Difficulties between Great Britain and the United States after the
Treaty--Refusal of the former to surrender the western posts--Mission of
Baron Steuben to Canada--Indications of fresh Indian
hostilities--Movements of Captain Brant--Grand Indian Council at the
Huron Village--Address to the United States--Letter of the Secretary at
War, General Knox, to Captain Brant--Letter of Sir John Johnson to
Brant--Letter of Major Matthews to Brant, disclosing the views of Lord
Dorchester respecting the retention of the western posts--Message from
the Hurons to the Five Nations, proposing another grand
Council--Preparations of General St. Clair for negotiating with the
Indians--Brant begins to distrust them all--Letter of Brant to Patrick
Langan, Sir John Johnson's Secretary--Letter of Brant to Sir John
Johnson--Great Council at Miamis--Letter of Captain Brant to Patrick
Langan--St. Clair's negotiations at Fort Harmar--The policy of dividing
to conquer--letter of Captain Brant to Major Matthews--Jealousies of
Brant among the Indians--Council against him at Montreal--Letter to him
from Major Matthews--Letter of Brant in reply--Letter to Colonel
McDonnell--Suspected plot against the English at Detroit, and Brant and
his Mohawks, by the Hurons, Chippewas, and Pottawattamies--Letter to
Brant from Sir John Johnson--Brant turns his attention to the
cultivation of letters--Endeavors to obtain a stated
Missionary--Resumes the preparation of Religious books--Letter from
President Willard--John Norton--Land difficulties among the Indians in
the state of New-York--Letter from Governor Clinton to Brant.
Unhappily the treaty of peace did not bring the United States and Great
Britain immediately to so good an understanding with each other as could
have been desired. Several important questions remained for subsequent
arrangement. The treaty proposed a general restoration of confiscated
property to all such loyalists as had not actually borne arms in the
service of the King. The American Congress passed a resolution
recommending the fulfillment of this clause of the treaty by the several
states; but it was not considered binding, and South Carolina alone
approached to a compliance therewith. There was, likewise, an explicit
provision in the treaty, respecting the payment of debts due by Americans
to British subjects, not resting upon a recommendation only; the
fulfillment of which was sadly neglected. Indeed, the states in which
those debts chiefly lay, showed but too plainly an indisposition to aid
in carrying the stipulation into effect. On the other hand, the Negroes
belonging to American citizens who were in the possession and service of
the officers of the British army, were not restored; and, contrary to all
expectation, Great Britain refused to surrender the military posts upon
the American side of the great lakes. The surrender of those posts was
expected with the utmost conscience, as one of the most immediate
consequences of the ratification of the treaty. To this end, Congress
instructed the Commander-in-chief to make all the necessary arrangements
to receive and occupy the posts in the Summer of 1783; and in July of that
season, the Baron Steuben was despatched by General Washington on a
mission to Sir Frederick Haldimand at Quebec, to concert the necessary
dispositions, and proceed along the frontiers as far as Detroit, to
examine the different posts, and report in regard to their condition, and
how many and which of them it would be expedient for the United States
permanently to occupy. [FN-1] The Baron met General Haldimand at Sorel, on
his way to visit the country of the lakes himself. But on making known his
business, the British commander informed him that he had received no
instructions for the evacuation of the posts, or for any other objects
than a cessation of hostilities, with which he had complied. He did not
consider himself at liberty to enter, into any negotiations with the Baron
upon the subject, and even refused him the necessary passports for
visiting Niagara and Detroit. [FN-2] In addition to this, under the
pretext that the government of the United States had not sufficient power
to enforce the observance of a commercial treaty, Great Britain refused to
join in the negotiation of such an instrument. [FN-3] Thus situated--the
government and people of each nation complaining of the other--crimination
and recrimination ensued, until the public feeling became irritated almost
to exasperation.
* * * * *
[FN-1] Letter of Washington to General Haldimand, July 12, 1783. Also,
Instructions of the same to Baron Steuben.
[FN-2] Sparks.
[FN-3] The fact was but too true. After the common danger of the war had
ceased to bind the States together, the articles of the Confederation
were but a rope of sand. The government was, indeed, but a rickety
concern until the formation of the Constitution of 1787.
The Indians, in the mean time, brooding over the real or fancied wrongs
they had sustained at the treaty of Fort Stanwix, and irritated at the
onward current of the white population pressing in their own direction,
were becoming restiff; particularly the more distant tribes at the
south-west; and their movements indicated any thing but pacific
intentions. Indeed, along some portions of the western frontier,
particularly on the Ohio river, it could scarcely be said that they had
been at peace. Both in 1785 and in 1786, acts of individual hostility were
not unfrequent on the banks of the Ohio and on the Kentucky border; and
in both of those years larger parties had repeatedly attacked the crews of
boats descending the river. It was likewise certain that two years only
had elapsed after the close of the war before a hostile combination of
the great north-western nations was supposed to have been formed; and
documentary proof has been adduced in the preceding pages that a powerful
and influential messenger, in the person of Captain Brant, had been
instructed by those nations to ascertain prospectively the measure of
assistance they might, in the event of hostilities, expect to receive from
Great Britain. It is true that Lord Sidney, in his reply to the message of
Thayendanegea, had avoided committing himself either way upon this point.
But the message of the Mohawk chief; and the reply of the minister, were
alike unknown to the public at that day. Still, it was to the detention of
the posts on the lakes that the hostile temper manifested by the Indians,
and their frequent outrages on the frontier, were ascribed; with more
justice, as will hereafter appear, than Great Britain would be willing to
allow.
