when, seeing no person about, we proceeded into the parlor, which, like
the hall, was for the moment unoccupied. We therefore had an opportunity
of looking about us at our leisure. It was a room well furnished, with a
carpet, pier and chimney glasses, mahogany tables, fashionable chairs, a
guitar, a neat hanging book-case, in which, among other volumes, we
perceived a Church of England Prayer Book, translated into the Mohawk
tongue. Having sent our note of introduction in by the coachman, and still
no person waiting on us, we began to suspect (more especially in the
hungry state we were in,) that some delay or difficulty about breakfast
stood in the way of the young lady's appearance. I can assure my readers
that a keen morning's ride on the shores of an American lake, is an
exercise of all others calculated to make the appetite clamorous, if not
insolent. We had already penetrated into the parlor, and were beginning to
meditate a farther exploration in search of the pantry, when, to our
unspeakable astonishment, in walked a charming, noble-looking Indian girl,
dressed partly in the native and partly in the English costume. Her hair
was confined on the head in a silk net, but the lower tresses, escaping
from thence, flowed down on her shoulders. Under a tunic or morning dress
of black silk, was a petticoat of the same material and color, which
reached very little below the knee. Her silk stockings and kid shoes were,
like the rest of her dress, black. The grace and dignity of her movement,
the style of her dress and manner, so new, so unexpected, filled us all
with astonishment. With great ease, yet by no means in that common-place
mode so generally prevalent on such occasions, she inquired how we found
the roads, accommodations, &c. No flutter was at all apparent on account
of the delay in getting breakfast; no fidgeting and fuss-making, no
running in and out, no idle expressions of regret, such as 'O! dear me!
had I known of your coming, you would not have been kept in this way;' but
with perfect ease she maintained conversation, until a squaw, wearing a
man's hat, brought in a tray with preparations for breakfast. A table
cloth of fine white damask being laid, we were regaled with tea, coffee,
hot rolls, butter in water and ice coolers, eggs, smoked beef, ham, and
broiled chickens, &c.; all served in a truly neat and comfortable style.
The delay, we afterward discovered, arose from the desire of our hostess
to supply us with hot rolls, which were actually baked while we were
waiting. I have been thus minute in my description of these comforts, as
they were so little to be expected in the house of an Indian.
"After breakfast Miss Brant took my daughters out to walk, and look at the
picturesque scenery of the country. She and her brother had previously
expressed a hope that we would stay all day; but though I wished of all
things to do so, and had determined, in the event of their pressing their
invitation, to accept it, yet I declined the proposal at first, and thus
forfeited a pleasure which we all of us longed in our hearts to enjoy;
for, as I afterward learned, it is not the custom of any uncorrupted
Indian to repeat a request if once rejected. They believe that those to
whom they offer any mark of friendship, and who give a reason for refusing
it, do so in perfect sincerity, and that it would be rudeness to require
them to alter their determination or break their word. And as the Indian
never makes a show of civility but when prompted by a genuine feeling, so
he thinks others are actuated by similar candor. I really feel ashamed
when I consider how severe a rebuke this carries with it to us who boast
of civilization, but who are so much carried away by the general
insincerity of expression pervading all ranks, that few indeed are to be
found who speak just what they wish or know. This duplicity is the effect
of what is termed a high state of refinement. We are taught so to conduct
our language, that others cannot discover our real views or intentions.
The Indians are not only free from this deceitfulness, but surpass us in
another instance of good-breeding and decorum, namely, of never
interrupting those who converse with them until they have done speaking;
and then they reply in the hope of not being themselves interrupted. This
was perfectly exemplified by Miss Brant and her brother; and I hope the
lesson my daughters were so forcibly taught by the natural politeness of
their hostess, will never be forgotten by them, and that I also may profit
by the example.
"After stopping a few hours with these interesting young Indians, and
giving them an invitation to pay us a visit at New-York, which they
expressed great desire to fulfill and which I therefore confidently
anticipated, we took our leave with real regret on all sides. As we passed
through the hall, I expected to see some Indian instruments of war or the
chase; but perceiving the walls were bare of these customary ornaments, I
asked Mr. Brant where were the trophies that belonged to his family? He
told me, and I record it with shame, that the numerous visitors that from
time to time called on him, had expressed their desire so strongly for
these trophies, that one by one he had given all away; and now he was
exempt from these sacrifices by not having any thing of the kind left. He
seemed, nevertheless, to cherish with fondness the memory of these relics
of his forefathers. How ill did the _civilized_ visitors requite the
hospitality they experienced under the roof whose doors stand open to
shelter and feed all who enter!
"As all about our young hostess is interesting, I will add some farther
particulars. Having inquired for her mother she told me she remained
generally with her other sons and daughters, who were living in the Indian
settlement on the Grand River, that falls into Lake Erie; that her mother
preferred being in the wigwams, and disapproved, in a certain degree, of
her and her brother John's conforming so much to the habits and costumes
of the English."
In the opening chapter of the present work, the Rev. Dr. Stewart, formerly
a missionary in the Mohawk Valley, and subsequently Archdeacon of the
Episcopal church of Upper Canada, was several times referred to as
authority for a variety of particulars in the early life of the elder
Brant. The sketches of his life thus referred to, were in fact written by
the present honorable and venerable Archdeacon Strachan, of Toronto, from
conversations with Dr. Stewart, and published in the Christian Recorder,
at Kingston, in 1819. There were portions of those sketches which gave
offence to the family of Thayendanegea, and his son and successor entered
upon the vindication of his father's character with great spirit. Dr.
Strachan had used an unfortunate epithet in reference to the old Chief,
and virtually charged him with having been engaged in the bloody affair of
Wyoming; accused him of having entertained designs hostile to the
interests of the crown; of wavering loyalty; and, before his death, of
intemperance. These and other matters, contained in the before-mentioned
sketches, tending seriously to detract from the respect previously
entertained for the memory of the father, were repelled with vigorous and
virtuous indignation by the son in the course of a correspondence with the
Reverend Archdeacon; and were it not for the circumstance that the matter
was in the end satisfactorily adjusted, some extracts from this
correspondence might here be presented, by way of exhibiting the tact and
talent with which a Mohawk Chief could manage a controversy in the field
of letters. The offensive statements in the sketches of the Christian
Recorder were clearly shown to have arisen from mistakes and
misrepresentations; and in the course of the explanations that ensued, the
conduct of the Archdeacon "was most honorable." [FN]
* * * * *
[FN] Letter of William Johnson Kerr to the author.
The difficulties between the Mohawks and the Provincial Government,
respecting the title to the lands of the former, which the elder Brant had
so long labored, but in vain, to adjust, yet continuing unsettled, in the
year 1821 John Brant, alias Ahyouwaeghs, was commissioned to proceed to
England, as his father had been before him, to make one more appeal to the
justice and magnanimity of the parent government. He urged his claim with
ability, and enlisted in the cause of his people men of high rank and
influence. Among these was the Duke of Northumberland, the son of the old
Duke--the Lord Percy of the American Revolution, and the friend of his
father, who had deceased in 1817. The Duke, like his father, had been
adopted as a warrior of the Mohawks under the aboriginal cognomen of
_Teyonhighkon;_ and he now manifested as much zeal and friendship for the
Mohawks, in the controversy which had carried John Brant to England, as
the old Duke had done for Thayendanegea twenty years before. The young
chief likewise found an active and efficient friend in Saxe Bannister,
Esq., a gentleman bred both to the navy and the law, who had resided for
a time in Upper Canada. Mr. Bannister espoused the cause of the Indians
with laudable zeal, and wrote several papers for the consideration of the
ministers in their behalf. [FN] The result was, that before leaving
England in 1822, the agent received a promise from the Secretary of the
Colonies, Lord Bathurst, that his complaints should be redressed to his
entire satisfaction. Instructions to that effect were actually transmitted
to the Colonial Government, then administered by Sir Peregrine Maitland,
and Ahyouwaeghs returned to his country and constituents with the
well-earned character of a successful diplomatist.
* * * * *
[FN] Mr. Bannister afterward held an appointment in New South Wales, and
subsequently still was Chief Justice of the colony of Sierra Leone,
where he died.
But the just expectations of the Chief and his people were again thwarted
by the provincial authorities. The refusal of the local government to
carry into effect the instructions from the ministers of the crown, the
pretexts which they advanced, and the subterfuges to which they resorted
as excuses for their conduct, were communicated by the chief to his friend
the Duke of Northumberland, by letter, in June, 1823. He also wrote
simultaneously to Mr. Bannister upon the subject. A correspondence of some
length ensued between the Chief and those gentlemen, and repeated efforts
were made to compass a satisfactory and final arrangement of the vexed and
long-pending controversy. But these efforts were as unsuccessful in the
end as they had been in the beginning.
While in England upon this mission, the young Chief determined to
vindicate the memory of his father from the aspersions that had been cast
upon it there, as he had already done in his own country. Campbell's
"_Gertrude of Wyoming_" had then been published several years. The
subject, and general character of that delightful work, are too well and
universally known to require an analysis in this place. With a poet's
license, Mr. Campbell had not only described the valley as a terrestrial
paradise, but represented its inhabitants as being little if any inferior,
in their character, situation, and enjoyments, to the spirits of the
blessed. Into a community thus innocent, gay, and happy, he had introduced
the authors of the massacre of 1778, led on by "the monster Brant." This
phrase gave great offence to the family of the old chief, as also did the
whole passage in which it occurred. The offensive stanzas purport to form
a portion of the speech of an Indian hero of the tale, an Oneida Chief,
who is made to interrupt a domestic banquet, under most interesting
circumstances, in the following strains, prophetic of danger near at
hand:--
"But this is not the time,"--he started up,
And smote his heart with woe-denouncing hand--
"This is no time to fill the joyous cup,
The mammoth comes,--the foe,--the monster Brant,--
With all his howling, desolating band;--
These eyes have seen their blade, and burning pine
Awake at once, and silence half your land.