The conduct of Captain Brant, moreover, when illustrated by his private
correspondence as well as his public actions, will presently appear very
mysterious, if not equivocal. By retiring with his own nation into Canada,
the Mohawks had not withdrawn from the Confederacy of the Six Nations,
nor had Thayendanegea relinquished his official rank as the principal or
superior chief of the whole, though five of them remained within the
United States. The differences which thus early sprang up between the
United States and the Indians, arose upon a question of boundary; the
latter maintaining that the Ohio river was not to be crossed by the
people of the former. Captain Brant espoused the cause of the Indians at
large upon this question, and had early and strenuously exerted himself to
compass a grand confederation of all the north-western tribes and nations,
of which, it is believed, he intended to be the head. The incipient steps
to the formation of such a confederacy, the reader has already seen, had
been taken in 1785, previous to his departure for England. On his return
in the following year, his efforts for that object were renewed. [FN] In
December, 1786, a grand confederate council of the Indians north west of
the Ohio, including the Six Nations, was held at Huron Village, near the
mouth of the Detroit River. This council was attended by the Six Nations,
and the Hurons, Ottawas, Twitchtwees, [Miamis,] Shawanese, Chippewas,
Cherokees, Delawares, Pottawattamies, and the Wabash Confederates. On the
18th of that month, an address to the Congress of the United States was
agreed upon, the tone of which was pacific--provided the United States
made no encroachments upon their lands beyond the Ohio. After a
declaration of their surprise that they were not included in the treaty of
peace, they observed that they had nevertheless received a message from
the King, advising them to remain quiet. They had likewise received two
very agreeable messages from the thirteen States, from the tenor of which
they had anticipated a period of repose. But while they were devising the
best measures to secure this result and form a lasting
reconciliation--while they had "the best thoughts in their minds, mischief
had happened." Still, they were anxious to prevent farther trouble, as a
principal means of which they recommended that no treaties should be
formed by the United States with separate Indian tribes or nations; but
that all treaties for lands should be negotiated openly and above board,
in the most public manner, and by the united voice of the Confederacy.
They attributed the "mischief and confusion" that had arisen, to the fact
that the United States would have every thing their own way--that they
would "kindle the council-fires wherever they thought proper, without
consulting the Indians." At the treaty of Fort Stanwix in 1784, they had
urged a different policy; and they believed that, had the course then
recommended, of treating only in a general conference of the nations, been
pursued, all would have continued peace and concord between them.
Notwithstanding the mischiefs that had happened, the council professed
their strong desire of peace. "This," they said, "is the determination of
all the chiefs of the Confederacy, now assembled, notwithstanding that
several Indian chiefs were killed in our villages, even when in council,
and when absolutely engaged in promoting peace with you, the thirteen
United States." In order to ensure this desirable result, they proposed a
grand confederate council, to be holden at some half-way place in the
ensuing spring--recommending to the United States, in the meantime to
prevent their surveyors and other people from crossing to the Indian side
of the Ohio. This important address concluded in the following
words:--"Brothers: It shall not be our faults, if the plans which we have
suggested to you should not be carried into execution. In that case the
event will be very precarious, and if fresh ruptures ensue, we hope to be
able to exculpate ourselves, and shall most assuredly, with our united
force, be obliged to defend those rights and privileges which have been
transmitted to us by our ancestors; and if we should be thereby reduced to
misfortunes, the world will pity us when they think of the amicable
proposals we now make to prevent the unnecessary effusion of blood. These
are our thoughts and firm resolves, and we earnestly desire that you would
transmit to us, as soon as possible, your answer, be it what it may."
* * * * *
[FN] Letter of General Knox, Secretary of War--11th May, 1786.
This address, the ultimatum antecedent to the general war that afterward
arose, was not signed by individual chiefs, but by the nation, the name of
the nation being written, and the bird or animal adopted as the national
emblem rudely marked upon the paper. Thayendanegea was present and active
at this council, as will appear by the annexed letter, found among his
papers, from the American Secretary of War, General Knox:--
"General Knox to Captain Brant.
"_War Office, July_ 23_d_, 1787.
"Sir:--
"On the 17th instant, and not before, I received the favor of your letter,
dated 'Huron Town, Dec. 18th, 1786,' enclosing the original speech by the
several nations of Indians met at the same time and place, to the United
States in Congress assembled.
"It appears from the information of General Butler, the Superintendent,
that the Shawanese neglected to forward the above despatches at the time
it was expected they would; and it appears by a letter from Captain Pipe,
of the Delawares, and the Half-King of the Wyandots, dated at Sandusky the
3d of June, that they forwarded the despatches finally to Fort Pitt--at
which place, and at the same time also, your messengers arrived with your
letters to General Butler, dated Buffalo Creek, the 16th of May, 1787,
enclosing a copy, or translation, of the speech of the chiefs, transmitted
by Captain Pipe and the Half-King of the Wyandots.
"I mention these circumstances, to convince you that the result of your
council, at the Huron village, in December, has been a long time in
traveling to this city.
"On the receipt of your papers, they were submitted to Congress, who have
taken the same, into consideration, and will soon come to some decision
thereon, which will be communicated to the Superintendent, in order to be
transmitted to you.
"I have the honor to be,
Sir,
Your most obedient,
Humble servant,
H. Knox.
"Colonel Joseph Brant,
_One of the Chiefs of the Mohawk Nation._"
Neither the preceding letter, nor that in reply to which it was written,
has been preserved in the archives of the American Department of War. The
signature of "_The Five Nations,_" however, stood at the head of the list,
and from the rank and superior intelligence of Thayendanegea, there can be
little doubt that the address to the Government of the United States was
dictated, if not written, by him. That it was in entire accordance with
his views, appears most fully by the following letter from Sir John
Johnson. This letter is worthy of preservation, as affording the first
authentic evidence of the equivocal attitude Great Britain was assuming
in regard to the Indian relations of the United States.
"Sir John Johnson to Captain Brant.
"_Quebec, March_ 22d, 1787.
"Dear Sir,
"I have received your letter of the 14th of February. I am happy to find
things turned out as you wished at your several meetings in the Indian
country near Detroit, and I hope it may have the effect you wish in
preventing the Americans from incroaching on your lands. Your conduct, I
hope, for your own sake, will always be such as to justify the good
opinion that has been entertained of you by your friends the English, and
such as will merit the continuance of their friendship. I hope in all your
decisions you will conduct yourselves with prudence and moderation, having
always an eye to the friendship that has so long subsisted between you and
the King's subjects, upon whom alone you can and ought to depend. You have
no reason to fear any breach of promise on the part of the King. Is he not
every year giving fresh proofs of his friendship? What greater could you
expect than is now about to be performed, by giving an ample compensation
for your losses, which is yet withheld from us, his subjects? Do not
suffer bad men or evil advisers to lead you astray; every thing that is
reasonable and consistent with the friendship that ought to be preserved
between us, will be done for you all. Do not suffer an idea to hold a
place in your mind, that it will be for your interests to sit still and
see the Americans attempt the posts. [FN-1] It is for your sakes chiefly,
if not entirely, that we hold them. If you become indifferent about them,
they may perhaps be given up; what security would you then have? You would
be left at the mercy of a people whose blood calls aloud for revenge;
whereas, by supporting them, you encourage us to hold them, and encourage
the new settlements, already considerable, and every day increasing by
numbers coming in, who find they can't live in the States. Many thousands
are preparing to come in. This increase of his Majesty's subjects will
serve as a protection for you, should the subjects of the States, by
endeavoring to make farther encroachments on you, disturb your quiet.
At present I think there is little to apprehend from any but the Southern
States; those to the eastward are already opposed to each other in arms,
[FN-2] and have shed blood, and the disorder seems to be spreading
throughout. Men of character are coming in here to see if no assistance
will be given them; and the people of New England, who were the most
violent at the commencement of the war, are now the most desirous of
returning under the British government, should Great Britain incline to
receive them, which many think they would not."
* * * * *
[FN-1] Oswegatchie, Oswego, Niagara, Detroit and Mackinaw--withheld from
the United States, as heretofore stated in tho text.
[FN-2] This allusion refers to the memorable insurrection of Captain
Shays, in Massachusetts.
"Remember me in the most friendly manner to Mrs. Brant, all your family,
and to all my brothers in your settlement, and tell them to be patient,
and that they will find that all that has been promised them, coming
within my knowledge, will be per-formed. I hope to see you in the course
of the summer; in the mean time, I remain with truth,
"Dear Sir,
Your friend and
Humble servant,
John Johnson." [FN]
* * * * *
[FN] Copied from the original, among the Brant papers.
The object of this communication will be seen at a glance. It is
unfortunate, that the letter of Thayendanegea, giving the private history
of the great Amphictyonic council of the Indians, has not been discovered.
Still, enough can be learned from the scattered correspondence that
remains, to show that Great Britain was by no means an indifferent
observer of the storm gathering in the north-west. It is also evident that
the officers of the crown in Canada were rejoicing in the insurrection of
Captain Shays in Massachusetts; which, though at one moment of threatening
importance, had been crushed but a few days before the Baronet's letter
was written, of which result he had not then been apprised. That
insurrection was a consequence, in the main, of the weakness of the
government of the confederacy. Fortunately, however, instead of working
farther detriment to the republic, its influence was not inconsiderable
in binding the states more firmly together, by means of the Constitution,
which arose from the ruins of the old Articles of Confederation in the
course of the same year. There is another feature in the letter of Sir
John deserving to be noted. It discloses the fact, that already, even so
early as the year 1787, had the British authorities imbibed the absurd
notion that the people of New England, who had been first in raising the
standard of revolt, wearied with their freedom, were seeking a
dismemberment of the Union, that they might throw themselves back into the
arms of their former sovereign. Nor was this idea eradicated until after
the failure of a miserable intrigue, under the Canadian administration of
Sir James H. Craig, with a worthless fellow named John Henry, in 1810.
Great Britain not only continued to retain possession of the north-western
posts, but added to their strength. Upon this subject, and the policy by
which she was governed in regard to it, the following letter reflects
additional light. It was addressed to Captain Brant by Major Matthews,
whose name has already occurred as an officer in the suite of Sir Guy
Carleton--who had now become Lord Dorchester. Matthews had been assigned
to the command of Detroit, and was on his way thither when the letter was
written:--
"Major Matthews to Captain Brant.
"_Niagara,_ 29_th May,_ 1787.
"My Dear Friend,
"A few days before I left Quebec, I had the pleasure to receive your
letter of the 3d April, and was happy at the prospect I had of so soon
answering it in person, and once more shaking hands together upon our old
ground. On my arrival yesterday, I was much disappointed to hear that you
had left this place, and gone by a route which, for the present, prevents
our meeting; for though there is nothing I wish more than to pay you a
visit in your settlement, and to have a conversation with you, the
despatch which I am under the necessity of making to Detroit, renders it
impossible. I therefore sit down to thank you for the information in your
last, and to renew our old agreement of communicating freely to each other
whatsoever we may know or think is for the mutual advantage and well-being
of that cause, which has always been common, and which, I am persuaded, is
equally dear to us both; and being better informed of what relates to the
situation of affairs in this quarter than when I last wrote to you, I
shall begin by informing you of what his Excellency, Lord Dorchester,
desired I would, should I chance to fall in with you. His Lordship wishes
you should be acquainted that, when he arrived at Quebec last fall, it was
too late to forward any thing more than a few provisions necessary for the
posts and Indians, a part of which even could not proceed on account of
the ice; but that he did not forget the presents intended for the Indians;
and had, as soon as the communication opened, ordered them to be sent up
from Montreal. At the same time his Lordship was sorry to learn, that
while the Indians were soliciting his assistance in their preparations for
war, some of the Six Nations had sent deputies to Albany to treat with
the Americans, who, it is said, have made a treaty with them, granting
permission to make roads for the purpose of coming to Niagara; but that,
notwithstanding these things, the Indians should have their presents, as
they are marks of the King's approbation of their former conduct. In
future his Lordship wishes them to act as is best for their interest; he
cannot begin a war with the Americans, because some of their people
encroach and make depredations upon parts of the Indian country; but they
must see it is his Lordship's intention to defend the posts; and that
while these are preserved, the Indians must find great security therefrom,
and consequently the Americans greater difficulty in taking possession of
their lands; but should they once become masters of the posts, they will
surround the Indians, and accomplish their purpose with little trouble.
From a consideration of all which, it therefore remains with the Indians
to decide what is most for their own interest, and to let his Lordship
know their determination, that he may take his measures accordingly; but,
whatever their resolution is, it should be taken as by one and the same
people, by which means they will be respected and become strong; but if
they divide, and act one part against the other, they will become weak,
and help to destroy each other. This, my dear Joseph, is the substance of
what his Lordship desired me to tell you, and I request you will give his
sentiments that mature consideration which their justice, generosity, and
desire to promote the welfare and happiness of the Indians, must appear to
all the world to merit.