Red is the cup they drink--but not with wine:
Awake, and watch to-night! or see no morning shine!
"Scorning to wield the hatchet for his tribe,
'Gainst Brant himself I went to battle forth:
Accursed Brant! he left of all my tribe
Nor man, nor child, nor thing of living birth:
No! not the dog that watch'd my household hearth
Escaped that night of blood, upon our plains!
All perish'd--I alone am left on earth!
To whom nor relative, nor blood remains,
No!--not a kindred drop that runs in human veins!"
This paraphrase of the celebrated speech of Logan--less poetical, by the
way, than the original--was illustrated by notes, asserting positively
that Brant was the Indian leader at Wyoming, and proving his cool-blooded
ferocity by citing the anecdote from Weld's Travels, quoted, for denial,
as a note on a preceding page. John Brant had previously prepared himself
with documents to sustain a demand upon the poet for justice to the memory
of his father; and in December, 1821, his friend Bannister waited upon Mr.
Campbell, with an amicable message, opening the door for explanations. A
correspondence ensued, only a portion of which has been preserved among
the papers of John Brant; but in a note of the latter to the poet, dated
the 28th of December, the young chief thanked him for the candid manner in
which he had received his request conveyed by Mr. Bannister. The documents
with which the Chief had furnished himself for the occasion, were
thereupon enclosed to Mr. Campbell, and the result was a long explanatory
letter from the poet, which has been very generally re-published. Candor,
however, must admit that that letter does but very partial and evidently
reluctant justice to the calumniated warrior. It is, moreover, less
magnanimous, and characterised by more of special pleading, than might
have been expected. [FN-1] In addition to this, it appears, by a
communication from the young chief to Sir John Johnson, dated January 22,
1822, that Mr. Campbell had not only expressed his regret at the injustice
done the character of his father, but had promised a correction in the
next edition--then soon to be published. This correction, however, was not
made, as it should have been, in the text, but in a note to the subsequent
edition; and although, at the close of that note, Mr. Campbell says, for
reasons given, that "the name of Brant remains in his poem only as a pure
and declared character of fiction," yet it is not a fictitious historical
character, and cannot be made such by an effort of the imagination. The
original wrong, therefore, though mitigated, has not been fully redressed,
for the simple reason that it is the poem that lives in the memory, while
the note, even if read, makes little impression, and is soon forgotten.
[FN-2]
* * * * *
[FN-1] See close of the Appendix.
[FN-2] The note referred to, is as follows:--"I took the character of
Brant in the poem of Gertrude from the common histories of England, all
of which represented him as a bloody and bad man, (even among savages,)
and chief agent in the horrible desolation of Wyoming. Some years after
this poem appeared, the son of Brant, a most interesting and intelligent
youth, came over to England; and I formed an acquaintance with him, on
which I still look back with pleasure. He appealed to my sense of honor
and justice, on his own part and on that of his sister, to retract the
unfair assertion which, unconscious of its unfairness, I had cast on his
father's memory. He then referred to documents which completely satisfied
me that the common accounts of Brant's cruelties at Wyoming, which I had
found in books of travels, and in Adolphus's and similar histories of
England, were gross errors; and that, in point of fact, Brant was not
even present at that scene of desolation. . . . I ascertained, also,
that, he often strove to mitigate the cruelty of Indian warfare. The
name of Brant, therefore, remains in my poem, a pure and declared
character of fiction." This is something like knocking a man down, and
then desiring that he would regard the blow as purely a phantasy of the
imagination.
During his sojourn in London, the young chief seems to have paid
considerable attention to the public institutions, particularly those of
a humane and benevolent character. He was introduced by Mr. Butterworth
to the British and Foreign School Society; and in his diary mentions an
interesting visit to the Royal College of Physicians and Surgeons. Other
objects of interest or curiosity, which attracted his attention, were
noted in his diary, a small fragment of which only remains among his
papers. The following entry is not very flattering to British beauty:--
"_Thursday Evening,_ 16th _May,_ 1822, I went to Mr. C. A. Tulk's, M. P.
party, to hear a little music. There were twenty-two ladies--one only
pretty--Casweighter, said to be the best violin player in Europe, and
Solly, celebrated for the guitar and piano. I met a gentleman well
acquainted with my father--formerly of the Queen's Rangers."
But his attention to other matters did not lead him to forgetfulness of
the moral wants of his people. The war between the United States and Great
Britain, the principal seat of which was in the vicinity of the Mohawks'
territory, had had a most unhappy effect upon their social condition.
Their farms had been neglected, their buildings had suffered from the same
cause, as also had their church and schools. It is likewise probable, that
after the decease of Thayendanegea, in the absence of a directing master
mind, there had been but little advance in the work of public instruction
before the war; and it was the design of young Brant, on his return to
Canada, to resuscitate and extend the schools among his nation. For this
purpose he procured an appropriation, in 1822, from the New-England
Corporation for the civilization of Indians, which had been chartered as
far back as 1662. After his return to Grand River, the young chief entered
zealously upon the work, as appears from an active correspondence
maintained for several years with the officers of that institution. The
following extracts, from a mass of his letters, are given, not only as
examples of his epistolary style, but for the purpose of showing the
extent and nature of the exertions he was making, and the prospects of
good which were opening upon him:--
"John Brant, (Ahyouwaeghs) to James Gibson.
"_Mohawk Village, Grand River, U. C._ }
19th _June,_ 1824. }
". . . I have attended to the subject of your letters with the greatest
satisfaction, and I hope that the report I am now about to make to you,
will be equally satisfactory to the humane and benevolent members of the
New England Corporation. I set out with observing that the appointed
teacher conducts himself in every point of view corresponding to our
expectations. The children are particularly taught religious and moral
duties; the hours of prayer are rigidly attended to; and on the Sabbath
the scholars attend divine service. Cleanliness is strictly enforced, and
all laudable means are resorted to in order to excite a liberal spirit of
emulation. Corporeal punishment is discountenanced, except in cases of
flagrant indifference. Upon the whole, I have the pleasure of announcing,
through the medium of you, Sir, to the Corporation, that the donation so
liberally applied, will, in my opinion, be attended with the most salutary
effects. It is an agreeable sight to observe the rising generation of the
aborigines employed in acquiring knowledge, and in a spirit of true
worship attending divine service on the Sabbath. . . .
"One of our tribes, the Oneidas, [FN] are very anxious to have a school
established for them. The chiefs have assured me that not less than thirty
children would attend the school if established. . . ."
* * * * *
[FN] A section of the Oneida nation. After the war of the Revolution,
portions of all the Six Nations emigrated to the new Mohawk territory,
although the majority of all the nations, except the Mohawks, remained
within the United States--on their ancient territory.
"Seven of the oldest children in our school read in the Mohawk
Prayer-book, repeat the catechism, and answer responses in church. The
others use our primers, and spell very well in them to seven and eight
syllables. The number of scholars is twenty-one. . . . I am sensible of
the generous aid that the Corporation have already afforded, and I am
requested by the Chiefs of my tribe to return their sincere thanks to the
members of the New England Corporation.
"I am, Sir,
Your very obedient servant,
J. Brant,
_Ahyouwaeghs_
"_James Gibson, Esq.
Treasurer New England Corporation._"
"The Same to the Same.
"_Mohawk Village, Grand River, U. C._ }
19_th July,_ 1826. }
"Dear Sir,
"After having visited the schools which are supported by the New England
Corporation, where more than sixty children are taught to read and write
in the Mohawk dialect and the English language, I beg to communicate to
you the state of the church in our village. It being the first built in
the province, is now in a very dilapidated state, and we have not the
funds to rebuild. We have made an allotment of two hundred acres of land
for the use of a resident clergyman, and fifty acres for the use of the
school; and we have appropriated six hundred dollars, or 150 pounds
province currency, toward defraying the expenses of building a parsonage;
and although that sum is quite insufficient for the object, yet it is the
utmost we can do, considering the circumstances and wants of our
respective tribes. We would be very thankful if we could obtain pecuniary
aid sufficient to finish the parsonage and rebuild our church; and would
rejoice to have a resident clergyman amongst us, who would not consider it
too laborious frequently to travel to our several hamlets, to preach the
Gospel of the meek and lowly Jesus; to visit the sick; and always to
evince, not only by preaching, but by example, his devotion to the church
of Christ.
"I am, dear Sir,
Your friend and servant,
J. Brant."
"Letter from the Same to the Same.
"_Mohawk Village, Grand River, U. C. }
October_ 27, 1828. }
"Dear Sir,
"I have the pleasure to acknowledge your communication of the 17th August
last, subjoining copies of the resolutions of the New England Corporation
at a meeting held on the 8th of March, 1825. Permit me to repeat the
grateful sentiments formerly expressed on the part of my tribe to the
members of the Corporation for their liberal contributions, as also for
the farther support they have now afforded to the most efficient and
practical plans of promoting education and the diffusion of knowledge
among the Mohawks.
"I have received a letter from the Rev. Mr. West, dated at New-York; but
have not as yet arranged any plans with that gentleman relative to his
mission; being satisfied, that after a personal conference and actual
observation, we can in a much better way arrange such measures as may
appear most beneficial.