"In your letter to me, you seem apprehensive that the English are not very
anxious about the defence of the posts. You will soon be satisfied that
they have nothing more at heart, provided that it continues to be the
wish of the Indians, and that they remain firm in doing _their_ part of
the business, by preventing the Americans from coming into their country,
and consequently from marching to the posts. On the other hand, if the
Indians think it more for their interest that the Americans should have
possession of the posts, and be established in their country, they ought
to declare it, that the English need no longer be put to the vast and
unnecessary expense and inconvenience of keeping posts, the chief object
of which is to protect their Indian allies, and the loyalists who have
suffered with them. It is well-known that no encroachments ever have or
ever will be made by the English upon the lands or property of the Indians
in consequence of their possessing the posts, how far that will be the
case if ever the Americans get into them, may very easily be imagined,
from their hostile perseverance, even without that advantage, in driving
the Indians off their lands and taking possession of them.
"In regard to myself, I have to acquaint you, that in consequence of the
reports which reached Quebec from the upper country respecting the
intentions of the Americans against the posts, Lord Dorchester has been
pleased to permit me to take the command of Detroit, which is garrisoned
by the regiment I am in, and has ordered that another regiment be sent up
for the protection of the posts in general, two companies of which, under
the command of your acquaintance, Captain Malcolm, arrived with me in the
Seneca, and I am to take two companies of the 53d from hence, to reinforce
Detroit; so that I think we shall have but little to apprehend from any
thing in the power of the Americans to attempt. I confess to you I have
no idea they have any serious intention of the kind, the few troops they
can muster not being sufficient to support their government; they are,
besides, in rebellion, and cutting each others throats. A people in this
situation are but ill able to march considerable armies with artillery and
the necessary stores, (which they must have to be successful,) through a
distant and difficult country.
"Inclosed I send you a letter from Sir John Johnson. It will probably
inform you that the presents mentioned by Lord Dorchester are sent up;
they crossed the lake in the ship with me, and are stored here, waiting
the arrival of Sir John for the distribution of them.
"On your way to the Southern Council, I shall hope for the satisfaction of
seeing you at Detroit; in the meantime I remain, with very sincere regard,
"My dear friend,
Your faithful and obedient servant,
R. Matthews.
"If Mrs. Brant is with you, I beg you will recommend me in the kindest
manner to her."
There can be no misunderstanding touching the purport of this letter. Lord
Dorchester would no more commit himself on the question of a direct
participation, in the event of actual declared hostilities between the
Indian Confederacy and the Americans, than Lord Sidney had done. Captain,
now Major Matthews, was anxious to confer with Captain Brant "for the
mutual advantage and well-being of _that cause,_ which had always been
common, and equally dear," &c. His Lordship wished the Indians to act as
was best for their own interest--"he could not _begin_ a war with the
Americans," but "they must see that it was his Lordship's intention to
defend the posts; and while these were preserved, the Indians must find
great security therefrom, and the Americans greater difficulty in taking
possession of their lands," &c. Indeed, the whole tenor of the letter was
to promote a feeling of hostility in the bosoms of the Indians against the
United States, with a mutual understanding that the British government was
maintaining the posts for the benefit of the Indians; while the Indian
hostilities, should they ensue, would serve to check or prevent the
Americans from obtaining possession of them.
There are neither printed nor written records, from which any additional
information can be drawn respecting the conduct and movements of Captain
Brant during the residue of the year 1787. The delay in the transmission
of his despatches to the government of the United States, as mentioned in
the letter of General Knox, had of course disappointed the Indians in
their expectation of an early reply from Congress. In consequence of this
delay, another grand council was determined upon by the western Indians,
of which, among the papers of Captain Brant, is the following notification
to his nation:--
"Message from the Hurons of Detroit to the Five Nations.
"_January_ 2l_st,_ 1788.
"Brethren,
"Nothing yet has reached us in answer to the messages sent to the
Americans on the breaking up of our General Council, nor is it now
probable we shall hear from them before our next meeting takes place; a
circumstance that ought to expedite us in our business. The nations this
way have adhered hitherto to the engagements entered into before we
parted, at least as far as has come to our knowledge; and we intend
immediately to call them to this council-fire, which shall be uncovered at
the time appointed; that without farther delay some decisive measures may
be finally fixed upon for our future interest, which must govern hereafter
the conduct of all the nations in our alliance; and this we intend to be
the last council for the purpose; therefore it is needless for us to urge
farther the indispensable necessity of all nations being present at the
conclusion of affairs tending so much to their own future welfare and
happiness. And we do in a particular manner desire you, the Five Nations,
to be strong and punctual in your promise of being with us early and in
time; and that not only the warriors, but the chiefs of your several
nations attend on this occasion. We shall therefore endeavor to have as
many of the western and southern Indians as possible collected.
"_Strings of Wampum._"
Accompanying this address to the Five Nations, was another of similar
import, (save only that it expressed the dissatisfaction of the Hurons at
the proceedings of the former grand council,) directed to the other tribes
of Canadian Indians, and summoning them to appear at the great
council-fire of the Confederacy in the Spring.
It will appear by the three letters next successively to be introduced,
that Captain Brant was preparing in March to attend the proposed council,
and that, having attended the said council, his views became more pacific.
He had, however, begun to distrust all the nations of his own confederacy,
excepting only the Mohawks--and probably not without reason. The Congress
of the United States; in the Autumn of the preceding year, had given
instructions to Major General St. Clair, then Governor of the
North-western territory, to inquire particularly into the temper of the
Indians, and if he found it still hostile, to endeavor to hold as general
a treaty with them as he could convene; and although the purchase of the
Indian right to the soil was not to be considered a primary object, yet
he was instructed if possible to extinguish their title as far westward
as the Mississippi river. It will be seen presently, that Brant had, even
thus early, reason to suppose, that in a war with the United States the
majority of the Five Nations would not be found in arms. The gentleman to
whom two of these letters were addressed, was Patrick Langan, Esq. private
secretary to Sir John Johnson:--
"Captain Brant to Lieutenant Langan. [FN]
"_Grand River, March_ 20_th,_ 1788.