"Mr. West mentions that he will visit me in the month of May next. I
anticipate much satisfaction in meeting the reverend gentleman. It is
undoubtedly the best mode of ascertaining our relative situations,
circumstances, &c. &c. This I ardently desire for several reasons. It will
enable the company to judge how far it may be useful to extend the means
of education, and of the probable results; as also the difficulties in
which, for very many years, a continuation of unfavorable circumstances
has involved the Five Nations. To effect a complete change in manners and
customs, that have been long established, will indeed be an arduous task.
Let not the difficulties terrify us from the attempt. The more arduous,
the more animating--inasmuch as if the attempt succeed, the reward will
be great. Not that those who commence this work of humanity are to
flatter themselves with the hope of seeing the complete effect of their
labors; time will be required; and when the foundation is laid in the
spirit of sincerity, no doubt can remain that, with the help of God, the
edifice will be raised.
"With respect to that part of your letter which refers to the religious
faith of a part of the Five Nations, I beg for a short time to defer a
reply; as it embraces a variety of important considerations, in connexion
with the attempt to introduce religious instruction among them. The first
great restraint, as to civilization, is removed; I mean by their local
situation, in possessing permanent, or rather fixed places of residence.
The commencement must be among the youth, with mildness and assiduity. To
render the task not only a good, but a lasting work, it will be necessary
to obtain the consent of parents. Care should be taken to explain matters,
that the object of instruction be understood as clearly as possible by the
parents.
"In my next I shall draw on you for the amount appropriated for the
building of the Mohawk and Oneida school-houses, as also for the
schoolmaster at Davis's hamlet. This is a proper season for entering into
contracts for building, as our sleighing season is nigh at hand, which
affords great facility in the way of collecting materials. As you have not
mentioned Lawrence Davids, I shall continue to draw for his salary as
usual, out of the 200 pounds appropriated by the Corporation in 1822.
"In my next I will tell you how the scholars get on. All my letters have
been on business. I will in a few days write in a more friendly way, for
I remember your kindness to me at Epsom.
"I beg my best respects to the Governor, Mr. Solly, and the other members
of the Corporation, with whom I have the pleasure to be acquainted.
"I am, very truly, Dear Sir,
Your obedient servant,
J. Brant.
_Ahyouwaeghs._
"_James Gibson, Esq.,_
_Treasurer New England Corporation, London._"
These letters breathe the spirit of an enlarged and noble philanthropy,
guided by true wisdom. The writer had formed a just estimate of the
importance of the work in which he engaged, and the difficulties to be
encountered; and he had the sagacity to perceive the only practicable
method of accomplishing it--a knowledge of the only means that could be
successfully adapted to the end. The society of which he was the
judicious almoner appreciated his worth, and in the year 1829 presented
him with a splendid silver cup, bearing the following inscription:--
"Presented by the New England Corporation,
Established in London by charter, A. D. 1662, for the civilization
of Indians,
To JOHN BRANT, Esq.,
Ahyouwaeghs,
One of the Chiefs of the Mohawk Nation,
In acknowledgment of his eminent services in promoting the
objects of the Corporation. A. D. 1829."
In the year 1827, Ahyouwaeghs was appointed by the Earl of Dalhousie,
then Commander-in-Chief of the British American provinces, to the rank of
Captain, and also Superintendent of the Six Nations. It was early in the
same year that the Chief heard that a liberty had been taken with his name
in the American newspapers, which kindled in his bosom feelings of the
liveliest indignation. Those familiar with that deep and fearful
conspiracy in the western part of New-York, in the Autumn of 1826, which
resulted in the murder of William Morgan by a small body of over-zealous
Freemasons, will probably remember that the name of John Brant appeared in
a portion of the correspondence connected with that melancholy Story. The
circumstances were these: It was well ascertained, that in the origin and
earlier stages of that conspiracy no personal injury was designed against
the unhappy victim of Masonic fanaticism. The immediate object of the
conspirators was to send Morgan out of the country, under such
circumstances, and to so great a distance, as to ensure his continued
absence. But they had adjusted no definite plans for the execution of that
purpose, or distinct views upon the subject of his destiny. Having
abducted and illegally carried him away, those entrusted with his
safekeeping found him upon their hands, and knew not what to do with or
whither to send him. In this dilemma, one of their projects was to convey
him to Quebec, and procure his enlistment on board of a British
man-of-war. Another suggestion, under the supposition that the Mohawk
chief was a Freemason himself, and would of course embark in any
practicable scheme to prevent the disclosures of the secrets of
Freemasonry, which Morgan was in the act of publishing when seized, was,
that Brant should take charge of the prisoner, and cause his transfer by
the Indians to the North-western Fur Company. But every device for the
banishment of the unhappy man failed, and he was buried at the solemn hour
of midnight in the rocky caverns of the Niagara. The suggestion in regard
to the transfer of the prisoner to Ahyouwaeghs, however, became public,
and for a time it was supposed by those unacquainted with his character,
that he might have been consulted in regard to that murderous transaction.
The imputation was most unjust, and was repelled with a spirit becoming
the man and his race, as will appear by the following letter:--
"To the Editor of the York Observer.
"_Wellington Square, Feb._ 29, 1827.
"Sir,
"I have read a paragraph in the New-York Spectator of the 16th instant,
wherein it is stated that the fraternity at Niagara had sent for me to
receive and sacrifice the unhappy Morgan, of whom so much has been lately
spoken.
"You will oblige me by contradicting this report, which is wholly false.
Neither in that instance, nor any other, has such a barbarous proposal
been made to me; nor do I believe the man exists who would dare to wound
my feelings in such a heinous manner.
"I know nothing of the man, nor of any transaction relating to him; and I
am much surprised that my name has been called in question.
"I am, Sir, your's respectfully,
J. Brant."
In the year 1832 John Brant was returned a member of the Provincial
parliament for the county of Haldimand, comprehending a good portion of
the territory originally granted to the Mohawks. The right of the Indians
to this territory yet depended upon the original proclamation of Sir
Frederick Haldimand, which, according to the decision of the courts of
Upper Canada, conveyed no legal title to the fee of the land. The Indians
had been in the practice of conveying away portions of their lands by
long leases--for the term of nine hundred and ninety-nine years--and a
large number of those persons by whose votes Brant was elected, had no
other title to their real estate than leases of that description. As the
election laws of Upper Canada very wisely require a freehold qualification
for county electors, Mr. Brant's return was contested by the opposing
candidate, Colonel Warren, and ultimately set aside, and the Colonel
declared to be duly chosen. [FN]
* * * * *
[FN] Letter to the author from the Hon. M. S. Bidwell, who sat in
Parliament with the Mohawk Chief.
It was of but small moment to either candidate, however, which of the two
should be allowed to wear the parliamentary honors. The desolating scourge
of India--the cholera--was introduced upon the American continent in the
Summer of that year, commencing its ravages at Quebec; and among the
thousands who fell before the plague, as it swept fearfully over the
country of the great lakes, were John Brant--Ahyouwaeghs--and his
competitor.
He was a man of fine figure and countenance, and great dignity of
deportment, though by no means haughty--having the unassuming manners of
a well-bred gentleman. "The first time I ever saw him, was at a court at
Kingston, where he acted as an interpreter on the trial of an Indian
charged with murder. Another Indian was a witness. One of the Indians was
a Mohawk and the other a Chippewa, of the Mississagua tribe. It was
necessary, therefore, that the questions should be interpreted to the
witness in one language, and to the prisoner in the other, which afforded
me an opportunity to compare the sounds of the one with the other; and
the harsh and guttural language of the Mohawk [FN-1] was, indeed,
singularly contrasted with the copiousness and smoothness of the Chippewa.
But what impressed me most on the trial, was the noble appearance of
Brant, and the dignity and composure with which he discharged his duty."
[FN-2]
* * * * *
[FN-1] Not "harsh and guttural," when spoken by the youngest daughter of
Joseph Brant.
[FN-2] Letter to the author from the Hon. M. S. Bidwell.
Ahyouwaeghs was a member of the Church of England, though not a
communicant. A number of his friends and relations were with him when he
died, all of whom believed his death was that of a happy and sincere
Christian. In closing the present imperfect sketch of this remarkable man,
who had but just attained the prime of manhood, and was cut off as it were
in the dawn of a career bright with hope and brilliant with promise, the
Christian philanthropist may pause a moment in the contemplation of at
least one proud example of what letters and civilization may accomplish
with the sons of the American forest.
Elizabeth, the youngest daughter of Joseph Brant, whose name has already
been repeatedly mentioned in the foregoing pages, was married several
years ago to William Johnson Kerr, Esq. son of the late Dr. Robert Kerr
of Niagara, and a grandson of Sir William Johnson. Mrs. Kerr, as the
reader must have inferred from what has been previously said respecting
her, was educated with great care, as well in regard to her mental culture
as her personal accomplishments. With her husband and little family she
now occupies the old mansion of her father, at the head of Lake
Ontario--a noble situation, as the author can certify from personal
observation. Though fully conscious of the delicacy due to a lady living
in unostentatious retirement, yet, as the daughter of Joseph Brant, the
author trusts that, should this page meet her eye, the enthusiasm of her
father's biographer may plead his apology for introducing her before the
public--more especially as it shall be done in the language of one of the
fair companions [FN] of his journey:--
* * * * *
[FN] Miss Ann Elizabeth Wayland.
". . . Let, then, my reader present to himself a lady of rather more than
middling stature, of dignified, reserved, and gentle address, most
pleasing in person, and attired in a costume sufficiently Indian to retain
the flow and drapery, but donned with the ease, adaptation, and grace, so
peculiarly the attributes of an elegant mind.