"Dear Sir,
"I hope you have enjoyed your health since I had the pleasure to see you
last. We have had no particular news here from the southward, only they
are preparing to have another great Council in that country early in the
Spring, and I am obliged to attend myself there. As for the Five Nations,
most of them have sold themselves to the Devil--I mean to the Yankeys.
Whatever they do after this, it must be for the Yankeys--not for the
Indians or the English. We mean to speak to them once more. We must, in
the first place, get the Mohawks away from the Bay of Quinte. As soon as
we can get them here, we shall begin to argue to the Five Nations, and
will show our example of getting together ourselves; also, we shall know
who is for the Yankeys and who is not. I forgot to mention to Sir John I
wanted very much to have the papers here. I mean the list of our losses
and claims, and our names. I should be much obliged to you if you would
be so kind as to send me those papers, or the copies of them, as there are
some disputes here concerning those lists. I should be exceeding happy if
you could get me a quarter of a pound of sewing thread, of silk, of
different colors, and send me the account and the money I owed you before.
Also, I wish you could get me a pipe tomahawk. Please to get the best, if
you can.
"Sir, I remain
Your most obedient, humble servant,
Joseph Brant."
"_To Lieutenant Langan._"
* * * * *
[FN] Copied from the original by the author.
There is no farther information of Brant or his movements until the
closing week of August, at which time he was in the neighborhood of
Detroit, preparing to mingle in the deliberations of the great council
spoken of in the preceding letter. The following is a copy of a letter
found among his papers, written at this time:
"Captain Brant to Sir John Johnson.
"_Huron Village, mouth of the Detroit._ }
_28th August, 1788._ }
"Sir,
"I am happy to inform you of our having arrived at Detroit the 10th inst.
The party with Capt. David who went by water, and those with myself who
went by land, being so lucky as to arrive the same inst. And wishing to
lose as little time as possible, the next day we met the principal men of
the Hurons, Chippewas, Ottawas, and Pottawattamies. As they had lost three
of their Chiefs, we went through our ancient custom of condoling with
them, by giving about 10,000 wampum, as we could not proceed with our
public business till such time as that ceremony was over; when, upon
examining into the business we came about, I plainly foresaw numberless
difficulties, owing to the people here not being so unanimous as the
situation of affairs requires. The Wyandots do not wish to attend at the
place that was last Fall agreed upon, but wish to have the Council at this
place; but that we strenuously opposed, and have got them to consent to
meet at the Miamis; their reason is, I believe, that they would wish to
have a private and separate meeting with the Americans to settle matters
for themselves. On the other hand, the Twightwees or Miamis are quite the
reverse,--wishing by no means to fall in with the Hurons in their way of
thinking, but would wish to be at open war with the Americans. Thus are
matters here situated. However, I have some reason to think that if we can
get them at the appointed place of rendezvous, we will be able to point
out to them their error, and get them again to adopt the measures that the
whole of us agreed upon, and cause that unanimity to subsist among us,
which is so requisite in our situation, and without which we cannot expect
the business will terminate so much to our satisfaction as it otherwise
would. In case that they should be headstrong, and not wish to fall in
with our plan of operation, I shall scarcely know how to act upon it, but
shall take every necessary precaution to prevent the minds of those who
unanimous being any ways inflamed by those nations in opposition and
wavering. Still I hope to have the pleasure of writing to you a more
favorable account after we have had a meeting. Capt McKee has given us
every assistance that he could towards forwarding our business, and I
expect will attend the Council at the Miamis, which I sincerely hope will
now be soon. Upon leaving Niagara, I found from the multiplicity of
business which we should have, that it would be highly requisite to have
a man with us who understood the English language, and capable of
transacting business, for which purpose we have thought proper to appoint
Ralph Clement, and will make him some allowance out of the money we are
to receive next summer for the lands sold the Americans. In the meantime
I have to request you will be so kind as to allow him something towards
defraying his necessary expenses out of the Indian store at Niagara. Upon
application made to Col. Butler, he did not think proper to advance him
any thing without he should have your order for it. As to the news from
the Southern Indians and American Commissioners, we have some accounts,
but must refer you to Capt McKee, who writes you by this vessel, for the
particulars. This is the fourth letter I have written you since I had the
pleasure of seeing you last.
"Your most obedient servant,
Joseph Brant.
"_Sir John Johnson._"
From the nomadic habits of the Indians, and the long distances most of
their nations were obliged to travel, the gathering of their great council
was a work of time. Thus it will be seen that six weeks more elapsed,
before the kindling of the council-fire, and how much longer it is
impossible to tell, from the brokenness of the correspondence of the
chief, who was probably the only writer among them. On the 7th of October
the Captain wrote as follows:--
"Captain Brant to Lieutenant Langan.
"_Miamis River,_ 7_th October,_ 1788.
"Dear Sir,
"The business I have been obliged to attend to since I had the pleasure
of seeing you, had so much taken up my attention, and kept me so busily
employed, that I have scarcely had time to write any of my friends. And,
indeed, nothing worth communicating has occurred, or otherwise I should
have strained a point to have dropt you a line, as my intention always was
to correspond with you, who, I am certain, would at any time spare a
moment to acknowledge the receipt. I have done myself the pleasure of
writing four letters to Sir John, who, I hope, has received them, [FN] as
I would wish to give him every information affecting our proceedings.
Probably his time is too busily employed to attend to them, and that it
would be more agreeable to him if I corresponded with you on public
business. I should be happy to hear from time to time whether my conduct
met with his approbation, as I would not wish to act in any manner that
he would not approve; he being at the head of the department, is the one
we look to for advice."
* * * * *
[FN] One only of these has been discovered--that of the 25th of August,
on the preceding page. The author has made many efforts to obtain the
papers of Sir John Johnson, where these letters, probably, may yet be
found--but without success. They are either scattered and lost, or have
been taken to England.