"Let my reader mark the keen, penetrating glance of that dark eye, as now
it rests upon the stranger, whose too eager interest might be deemed
obtrusiveness, or anon, its soft, tender, or melting expression, when it
falls upon the portraits of her brother, is cast upon her father's
miniature, or bides upon her children.
"Let him mark the haughty curl of that lip as she speaks of those who
depreciate her people, its sarcastic curve when she alludes to the
_so-called_ delineations of her father's character, or its fond smile as
she looks upon her husband; let him have before him a being in whom mind
rules every action, and predominates above all; and let him attach this
idea to one who glories in the fact, that the blood of the Mohawk courses
in her veins; and he will know the daughter of Joseph Brant. But no; he
must yet learn that this mind and these energies are devoted not alone to
her immediate circle; but have been exerted most faithfully for the
improvement and well-being of her race. She has, within a few years,
translated portions of the New Testament into her vernacular, and is
devising various means for the elevation of the Indian character."
Colonel Kerr, her husband, is the eldest of three brothers, William
Johnson, Walter, and Robert, all of whom bore commissions, and fought the
Americans bravely on the Niagara frontier during the last war. They were
likewise all wounded, and two of them taken prisoners, and brought to
Greenbush and Pittsfield, whence they escaped, striking first upon
Schoharie, and thence across the country from the Mohawk Valley, through
the woods to the St. Lawrence--though, it is believed, not both at the
same time. Walter was accompanied in his escape and flight by a
fellow-prisoner named Gregg. In the course of their travels through the
county of St. Lawrence, they fell in with a courier going from the
American commander at Sackett's Harbor to General Wilkinson, then below,
on his successful approach to Montreal. The fugitives had the address to
pass themselves off for Yankees looking for lands, and obtained from the
express such information as they desired. Gregg was disposed to rob him
of his dispatches, but Walter Kerr would not consent. He subsequently died
from the effects of his wound in London. Inheriting a share of Indian
blood, from their grandmother, Molly Brant, the young Kerrs have been
represented to the author by an American gentleman, who has known them
well, "as being alike fearless in battle, and full of stratagem."
On the death of her favorite son, John, the venerable widow of Joseph
Brant, [FN] pursuant to the Mohawk law of succession heretofore explained,
being herself of the royal line, conferred the title of Tekarihogea upon
the infant son of her daughter, Mrs. Kerr. During the minority, the
government is exercised by a regency of some kind; but how it is
appointed, what are its powers, and at what age the minority terminates,
are points unknown to the author. The infant chief is a fine-looking lad,
three quarters Mohawk, with an eye piercing as the eagle's. But the people
over whom he is the legitimate chief--the once mighty Six Nations--the
Romans of the new world--whose conquests extended from Lake Champlain west
to the falls cf the Ohio, and south to the Santee--where are they? The
proud race is doomed; and Echo will shortly answer, where?
* * * * *
[FN] This remarkable Indian princess died at Brantford, on the Grand
River, on the 24th day of November, 1837--thirty years, to a day, from
the death of her husband. Her age was 78 years.
NOTE TO THE FOURTH EDITION.
Since the 1st edition of this work was printed, the author has
ascertained that his account of the battle of Queenston is not complete,
nor entirely accurate although pains were taken to consult the best
authorities, and all known to be extant. The reader, therefore, is
requested to examine that account again, commencing at page 505, with
the following amendments and additions.
The American force that first crossed the river, consisted of _three_
companies, viz., those of Captains Wool, Malcolm and Armstrong. They were
not undiscovered by the British, but were seen and fired upon before they
reached the bank. The enemy, however, fled as the Americans landed, and
the three companies mounted the bank and formed in line fronting the
heights, Captain Wool commanding, as the senior officer. A few moments
afterward, Captain Wool was informed of Col. Van Rensselaer's landing,
and ordered to prepare for storming the heights--and soon the command was
brought him to march. The detachment did march to the base of the
heights, where it was ordered by an aid from Col. Van Rensselaer to halt;
and in a few minutes it was attacked by a party of British from
Queenston, which, after a short but severe struggle, was repulsed. In
this affair, Lieut. Wallace and Ensign Morris were killed, and Captains
Wool, Malcolm and Armstrong, and Lieut. Lent, wounded.
Shortly after this success, word was brought to Captain Wool that Col.
Van Rensselaer was mortally wounded, and the detachment was ordered to
return to the bank of the river. Captain Wool repaired to the Colonel,
and volunteered to storm the battery on the heights--and this service
was gallantly performed by the three companies of the 13th Infantry
under his command, and a small detachment of artillery commanded by
Lieuts. Gansevoort and Randolph. Through some cause, (probably the
severe wounds of Col. Van Rensselaer,) full credit was not given to
Captain Wool, in the official accounts, for his successful gallantry.
From this point the narrative is correct, as it proceeds on page 507.
APPENDIX.
* * * * *
No. I.
[Reference prom Page 95.]
DESCRIPTION OF FORT PLAIN.
The following is said to be a correct drawing of Fort Plain, sometimes
erroneously called Fort Plank. [FN]
* * * * *
[FN] Fort Plank, as it is written in the books, was situated two and a
half miles from Fort Plain. The true name was Fort Blank, from the name
of the owner of the farm on which it stood--Frederick Blank.
[Illustration: Fort Plain]
The Fort was situated on the brow of the hill, about half a mile
north-west of the village, so as to command a full view of the valley, and
the rise of the ground, for several miles in any direction; and hence it
doubtless derived its name, because its beautiful location commanded a
"_plain_" view of the surrounding country. It was erected by the
government, as a fortress, and place of retreat and safety for the
inhabitants and families in case of incursions from the Indians, who were
then, and, indeed, more or less during the whole Revolutionary war,
infesting the settlements of this whole region. Its form was an octagon,
having port-holes for heavy ordnance and muskets on every side. It
contained three stories or apartments. The first story was thirty feet in
diameter; the second, forty feet; the third, fifty feet; the last two
stones projecting five feet, as represented by the drawing aforesaid. It
was constructed throughout of hewn timber about fifteen inches square;
and, beside the port-holes aforesaid, the second and third stories had
perpendicular port-holes through those parts that projected, so as to
afford the regulars and militia, or settlers garrisoned in the fort,
annoying facilities of defence for themselves, wives, and children, in
case of close assault from the relentless savage. Whenever scouts came in
with tidings that a hostile party was approaching, a cannon was fired from
the fort as a signal to flee to it for safety.
In the early part of the war there was built, by the inhabitants probably,
at or near the site of the one above described, a fortification, of
materials and construction that ill comported with the use and purposes
for which it was intended. This induced government to erect another,
(Fort Plain,) under the superintendence of an experienced French engineer.
As a piece of architecture, it was well wrought and neatly finished, and
surpassed all the forts in that region. After the termination of the
Revolutionary war, Fort Plain was used for some years as a deposit of
military stores, under the direction of Captain B. Hudson. These stores
were finally ordered by the United States Government to be removed to
Albany. The fort is demolished. Nothing remains of it except a
circumvallation or trench, which, although nearly obliterated by the
plough, still indicates to the curious traveler sufficient evidence of a
fortification in days by-gone.--_Fort Plain Journal,_ Dec 26, 1837.
* * * * *
No. II.
[Reference from Page 153.]
_"Copy of another paper in the same hand-writing, taken with the
letter to General Haldimand from Dr. Smith._
"April 20,1781.
"Fort Stanwix.
"This post is garrisoned by about two hundred and sixty men, under the
command of Colonel Courtlandt. It was supplied with provision about the
14th of last month, and Brant was too early to hit their sleys; he was
there on the 2d; took sixteen prisoners. A nine-inch mortar is ordered
from Albany to this fort, to be supplied against the latter end of May.
The nine months' men raised are to join Courtlandt's.
"25th May.--Fort Stanwix is entirely consumed by fire, except two small
bastions; some say by accident, but it is generally thought the soldiers
done it on purpose, as their allowance is short; provision stopped from
going there, which was on its way.
"John's Town.
"At this place there is a captain's guard.
"Mohawk River.
"There are no troops, or warlike preparations (as yet) making in this
quarter; but it is reported, that as soon as the three years and nine
months' men are raised, they will erect fortifications. From this place
and its vicinage many families have moved this winter, and it is thought
more will follow the example this spring.
"Schenectady.
"This town is strongly picketed all round; has six pieces of ordnance, six
pounders, block-houses preparing. It is to be defended by the inhabitants;
(except about a dozen) are for Government. There are a few of Courtlandt's
regiment here; a large quantity of grain stored here for the use of the
troops; large boats building to convey heavy metal and shot to Fort
Stanwix.
"Albany.
"No troops at this post, except the Commandant, General Clinton, and his
Brigade Major. Work of all kinds stopped for want of provisions and money.
The sick in the hospitals, and their doctors, starving. 8th May--No troops
yet in this place; a fine time to bring it to submission, and carry off a
tribe of incendiaries.
"Washington's Camp.
"The strength of this camp does not exceed twenty-five thousand.
Provisions of all kinds very scarce. Washington and the French have agents
through the country, buying wheat and flour. He has sent to Albany for all
the cannon, quick-match, &c., that was deposited there. Desertions daily
from the different posts. The flower of the army gone to the southward
with the Marquis De La Fayette.
"May 8th. They say Washington is collecting troops fast.
"Southern News.
"On the 15th of March, Lord Cornwallis attacked General Green at Guilford
Court House, in North Carolina, and defeated him with the loss on Green's
side of thirteen hundred men killed, wounded, and missing; his artillery,
and two ammunition wagons taken, and Generals Starns and Hegu wounded.
"May 25th. Something very particular happened lately between here and
New-York, much in the King's favor, but the particulars kept a secret.
"Eastern News.