"Upon my arrival at Detroit I found the nations there. All had forgot our
last Fall's agreements, and were averse to attend the council at this
place. However, we talked over matters with them, and convinced them of
the necessity there was for our being unanimous, and determining the
business that has been so long in agitation, and after some time, I
prevailed, and have got them all here. After waiting at this place, for
near five weeks, the arrival of the Shawanese, Miamis, Onias, and the rest
of the nations westward of this, are at last arrived; so that I am in
hopes in a few days to be able to give you the particulars of our meeting.
I have still my doubts whether we will all join or not, some being no ways
inclined for peaceable methods. The Hurons, Chippewas, Ottawas,
Pottawattamies, and Delawares, will join with us in trying lenient steps,
and having a boundary line fixed; and, rather than enter headlong into a
destructive war, will give up a small part of their country. On the other
hand, the Shawanese, Miamis, and Kickapoos, who are now so much addicted
to horse-stealing that it will be a difficult task to break them of it,
as that kind of business is their best harvest, will of course declare for
war, and not giving up any of their country, which, I am afraid, will be
the means of our separating. They are, I believe, determined not to attend
the treaty with the Americans. Still I hope for the best. As the major
part of the nations are of our opinions, the rest may be brought to, as
nothing shall be wanting on my part to convince them of their error. I
sincerely hope our business may terminate to our general interest and
satisfaction. We have not as yet entered upon public matters, as the
Shawanese have a great feast, which will take up a couple of days, after,
which we will have a general meeting, and then we will be certain of each
other's opinions. Till then, I am, with compliments to Sir John and Mrs.
Claus,
"Your most obed't friend,
And very humble serv't,
Jos. Brant.
"_P. Langan._"
The tone of the three immediately preceding letters, is more pacific than
might have been anticipated. Indeed, they seem to indicate a change in the
intentions of the writer, which it will be found somewhat difficult to
reconcile with portions of his subsequent conduct. He is in these
letters--particularly the last addressed to Lieutenant Langan, though
intended more especially for the information of Sir John Johnson--the
friend of peace--perhaps being compelled to assume that attitude by the
force of circumstances--having reason to anticipate the
success--temporary, as it proved--which was to crown the Indian diplomacy
of General St Clair. In his first letter to Langan, Brant had declared
that "the Six Nations had sold themselves to the devil," or, in other
words, "to the Yankees," which in his opinion was equivalent thereto--and
the result was shortly afterward such as to sustain his sagacity.
No records of the proceedings of the grand council so long assembling in
the Autumn of 1788, have been discovered, although it appears by a letter
from Captain Brant to his friend Matthews, who had returned once more to
Quebec, written in March, 1789, that all the proceedings and speeches had
been forwarded--by Captain McKee probably--to Lord Dorchester. The
presumption is, that the council came to no harmonious conclusion,
inasmuch as a treaty was shortly afterward held with the Americans at Fort
Harmar, which was attended by only a part of the Indians, while its
proceedings were subsequently disavowed by other and the larger portions
of the nations.
Be these things, however, as they may, on the 2d of May following,
(1789, [FN-1]) General St. Clair wrote to President Washington from
New-York, announcing that on the 9th of the preceding month of January,
he had concluded two separate treaties with the Indians assembled in
council at Fort Harmar; the first with the sachems and warriors of the
Five Nations, the Mohawks excepted--and the second with the sachems and
warriors of the Wyandot, Delaware, Ottawa, Chippewa, Pottawattamie and
Sac Nations. The reason of these separate negotiations, as explained by
General St. Clair, Was found in the Roman maxim--"_Divide et impera._"
"A jealousy," says the General, "subsisted between them, which I was not
willing to lessen by appearing to consider them as one people. They do not
so consider themselves; and I am persuaded their general confederacy is
entirely broken. Indeed, it would not be very difficult, if circumstances
required it, to set them at deadly variance." [FN-2] This Machiavellian
policy of dividing to conquer--of poising nations, tribes, and factions
against each other, that all may the more easily be crushed at will--is
an ancient mode of war, and has been practised by every government having
the opportunity. Its morality, however, cannot be defended--more
especially in regard to the simple children of the American forests,
against whom it has been prosecuted with the greatest success. Still,
there was an approximation to justice, in a pecuniary point of view,
toward the Indians, in these negotiations of General St Clair, which had
not been previously countenanced by Congress. From the date of the peace
with England, to the reception of the address of October, 1786, from the
Grand Council at Huron Village, Congress had acted upon the principle that
the treaty with Great Britain invested them with the fee of all the
Indian lands within the boundaries of the United States. The address of
the Indian Council, of December, 1786, written, as has been assumed, by
Captain Brant, asserted a contrary principle--viz: that the Indians were
the only rightful proprietors of the soil. And this principle was acceded
to in the instructions of Congress to General St. Clair, of October, 1787,
and July, 1788. [FN-3] However greatly the Indians may have been defrauded
since that date, such has at least been the basis of all subsequent
negotiations with them for lands.
* * * * *
[FN-1] Erroneously dated, May 2d, 1788, in the State Papers as will be
seen by the dates of the treaties, and by the Report of the Secretary of
War, July 7, 1789.
[FN-2] St. Clair's letter, Am. State Papers, Vol. IV. p. 10.
[FN-3] Vide State Papers, Vol IV. p. 9; and report of the Secretary of
War, July 15, 1789--same vol. p. 13.