"The inhabitants between Albany and Boston, and several precincts, drink
the King's health publicly, and seem enchanted with the late proclamation
from New-York. By a person ten days ago from Rhode Island, we have an
account that the number of land forces belonging to the French does not
amount to more than three hundred; that when he left it, he saw two of the
French vessels from Chesapeake much damaged and towed in; that several
boats full of wounded were brought and put into their hospitals, and that
only three vessels out of the eight which left the island escaped, the
remainder brought into York. Out eastward of Boston is acting on the
Vermont principle.
"State of Vermont.
"The opinion of the people in general of this State is, that its
inhabitants are artful and cunning, full of thrift and design. About
fifteen days ago Colonel Allen and a Mr. Fay was in Albany. I made it my
particular business to be twice in their company; at which time I
endeavored to find out their business, and on inquiry I understood from
Colonel Allen that he came down to wait on Governor Clinton, to receive
his answer to a petition which the people of Vermont had laid before the
Assembly; that he had been twice at the Governor's lodging, and that the
Governor had refused to see or speak to him. Allen then said he might be
damned if ever he would court his favor again; since that time they have
petitioned the Eastern States to be in their Confederacy, to no purpose.
I heard Allen declare to one Harper that there was a North Pole and a
South Pole; and should a thunder-gust come from the south, they would shut
the door opposite to that point and open the door facing the north.
"8th May. By this time it is expected they will be friendly to their King;
various opinions about their flag.
"Saratoga.
"At this post there is a company belonging to Van Schaick's regiment,
lately come from Fort Edward; which garrison they left for want of
provision; and here they are determined not to stay for the same reason.
A fort erecting here by General Schuyler. Two hundred and fifty men at
this place.
"Fort Edward.
"Evacuated. Now is the time to strike a blow in these ports. A party
toward Johnstown, by way of Division, and a considerable body down here,
will effect your wish.
"General Intelligence.
"Norman's Kill, Nisquitha, Hill Barrack, and New-Scotland, will
immediately on the arrival of his Majesty's troops, join and give
provision. Several townships east of Albany and south-east, are ready to
do the like. Governor Trumbull's son was hanged in London for a spy; he
had several letters from Dr. Franklin to some lords, which were found upon
him. [FN] No mention in the last Fishkill papers that Greene obliged his
Lordship to retreat, as has been reported. The Cork fleet, of upward of
one hundred sail, are safely arrived in York. No hostile intentions on
foot against the Province of Canada."
* * * * *
[FN] The reference here is to Colonel John Trumbull, the former Adjutant
General of the northern department, who, so far from having been hanged
at the time mentioned, is yet living, (Feb. 1839,) having served his
country faithfully and successfully in a high civil capacity since the
war of the Revolution, but, more to its glory still, by his contributions
to the arts. It is true, that at the tame referred to by the writer of
these memoranda, Colonel Trumbull was in London. He had repaired thither
to study the divine art which he has so long and successfully cultivated,
under the instruction of his countryman, West, and with the tacit
permission of the British ministers. Owing, however, to the intrigues of
some of the American loyalists in London, who hated him bitterly, he was
arrested in London during the Autumn of 1780, on a charge of treason, and
committed to the common prison. He had a narrow escape, especially as
great exasperation was kindled by the execution of Andre, and it was
hoped that an offset might be made in the person of the son of a rebel
Governor. West interceded with the King, and Trumbull was liberated.
Colonel Trumbull's Memoirs, which are in course of preparation, will
contain an interesting account of this affair, which was most disgraceful
to those who compassed his arrest--_Author._
"May 25. I just received advice from T. H. but before his arrival, I
despatched a courier on the point of a sharp weapon, to which I refer you;
and lest that should miscarry, I send you my journal, from which, and the
extract sent forward, you may, if it arrives, form something interesting.
For God's sake, send a flag for me. My life is miserable. I have fair
promises, but delays are dangerous."
With the above was taken another paper in the same hand-writing, of which
the following is a copy:
"Y. H. is disobedient, and neither regards or pays any respect to his
parents; if he did, he would contribute to their disquiet, by coming down
contrary to their approbation and repeated requests.
"The necessaries you require are gone forward last Tuesday by a person
which the bearer will inform you of. I wish he was in your company, and
you all safely returned, &c.
"My life is miserable. A flag--a flag, and that immediately, is the
sincere wish of
"H. Senior."
No. III.
[Reference from Page 165.]
1.
A firm fortress is our God, a good defence and weapon;
He helps us free from all our troubles which have now befallen us.
The old evil enemy, he is now seriously going to work;
Great power and much cunning are his cruel equipments,
There is none like him on the earth.
2.
With our own strength nothing can be done, we are very soon lost;
For us the right man is fighting, whom God himself has chosen.
Do you ask, who he is? His name is Jesus Christ,
The Lord Jehovah, and there is no other God;
He must hold the field.
3.
And if the world were full of devils, ready to devour us,
We are by no means much afraid, for finally we must overcome
The prince of this world, however badly he may behave,
He cannot injure us, and the reason is, because he is judge;
A little word can lay him low.
4.
That word they shall suffer to remain, and not to be thanked for
either;
He is with us in the field, with his Spirit and his gifts.
If they take from us body, property, honor, child and wife,
Let them all be taken away, they have yet no gain from it,
The kingdom of heaven must remain to us.
[The above if from a hymn book A. D. 1741. In one printed in 1826, and
now in use in Pennsylvania, the following is added:]
5.
Praise, honor and glory to the Highest God, the Father of all Mercy.
Who has given us out of love His Son, for the sake of our defects,
Together with the Holy Spirit. He calls us to the Kingdom;
He takes away from us our sins, and shows us the way to heaven;
May He joyfully aid us. Amen.
No. IV.
[Reference from Page 167.]
_Colonel Gansevoort's Address to the late_ 3_d New-York Regiment._
[Regimental Orders.]
"_Saratoga, Dec._ 30th, 1780.
"The Colonel being by the new arrangement necessitated to quit the command
of his regiment, and intending to leave this post on the morrow, returns
his sincerest thanks to the officers and soldiers whom he has had the
honor to command, for the alacrity, cheerfulness, and zeal, which it
affords him peculiar satisfaction to declare they have so frequently
evinced in the execution of those duties which their stations required
them to discharge, and for their attention to his orders, which, as it
ever merited, always had his warmest approbation.
"Though he confesses that it is with some degree of pain he reflects that
the relation in which they stood is dissolved, he will endeavor to submit
without repining to a circumstance which, though it may have a tendency
to wound his feelings, his fellow-citizens who form the councils of the
states have declared would be promotive of the public weal.
"In whatever situation of life he may be placed, he will always with
pleasure cherish the remembrance of those deserving men who have with him
been sharers of almost every hardship incident to a military life. As he
will now probably return to that class of citizens whence his country's
service at an early period of the war drew him, he cordially wishes the
day may not be very remote when a happy peace will put them in the full
enjoyment of those blessings for the attainment of which they have nobly
endured every inconvenience and braved many dangers.
"P. Gansevoort."
* * * * *
_An Address to Colonel Peter Gansevoort, by the Officers of his
Regiment, on his retiring from service, in consequence of the new
arrangement ordered by Congress._
"_Saratoga, Dec._ 31, 1780.
"Sir,
"Permit us, who are now with reluctance separated from your command, and
deprived of the benefits which we frequently experienced therefrom, to
declare our sentiments with a warmth of affection and gratitude, inspired
by a consciousness of your unwearied attention to the welfare, honor, and
prosperity of the Third New-York Regiment, while it was honored by your
command.
"We should have been peculiarly happy in your continuance with us. From
our long experience of your invariable attachment to the service of our
country, your known and approved abilities, and that affable and
gentleman-like deportment by which (permit us to say) you have so endeared
yourself to officers and soldiers, that we cannot but consider the
separation as a great misfortune.
"Although your return to the class of citizens from whence our country's
cause, at an early period, called you, it is not a matter of choice in
you, nor by any means agreeable to us; yet it cannot but be pleasing to
know that you retire with the sincerest affection, and most cordial esteem
and regards of the officers and men you have commanded.
"We are, with the utmost respect,
Sir,
Your most humble servants,
"Jas. Rosekrans, Major, B. Bogardus, Lieutenant,
Corn's. T. Gansen, Captain, J. Bagley do.
J. Gregg, do. Chrs. Hatton, do.
Leonard Bleeker, do. W. Magee, do.
Geo. Sytee, do. Prentice Bowen, do.
Henry Tiebout, do. Saml. Lewis, do.
Hunloke Woodruff, Surgeon, John Elliot, Surgeon's Mate,
J. Van Rensselaer, Paymaster, Benj. Herring, Ensign,
Douw T. Fonday, Ensign, Gerrit Lansing, do."
* * * * *
No. V.
[Reference from Page 236.]
_At a meeting of the principal inhabitants of the Mohawk District,
in Tryon County, Colonel Josiah Throop in the Chair,_
Taking into consideration the peculiar circumstances of this country,
relating to its situation, and the numbers that joined the enemy from
among us, whose brutal barbarities in their frequent visits to their old
neighbours, are shocking to humanity to relate:
They have murdered the peaceful husbandman and his lovely boys about him,
unarmed and defenceless in the field. They have, with a malicious
pleasure, butchered the aged and infirm; they have wantonly sported with
the lives of helpless women and children; numbers they have scalped alive,
shut them up in their houses, and burnt them to death. Several children,
by the vigilance of their friends, have been snatched from flaming
buildings; and, though tomahawked and scalped, are still living among us;
they have made more than three hundred widows, and above two thousand
orphans in this county; they have killed thousands of cattle and horses
that rotted in the field; they have burnt more than two millions of
bushels of grain, many hundreds of buildings, and vast stores of forage;
and now these merciless fiends are creeping in among us again, to claim
the privilege of fellow citizens and demand a restitution of their
forfeited estates; but can they leave their infernal tempers behind them,
and be safe or peaceable neighbors? Or can the disconsolate widow and the
bereaved mother reconcile her tender feelings to a free and cheerful
neighborhood with those who so inhumanly made her such? _Impossible!_
It is contrary to nature, the first principle of which is
self-preservation; it is contrary to the law of nations, especially that
nation, which, for numberless reasons, we should be thought to pattern
after. Since the accession of the House of Hanover to the British throne,
five hundred and twenty peerages in Scotland have been sunk, the Peers
executed or fled, and their estates confiscated to the crown, for adhering
to their former administration after a new one was established by law. It
is contrary to the eternal rule of reason and rectitude. If Britain
employed them, let Britain pay them! We will not.
Therefore, _Resolved unanimously,_ that all those who have gone off to the
enemy, or have been banished by any law of this state, or those who we
shall find tarried as spies or tools of the enemy, and encouraged and
harbored those who went away, shall not live in this district on any
pretence whatever; and as for those who have washed their faces from
Indian paint, and their hands from the innocent blood of our dear ones,
and have returned either openly or covertly, we hereby warn them to leave
this district before the twentieth of June next, or they may expect to
feel the just resentment of an injured and determined people.
We likewise unanimously desire our brethren in the other districts in this
county to join with us, to instruct our representatives not to consent to
the repealing any laws made for the safety of the state, against treason
or confiscation of traitors' estates; or to passing any new acts for the
return or restitution of Tories.
By order of the Meeting,
Josiah Throop, Chairman.
_May_ 9, 1789
At a meeting of the freeholders and inhabitants of Canajoharie District,
in the County of Tryon, held at Fort Plain in the same district, on
Saturday the 7th day of June, 1783, the following resolves were
unanimously entered into. Lieutenant Colonel Samuel Clyde in the Chair:
_Whereas,_ In the course of the late war, large numbers of the inhabitants
of this county, lost to every sense of the duty they owed their country,
have joined the enemies of this state, and have, in conjunction with the
British troops, waged war on the people of this state; while others, more
abandoned, have remained among us, and have harbored, aided, assisted, and
victualed the said British troops and their adherents; and by their
example and influence have encouraged many to desert the service of their
country, and by insults and threats have discouraged the virtuous
citizens, thereby inducing a number to abandon their estates and the
defence of their country; _and whereas,_ the County of Tryon hath, in an
especial manner, been exposed to the continued inroads and incursions of
the enemy, in which inroads and incursions the most cruel murders,
robberies, and depredations have been committed that ever yet happened in
this or any other country; neither sex nor age being spared, insomuch that
the most aged people of each sex, and infants at their mothers' breasts,
have inhumanly been butchered; our buildings (the edifices dedicated to
the service of Almighty God not excepted) have been reduced to ashes; our
property destroyed and carried away; our people carried through a far and
distant wilderness, into captivity among savages (the dear and faithful
allies of the merciful and humane British!) where very many still remain,
and have by ill usage been forced to enter into their service.
_And whereas,_ Through the blessings of God and the smiles of indulgent
Providence, the war has happily terminated, and the freedom and
independence of the United States firmly established.
_And whereas,_ It is contrary to the interests of this county, as well as
contrary to the dictates of reason, that those persons who have, through
the course of an eight years' cruel war, been continually aiding and
assisting the British to destroy the liberties and freedom of America,
should now be permitted to return to, or remain in this county, and enjoy
the blessings of those free governments established at the expense of our
blood and treasure, and which they, by every unwarrantable means, have
been constantly laboring to destroy.
_Resolved,_ That we will not suffer or permit any person or persons
whatever, who have during the course of the late war joined the enemy of
this state, or such person or persons remaining with us, and who have any
ways aided, assisted, victualed, or harbored the enemy, or such as have
corresponded with them, to return to, or remain in this district.
_Resolved,_ That all other persons of disaffected or equivocal character,
who have by their examples, insults, and threatenings, occasioned any
desertions to the enemy, or have induced any of the virtuous citizens of
this county to abandon their habitations, whereby they were brought to
poverty and distress. And all such as during the late war have been deemed
dangerous, shall not be permitted to continue in this district, or to
return to it.
_Resolved,_ That all such persons now remaining in this district, and
comprehended in either of the above resolutions, shall depart the same
within one month after the publication of this.
_Resolved,_ That no person or persons, of any denominations whatever,
shall be suffered to come and reside in this district, unless such person
or persons shall bring with them sufficient vouchers of their moral
characters, and of their full, entire, and unequivocal attachment to the
freedom and independence of the United States.
_Resolved,_ That we will, and hereby do associate, under all the ties held
sacred among men and Christians, to stand to, abide by, and carry into
full effect and execution, all and every the foregoing resolutions.
_Resolved,_ That this district does hereby instruct the members in Senate
and Assembly of this state from this county, to the utmost of their power
to oppose the return of all such person or persons who are comprehended
within the sense and meaning of the above resolutions.
_Ordered,_ That the preceding votes and proceedings of this district be
signed by the Chairman, and published in the New York Gazetteer.
Samuel Clyde, _Chairman._
* * * * *
No. VI.
[Reference from Page 288.]
"At a meeting of the President and Fellows of Harvard College, June 5th,
1789--
"_Voted,_ That the thanks of this Corporation be presented to Colonel
Joseph Brant, Chief of the Mohawk Nation, for his polite attention to this
University, in his kind donation to its library of the Book of Common
Prayer of the Church of England, with the Gospel of Mark, translated into
the Mohawk language, and a Primer in the same language.
"Attest,
"Joseph Willard, _President._"
* * * * *
No. VII.
[Reference from Page 312.]
SAINCLAIRE'S DEFEAT.
'Twas November the fourth, in year of ninety-one,
We had a sore engagement near to Fort Jefferson;
_Sainclaire_ was our commander, which may remembered be,
For there we left nine hundred men in t' West'n Ter'tory.
At Bunker's Hill and Quebec, where many a hero fell,
Likewise at Long Island, (it is I the truth can tell,)
But such a dreadful carnage may I never see again
As hap'ned near St. Mary's upon the river plain.
Our army was attacked just as the day did dawn,
And soon were overpowered and driven from the lawn;
They killed Major _Ouldham, Levin,_ and _Briggs_ likewise,
And horrid yell of savages resounded thro' the skies.
Major _Butler_ was wounded the very second fire;
His manly bosom swell'd with rage when forc'd to retire;
And as he lay in anguish, nor scarcely could he see,
Exclaimed, "Ye hounds of hell, O! revenged I will be."
We had not been long broken when General _Butler_ found
Himself so badly wounded, was forced to quit the ground;
"My God!" says he, "what shall we do; we're wounded every man
Go, charge them, valiant heroes, and beat them if you can."
He leaned his back against a tree, and there resigned his breath,
And like a valiant soldier sunk in the arms of death;
When blessed angels did await, his spirit to convey;
And unto the celestial fields he quickly bent his way.
We charg'd again with courage firm, but soon again gave ground.
The war-whoop then redoubled, as did the foes around;
They killed Major _Ferguson,_ which caused his men to cry,
"Our only safety is in flight, or fighting here to die."
"Stand to your guns," says valiant _Ford,_ "let's die upon them there,
Before we let the sav'ges know we ever harbored fear."
Our cannon balls exhausted, and artillery-men all slain,
Obliged were our musket-men the en'my to sustain.
Yet three hours more we fought them, and then were forc'd to yield,
When three hundred bloody warriors lay stretched upon the field.
Says Colonel _Gibson_ to his men, "My boys, be not dismayed,
I'm sure that true Virginians were never yet afraid.
"Ten thousand deaths I'd rather die, than they should gain the field;"
With that he got a fatal shot, which caused him to yield.
Says Major _Clark,_ "My heroes, I can here no longer stand,
We'll strive to form in order, and retreat the best we can."
The word "Retreat" being past around, there was a dismal cry
Then helter-skelter through the woods, like wolves and sheep they fly;
This well-appointed army, who, but a day before,
Defied and braved all danger, had like a cloud pass'd o'er.
Alas! the dying and wounded, how dreadful was the thought,
To the tomahawk and scalping-knife, in mis'ry are brought;
Some had a thigh and some an arm broke on the field that day,
Who writhed in torments at the stake, to close the dire affray.
To mention our brave officers is what I wish to do;
No sons of Mars e'er fought more brave, or with more courage true.
To Captain _Bradford_ I belonged, in his artillery;
He fell that day amongst the slain, a valiant man was he.
* * * * *
No. VIII.
[Reference from Page 314.]
_Narrative of the Captivity and Sufferings of Massy Harbison, in the
Spring of 1792, who resided in the neighborhood of Pittsburgh,
together with the Murder of her children, her own Escape, &c._
On the return of my husband from General St. Clair's defeat, mentioned in
a preceding chapter, and on his recovery from the wound he received in the
battle, he was made a spy, and ordered to the woods on duty, about the 22d
of March, 1792. The appointment of spies to watch the movements of the
savages was so consonant with the desires and interests of the
inhabitants, that the frontier now resumed the appearance of quiet and
confidence. Those who had for nearly a year been huddled together in the
block-house were scattered to their own habitations, and began the
cultivation of their farms. The spies saw nothing to alarm them, or to
induce them to apprehend danger, till the fatal morning of my captivity.
They repeatedly came to our house, to receive refreshments and to lodge.