Although the Mohawks were not parties to the treaty of Fort Harmar, yet it
appears that they, at least their chief, Thayendanegea, must have been
present at its negotiation. This fact is disclosed in a passage in his
letter to Major Matthews, already referred to: "You'll hear by this
opportunity the result of our jaunt to the southward, as Captain McKee
has sent down all the proceedings of our councils with the American
Commissioners, speeches, and answers. Our proceedings have been such as I
hope will be approved of. I must farther mention that much may yet be
done, if we meet with necessary assistance, as business cannot be carried
on in the upper country to advantage without the attendance of the Five
Nations, which they cannot do without being more amply supplied than
heretofore with ammunition, provisions, &c. I have ever been forward in
pointing out what I thought would tend to the good of our service, and
which has ever been attended to, notwithstanding that my friends below
seem to credit these reports. Still, my attachment to government is such,
that personal injury will not have sufficient weight to make me swerve
from the duty I owe my King." [FN]
* * * * *
[FN] Letter from Joseph Brant to Capt. Matthews, March 8,1789, among the
Brant papers. Writing to Governor Clinton respecting the conduct of
Captain Brant touching St. Clair's proceedings at Fort Harmar, President
Washington said--"Captain Brant has not been candid in his account of
General St. Clair, nor done justice in his representation of matters at
Muskingum. It is notorious that he need all the art and influence of
which he was possessed to prevent any treaty being held; and that,
except in a small degree, General St. Clair aimed at no more land by the
treaty of Muskingum than had been ceded by the preceding
treaties."_Letter from President Washington to Governor Clinton,
Dec. 1, 1790._
There is an allusion, in the closing sentences of this quotation, to
certain "private griefs" of the writer, requiring an explanation. Captain
Brant was no more exempt than other men from the ill-will and evil
machinations of the envious and jealous. "Great honors are great burdens"
as well among the red men as the white; and it was the fate of the noble
Mohawk to encounter his full share of trials of this description.
Difficulties had already sprung up in the administration of his affairs,
not only with the Provincial Government, in regard to the nature of the
title which the Mohawks were to receive of the lands granted them on the
Ouise or Grand River, but also between the chief and some of the Indians
themselves; not Mohawks, but stragglers from other tribes of the Iroquois
Confederacy. During the protracted absence of the Captain to the councils
of the preceding year, in the country of the great lakes, it appears that
a council of disaffected Indians had been held at Montreal; the object of
which was to denounce the conduct of Brant, but in what respects does not
exactly appear. Strong complaints were preferred against him, however, at
that council, "not only in the name of the Five Nations, but by some of
his relations and intimate friends," under circumstances, and with an air
so imposing, as to give serious alarm to his friends at the castle of St.
Lewis.
On the 3d of January, 1789, Major Matthews addressed a long letter to his
Mohawk friend, on the subject of that council, and the charges then and
there preferred against him. This letter was written by Matthews with the
knowledge and approbation of a distinguished personage, who, although his
name is not given, must have been Lord Dorchester. Major Matthews did not
specify the charges made against his friend, and they can only be vaguely
surmised from the following extract: "The circumstances which have been
alleged against you, you have no doubt been minutely informed of. It is
therefore unnecessary, and would be painful to me, to recapitulate them.
Your friend [FN] wishes you to reflect seriously upon the fatal
consequences that must attend a misunderstanding and disunion of your
nation, and of those Indians who might make the settlement upon the Grand
River a happy retreat for themselves and their posterity, by a cordial and
friendly union. How materially the contrary must weaken their interest,
and yours in particular, in the great scale of the Indian Confederacy; and
how heavy the blame must fall upon whoever shall be considered the
promoter of so great a calamity. He therefore recommends to you, as the
safest and surest road to consequence and fame, to effect, without loss of
time, a perfect reconciliation with your friends and fellow-settlers;
convincing them, by your mildness and generosity, and still more by a
strict attention to justice, that you are worthy of their confidence;
exert all your powers in establishing perfect union and friendship among
your own nation, and you will convince those at a distance that you are
capable and worthy of cementing a general union for good purposes."
* * * * *
[FN] Lord Dorchester doubtless, meaning.
"Having thus far given you the sentiments of a hearty well-wisher, I
cannot conclude without adding from myself, in the language and with the
heart of an old and sincere friend, that I feel more sensibly than I can
find words to express, for the critical situation in which every person
who was present at the Council must consider you to stand with your
nation. For my own part I could scarce believe my own eyes and ears, when
I saw and heard our old friends, whose hands and hearts have been so long
joined together in one common cause, pour out complaints against you; and
they did it at the same time with such reluctance and concern, that it was
the more affecting. It is impossible that men who were born, brought up,
who have so oft fought by each others' sides, and bled together, can
seriously disagree. The whole must be a misunderstanding, and must be
explained with reconciliation. It is noble and generous to acknowledge an
error, and mutually to forgive injuries; and, my dear Joseph, listen to
mine, and to the voice of your friends, who wish your happiness by seeing
you so firmly re-united with your own flesh and blood as to resist any
power on earth that would separate you from them." [FN]
* * * * *
[FN] Extracted from the original letter of Capt. Matthews, among the
Brant papers.
It is from the reply of Captain Brant to this communication, that the
brief reference to the proceedings of the western councils has been
quoted. In regard to the proceedings at Montreal to which his attention
had been so earnestly invited by his correspondent, the answer of Captain
Brant was full and frank, manifesting on his own part, a feeling of
dignified and conscious rectitude. The charges themselves were not
specified by the chief in his defence, but the inference deduced from his
language is, that his integrity had been impeached in regard to their
lands, and his loyalty questioned to the King; and farther, that he had
been censured for introducing a few white settlers upon the Indian
lands--his object in so doing, being to benefit the Indians by the better
examples of the whites in husbandry, and also by the introduction of some
of the mechanic arts among them. He regrets that his enemies, few in
number, as he says, had availed themselves of his absence to assail his
character, at a moment, too, when in a distant country he was exerting
all his energies for the benefit of his people; and regrets still more
that his friends in Montreal had listened to the charges for a moment,
until after he could have a hearing. If he had erred at all, he maintained
that it could only have been in the warmth of his ardour in promoting the
substantial interests of his nation. In the course of his letter, he
pointed with modest exultation to the proceedings of a full Council of the
Five Nations, held at Niagara, in presence of the agent and the commanding
officer, subsequent to the denunciation at Montreal, by which his conduct
had been approved. Should the proceedings of this council be insufficient
to remove "the censure thrown upon him by a seditious and discontented
few, and make the complainants appear in their proper light," the Captain
suggested that he should make application to the agents at Detroit and
Niagara for certificates of his conduct during the war and since the
peace; and thus provided, he would repair to head-quarters with all the
principal men, both sachems and warriors, [FN] of all the nations settled
in that country, and let them speak freely. After which, he hoped to stand
better with "the great men below" than he had reason to suppose he did at
that time.