On the 15th of May, my husband, with Captain Guthrie and other spies, came
home about dark, and wanted supper; to procure which I requested one of
the spies to accompany me to the spring and spring-house, and Mr. William
Maxwell complied with my request. While he was at the spring and
spring-house, we both distinctly heard a sound like the bleating of a
lamb or fawn. This greatly alarmed us, and induced us to make a hasty
retreat into the house. Whether this was an Indian decoy, or a warning of
what I was to pass through, I am unable to determine. But from this time
and circumstance, I became considerably, alarmed, and entreated my husband
to remove me to some more secure place from Indian cruelties. But
Providence had designed that I should become a victim to their rage, and
that mercy should be made manifest in my deliverance.
On the night of the 21st of May, two of the spies, Mr. John Davis and Mr.
Sutton, came to lodge at our house, and on the morning of the 22d, at
day-break, when the horn blew at the block-house, which was within sight
of our house, and distant about two hundred yards, the two men got up and
went out. I was also awake, and saw the door open, and thought, when I was
taken prisoner, that the scouts had left it open. I intended to rise
immediately; but having a child at the breast, and it being awakened, I
lay with it at the breast to get it to sleep again, and accidentally fell
asleep myself.
The spies have since informed me that they returned to the house again,
and found that I was sleeping; that they softly fastened the door, and
went immediately to the block-house; and those who examined the house
after the scene was over, say both doors had the appearance of being
broken open.
The first thing I knew from falling asleep, was the Indians pulling me out
of the bed by my feet. I then looked up, and saw the house full of
Indians, every one having his gun in his left hand and tomahawk in his
right. Beholding the dangerous situation in which I was, I immediately
jumped to the floor on my feet, with the young child in my arms. I then
took a petticoat to put on, having only the one in which I slept; but the
Indians took it from me, and as many as I attempted to put on they
succeeded in taking from me, that I had to go just as I had been in bed.
While I was struggling with some of the savages for clothing, others of
them went and took the two children out of another bed, and immediately
took the two feather beds to the door and emptied them. The savages
immediately began their work of plunder and devastation. What they were
unable to carry with them, they destroyed. While they were at their work
I made to the door, and succeeded in getting out, with one child in my
arms and another by my side; but the other little boy was so much
displeased by being so early disturbed in the morning, that he would not
come to the door.
When I got out, I saw Mr. Wolf, one of the soldiers, going to the spring
for water, and beheld two or three of the savages attempting to get
between him and the block-house; but Mr. Wolf was unconscious of his
danger, for the savages had not yet been discovered. I then gave a
terrific scream, by which means Mr. Wolf discovered his danger, and
started to run for the block-house; seven or eight Indians fired at him,
but the only injury he received was a bullet in his arm, which broke it.
He succeeded in making his escape to the block-house. When I raised the
alarm, one of the Indians came up to me with his tomahawk, as though about
to take my life; a second came and placed his hand before my mouth, and
told me to hush, when a third came with a lifted tomahawk, and attempted
to give me a blow; but the first that came raised his tomahawk and averted
the blow, and claimed me as his squaw.
The Commissary, with his waiter, slept in the store-house near the
block-house; and upon hearing the report of the guns, came to the door to
see what was the matter, and beholding the danger he was in made his
escape to the block-house, but not without being discovered by the
Indians, several of whom fired at him, and one of the bullets went through
his handkerchief, which was tied about his head, and took off some of his
hair. The handkerchief, with several bullet holes in it, he afterward gave
to me.
The waiter, on coming to the door, was met by the Indians, who fired upon
him, and he received two bullets through the body and fell dead by the
door. The savages then setup one of their tremendous and terrifying yells,
and pushed forward, and attempted to scalp the man they had killed; but
they were prevented from executing their diabolical purpose by the heavy
fire which was kept up through the port-holes from the block-house.
In this scene of horror and alarm I began to meditate an escape, and for
that purpose I attempted to direct the attention of the Indians from me,
and to fix it on the block-house; and thought if I could succeed in this,
I would retreat to a subterranean rock with which I was acquainted, which
was in the run near where we were. For this purpose I began to converse
with some of those who were near me respecting the strength of the
block-house, the number of men in it, &c, and being informed that there
were forty men there, and that they were excellent marksmen, they
immediately came to the determination to retreat, and for this purpose
they ran to those who were besieging the block-house, and brought them
away. They then began to flog me with their wiping sticks, and to order
me along. Thus what I intended as the means of my escape, was the means of
accelerating my departure in the hands of the savages. But it was no doubt
ordered by a kind Providence, for the preservation of the fort and the
inhabitants in it; for when the savages gave up the attack and retreated,
some of the men in the house had the last load of ammunition in their
guns, and there was no possibility of procuring any more, for it was all
fastened up in the store-house, which was inaccessible.
The Indians, when they had flogged me away along with them, took my oldest
boy, a lad about five years of age, along with them, for he was still at
the door by my side. My middle little boy, who was about three years of
age, had by this time obtained a situation by the fire in the house, and
was crying bitterly to me not to go, and making bitter complaints of the
depredations of the savages.
But these monsters were not willing to let the child remain behind them;
they took him by the hand to drag him along with them, but he was so very
unwilling to go, and made such a noise by crying, that they took him up by
the feet and dashed his brains out against the threshold of the door. They
then scalped and stabbed him, and left him for dead. When I witnessed this
inhuman butchery of my own child, I gave a most indescribable and terrific
scream, and felt a dimness come over my eyes next to blindness, and my
senses were nearly gone. The savages then gave me a blow across my head
and face, and brought me to my sight and recollection again. During the
whole of this agonizing scene I kept my infant in my arms.
As soon as their murder was effected, they marched me along to the top of
the bank, about forty or sixty rods, and there they stopped and divided
the plunder which they had taken from our house; and here I counted their
number, and found them to be thirty-two, two of whom were white men
painted as Indians.
Several of the Indians could speak English well. I knew several of them
well, having seen them go up and down the Allegheny river. I knew two of
them to be from the Seneca tribe of Indians, and two of them Munsees; for
they had called at the shop to get their guns repaired, and I saw them
there.
We went from this place about forty rods, and they then caught my uncle,
John Currie's horses, and two of them, into whose custody I was put,
started with me on the horses, toward the mouth of the Kiskiminetas, and
the rest of them went off toward Puckety. When they came to the bank that
descended toward the Allegheny, the bank was so very steep, and there
appeared so much danger in descending it on horseback, that I threw myself
off the horse in opposition to the will and command of the savages.
My horse descended without falling, but the one on which the Indian rode
who had my little boy, in descending, fell, and rolled over repeatedly;
and my little boy fell back over the horse, but was not materially
injured. He was taken up by one of the Indians, and we got to the bank of
the river, where they had secreted some bark canoes under the rocks,
opposite to the island that lies between the Kiskiminetas and Buffalo.
They attempted in vain to make the horses take the river. After trying
some time to effect this, they left the horses behind them, and took us in
one of the canoes to the point of the island, and there they left the
canoe.
Here I beheld another hard scene, for as soon as we landed, my little boy,
who was still mourning and lamenting about his little brother, and who
complained that he was injured by the fall in descending the bank, _was
murdered._
One of the Indians ordered me along, probably that I should not see the
horrid deed about to be perpetrated. The other then took his tomahawk from
his side, and with this instrument of death _killed and scalped him._ When
I beheld this second scene of inhuman butchery, I fell to the ground
senseless, with my infant in my arms, it being under, and its little hands
in the hair of my head. How long I remained in this state of
insensibility, I know not.
The first thing I remember was my raising my head from the ground, and my
feeling myself exceedingly overcome with sleep. I cast my eyes around, and
saw the scalp of my dear little boy, fresh bleeding from his head, in the
hand of one of the savages, and sunk down to the earth again upon my
infant child. The first thing I remember after witnessing this spectacle
of woe, was the severe blows I was receiving from the hands of the
savages, though at that time I was unconscious of the injury I was
sustaining. After a severe castigation, they assisted me in getting up,
and supported me when up.
Here I cannot help contemplating the peculiar interposition of Divine
Providence in my behalf. How easily might they have murdered me! What a
wonder their cruelty did not lead them to effect it! But, instead of this,
the scalp of my boy was hid from my view and, in order to bring me to my
senses again, they took me back to the river and led me in knee deep; this
had its intended effect. But "the tender mercies of the wicked are cruel."
We now proceeded on our journey by crossing the island, and coming to a
shallow place where we could wade out, and so arrive to the Indian side of
the country. Here they pushed me in the river before them, and had to
conduct me through it. The water was up to my breast, but I suspended my
child above the water, and, through the assistance of the savages, got
safely out.
From thence we rapidly proceeded forward, and came to Big Buffalo; here
the stream was very rapid, and the Indians had again to assist me. When
we had crossed this creek, we made a straight course to the
Connequenessing creek, the very place where Butler now stands; and from
thence we traveled five or six miles to Little Buffalo, and crossed it at
the very place where Mr. B. Server's mill now stands, and ascended the
hill.
I now felt weary of my life, and had a full determination to make the
savages kill me, thinking that death would be exceedingly welcome when
compared with the fatigue, cruelties, and miseries I had the prospect of
enduring. To have my purpose effected, I stood still, one of the savages
being before me and the other walking on behind me, and I took from off my
shoulder a large powder born they made me carry, in addition to my child,
who was one year and four days old. I threw the horn on the ground, closed
my eyes, _and expected every moment to feel the deadly tomahawk._ But to
my surprise the Indians took it up, cursed me bitterly, and put it on my
shoulder again. I took it off the second time, and threw it on the ground,
and again closed my eyes with the assurance that I should meet death; but,
instead of this, the savages again took up the horn, and with an
indignant, frightful countenance, came and placed it on again. I took it
off the third time, and was determined to effect it; and therefore threw
it as far as I was able from me, over the rocks. The savage immediately
went after it, while the one who had claimed me as his squaw, and who had
stood and witnessed the transaction, came up to me, and said, "well done,
I did right, and was a good squaw, and that the other was a lazy son of a
b--h; he might carry it himself." I cannot now sufficiently admire the
indulgent care of a gracious God, that at this moment preserved me amidst
so many temptations from the tomahawk and scalping knife.
The savages now changed their position, and the one who claimed me as his
squaw went behind. This movement, I believe, was to prevent the other from
doing me any injury; and we went on till we struck the Connequenessing at
the Salt Lick, about two miles above Butler, where was an Indian camp,
where we arrived a little before dark, having no refreshment during the
day.
The camp was made of stakes driven in the ground sloping, and covered with
chestnut bark, and appeared sufficiently long for fifty men. The camp
appeared to have been occupied for some time; it was very much beaten, and
large beaten paths went out from it in different directions.
That night they took me about three hundred yards from the camp, up a run,
into a large dark bottom, where they cut the brush in a thicket, and
placed a blanket on the ground, and permitted me to sit down with my
child. They then pinioned my arms back, only with a little liberty, so
that it was with difficulty that I managed my child. Here, in this dreary
situation, without fire or refreshment, having an infant to take care of
and my arms bound behind me, and having a savage on each side of me who
had killed two of my dear children that day, I had to pass the first night
of my captivity.
Ye mothers, who have never lost a child by an inhuman savage, or endured
the almost indescribable misery here related, may nevertheless think a
little (though it be but little) what I endured; and hence, now you are
enjoying sweet repose and the comforts of a peaceful and well-replenished
habitation, sympathize with me a little, as one who was a pioneer in the
work of cultivation and civilization.
But the trials and dangers of the day I had passed had so completely
exhausted nature, that, notwithstanding my unpleasant situation, and _my
determination to escape if possible,_ I insensibly fell asleep, and
repeatedly dreamed of my escape and safe arrival in Pittsburgh, and
several things relating to the town, of which I knew nothing at the time,
but found to be true when I arrived there. The first night passed away,
and I found no means of escape, for the savages kept watch the whole of
the night, without any sleep.
In the morning, one of them left us to watch the trail or path we had
come, to see if any white people were pursuing us. During the absence of
the Indian, who was the one that claimed me, the other, who remained with
me, and who was the murderer of my last boy, took from his bosom his
scalp, and prepared a hoop and stretched the scalp upon it. Those mothers
who have not seen the like done by one of the scalps of their own
children, (and few, if any, ever had so much misery to endure,) will be
able to form but faint ideas of the feelings which then harrowed up my
soul! I meditated revenge! While he was in the very act, I attempted to
take his tomahawk, which hung by his side and rested on the ground, and
had nearly succeeded, and was, as I thought, about to give the fatal blow;
when, alas! I was detected.
The savage felt me at his tomahawk handle, turned round upon me, cursed
me, and told me I was a Yankee; thus insinuating he understood my
intention, and to prevent me from doing so again, faced me. My excuse to
him for handling his tomahawk was, that my child wanted to play with the
handle of it. Here again I wondered at my merciful preservation, for the
looks of the savage were terrific in the extreme; and these, I apprehend,
were only an index to his heart. But God was my preserver.
The savage who went upon the look-out in the morning came back about 12
o'clock, and had discovered no pursuers. Then the one who had been
guarding me went out on the same errand. The savage who was now my guard
began to examine me about the white people, the strength of the armies
going against them, &c., and boasted largely of their achievements in the
preceding fall, at the defeat of General St. Clair.
He then examined into the plunder which he had brought from our house the
day before. He found my pocket-book and money in his plunder. There were
ten dollars in silver, and a half a guinea in gold in the book. During
this day they gave me a piece of dry venison, about the bulk of an egg,
and a piece about the same size the day we were marching, for my support
and that of my child; but owing to the blows I had received from them in
my jaws, I was unable to eat a bit of it. I broke it up, and gave it to
the child.
The savage on the look-out returned about dark. This evening, (Monday the
23d,) they moved me to another station in the same valley, and secured me
as they did the preceding night. Thus I found myself the second night
between two Indians, without fire or refreshment. During this night I was
frequently asleep, notwithstanding my unpleasant situation, and as often
dreamed of my arrival in Pittsburgh.
Early on the morning of the 24th, a flock of mocking birds and robins
hovered over us, as we lay in our uncomfortable bed, and sung, and said,
at least to my imagination, that I was to get up and go off. As soon as
day broke, one of the Indians went off again to watch the trail, as on the
preceding day, and he who was left to take care of me, appeared to be
sleeping. When I perceived this, I lay still and began to snore as though
asleep, and he fell asleep.
Then I concluded it was time to escape. I found it impossible to injure
him for my child at the breast, as I could not effect any thing without
putting the child down, and then it would cry and give the alarm; so I
contented myself with taking from a pillow-case of plunder, taken from our
house, a short gown, handkerchief, and child's frock, and so made my
escape; the sun then being about half an hour high.
I took a direction from home, at first, being guided by the birds before
mentioned, and in order to deceive the Indians, then took over the hill,
and struck the Connequenessing creek about two miles from where I crossed
it with the Indians, and went down the stream till about two o'clock in
the afternoon, over rocks, precipices, thorns, briars, &c., with my bare
feet and legs. I then discovered by the sun, and the running of the
stream, that I was on the wrong course, and going from, instead of coming
nearer home. I then changed my course, ascended a hill, and sat down till
sunset, and the evening star made its appearance, when I discovered the
way I should travel; and having marked out the direction I intended to
take the next morning, I collected some leaves, made up a bed and laid
myself down and slept, though my feet being full of thorns, began to be
very painful, and I had nothing still to eat for myself or child.
The next morning, (Friday, 25th of May,) about the breaking of the day I
was aroused from my slumbers by the flock of birds before mentioned, which
still continued with me, and having them to guide me through the
wilderness. As soon as it was sufficiently light for me to find my way, I
started for the fourth day's trial of hunger and fatigue.
There was nothing very material occurred on this day while I was
traveling, and I made the best of my way, according to my knowledge,
towards the Allegheny river. In the evening, about the going down of the
sun, a moderate rain came on, and I began to prepare for my bed by
collecting some leaves together, as I had done the night before; but could
not collect a sufficient quantity without setting my little boy on the
ground; but as soon as I put him out of my arms he began to cry. Fearful
of the consequence of his noise in this situation, I took him in my arms,
and put him to the breast immediately, and he became quiet. I then stood
and listened, and _distinctly heard the footsteps of a man coming after
me_ in the same direction I had come! The ground over which I had been
traveling was good, and the mould was light; I had therefore left my
footmarks, and thus exposed myself to a _second captivity!_ Alarmed at my
perilous situation, I looked around for a place of safety, and
_providentially_ discovered a large tree which had fallen, into the tops
of which I crept, with my child in my arms, and there hid myself securely
under the limbs. The darkness of the night greatly assisted me, and
prevented me from detection.
The footsteps I heard were those of a savage. He heard the cry of the
child, and came to the very spot where the child cried, and there he
halted, put down his gun, and was at this time so near that I heard the
wiping stick strike against his gun distinctly.
My getting in under the tree, and sheltering myself from the rain, and
pressing my boy to my bosom, got him warm, and most providentially he fell
asleep, and lay very still during the time of my danger at that time. All
was still and quiet, the savage was listening if by possibility he might
again hear the cry he had heard before. My own heart was the only thing I
feared, and that beat so loud that I was apprehensive it would betray me.
It is almost impossible to conceive or to believe the wonderful effect my
situation produced upon my whole system.
After the savage had stood and listened with nearly the stillness of death
for two hours, the sound of a bell, and a cry like that of a night-owl,
signals which were given to him from his savage companions, induced him to
answer, and after he had given a most horrid yell, which was calculated to
harrow up my soul, he started, and went off to join them.
After the retreat of the savage to his companions, I concluded it unsafe
to remain in my concealed situation till morning, lest they should
conclude upon a second search, and being favored with the light of day
find me, and either tomahawk or scalp me, or otherwise bear me back to my
captivity again, which was worse than death.
But by this time nature was nearly exhausted, and I found some difficulty
in moving from my situation that night; yet, compelled by necessity and a
love of self-preservation, I threw my coat about my child, and placed the
end between my teeth, and with one arm and my teeth I carried the child,
and with the other arm groped my way between the trees, and traveled on as
I supposed a mile or two, and there sat down at the root of a tree till
the morning. The night was cold and wet; and thus terminated the fourth
day and night's difficulties, trials, hunger, and danger.
The fifth day, Saturday, 26th May, wet and exhausted, hungry and wretched,
I started from my resting-place in the morning as soon as I could see my
way, and on that morning struck the bead waters of Pine Creek, which falls
into the Allegheny about four miles above Pittsburgh; though I knew not
then what waters they were, but crossed them, and on the opposite bank I
found a path, and discovered in it two moccasin tracks, fresh indented,
and the men who had made them were before me, and traveling on the same
direction that I was traveling. This alarmed me; but as they were before
me, and traveling in the same direction as I was, I concluded I could see
them as soon as they could see me; and therefore I pressed on in that path
for about three miles, when I came to the forks where another branch
empties into the creek, and where a hunter's camp, where the two men,
whose tracks I had before discovered and followed, had been, and kindled
a fire and breakfasted, and had left the fire burning.