* * * * *
[FN] "Both Sachems and warriors." "A Sachem is considered a civil
magistrate, who takes precedence of all war-chiefs in time of peace, and
is hereditary. Not so the war-chiefs. They, as by all the rest of the
world, are made by the voice of the nation for their gallantry in the
field. In time of war, the war-chiefs take the commend, and direct all
the movements,--what is called in civilized life,--martial law."
_Letters to the editor from Colonel William J. Kerr._ The distinction is
scarcely ever observed in writing of Indian affairs, since sachems,
warriors, chiefs, are most usually written indiscriminately, as it
happens.
With the conclusion of the treaties of January, 1789, by General St.
Clair, the purpose of forming a grand Indian Confederacy, to include the
Five Nations, which should be lasting, was defeated, at least for that
time; and although peace had not been restored to the south-western
settlements on the Ohio, yet the name of Captain Brant does not again
appear in connexion with the affairs of the western Indians during the
residue of the year 1789 and the two succeeding years. It appears,
however, by the copy of a letter found among his papers, addressed by him
to Colonel McDonnell, in September, that the Shawanese had then just sent
an embassy, "inviting the Five Nations very strongly to a grand council
of the different nations, to be held at the Wyandot Town, near Detroit,
for the purpose of renewing and strengthening the Confederacy." "We left
it," the letter continues, "entirely to the Buffalo Creek people to
determine how to act, because they are in general backward and dilatory;
but for our parts, we can always be ready at the shortest notice. I,
however, think, myself, that it cannot take place until next Spring, since
by this time the young men have begun to scatter in the woods for hunting;
and it would be necessary to have them present to hear what is agreed upon
by the chiefs; and by that means whatever may be agreed on will more
firmly effect and unite the different nations. The larger number present
from the different nations the better." Whether the proposed council was
held, or whether, if held, Captain Brant participated in its
deliberations, is not known.
But while Thayendanegea had successfully vindicated himself from the
aspersions of the disaffected of his own people, as has been seen, and
while he was pondering upon the invitation of the Shawanese to attempt the
assembling of another great council in the west, he was admonished of the
rumored existence of a plot against the English garrison at Detroit, and
also against himself and his own people in their new location, concerted
by his recent _quasi_ confederates, the Hurons, Pottawattamies, and
Chippewas. The inauspicious rumor was communicated to him in writing by
Sir John Johnson.
"Sir John Johnson to Captain Brant.
"_Montreal,_ 4_th Nov._ 1789.
"Dear Joseph,
"I do not think I should be justifiable in not acquainting you (though
perhaps you may have heard the report,) that an account has been received
at Detroit, upon the oath of one the party concerned, that the Hurons,
Pottawattamies, and Chippewas are concerned in a plot to cut off the
garrison at Detroit, and your settlement, this Winter, or as soon as the
navigation of the lakes is shut up. Though this information wants farther
confirmation, and I give very little credit to it, I think you had better
be on your guard, and try to find out the real situation, designs, and
disposition of those nations, by sending some trusty, unsuspected persons
among them. I should imagine that you had some friends among the Hurons
that you could rely upon to give you all the information you want, and
that some trusty Messissagoes might be got to go among the other nations
to watch their motions; any recompense for these services will be readily
granted, if you think them necessary, upon producing this letter to Lieut.
Col. Butler, or Mr. McKee.
"I have your letter to Langan of the 23d of September. As to the business
of Aaron and Isaac, so much has been said on that already, and, in fact,
it is so trifling, that nothing farther is necessary to be said in answer
to that part of your letter; but I must acknowledge that I am a little
hurt at the other queries you put to him, as they are the offspring of an
ungenerous suspicion, and ill-founded doubts of the conduct and sincerity
of your best and only friends. Rest assured that we know nothing of the
intentions of government to relinquish or give up the posts; so far from
any appearance of it, I am well informed that the post of Niagara is put,
or putting, into the best state of defence the nature of the works will
admit of, as I believe all the others are likewise; and I am confident no
such step will ever be taken without some previous notice given to all
interested. As to the department I have the honor to superintend, I have
no reason to think any change or alteration will take place in it, that
can in any manner affect the interests of the Indians.
"You wish to know our news. All we have that can be interesting to you is,
that one of the most wonderful revolutions has happened in France that
ever was known in so short a time. The people have been made, by the more
enlightened part of the nation, to view their situation in its proper
light, and to throw off the yoke of bondage, slavery, and oppression,
under which they have for ages groaned, and have compelled their grand
monarch to yield to a Constitution similar, in most respects, to the happy
one under which we live. They have abolished all their monks and
nunneries, and have made such changes as are wonderful to relate. With my
best regards to Mrs. Brant, &c. and to all at the village, I remain, as
ever,
"Your friend and faithful servant,
John Johnson." [FN]
* * * * *
[FN] Respecting the rumor which elicited this letter, there is no farther
information. Indeed, the letter of Sir John itself has been inserted in
the text, more for the purpose of disclosing the liberal spirit in which
the Baronet hailed the beginning of the French Revolution, (as all the
civilized world did at first,) as the dawn of liberty in France, than
for any other purpose.
Relieved, temporarily at least, from the cares and labors of diplomacy
among the nations of the more distant lakes, Brant was enabled, early in
the year 1789, to direct his attention more closely to other matters of
business; not forgetting the pursuits of literature, so far as under the
disadvantages of his situation he was enabled to attend to its
cultivation. He was ever anxious for the moral and intellectual
improvement of his people; and as a primary means of such improvement, he
now earnestly sought for the settlement of a resident clergyman among
them. Visiting Montreal for that purpose, he wrote to Sir John Johnson,
who was absent (probably at Quebec) at the time, and through him appealed
to Lord Dorchester to procure the removal of the Rev. Mr. Stuart from
Kingston to the neighborhood of Grand River. Many of the Indians, he said,
wished to be near a church where there should be a proper minister; and
nowhere, as he thought, could one be found who would suit their
dispositions so well, and exert such a desirable influence over the morals
of the young people, as Mr. Stuart, who had been a missionary among them
in the Valley of the Mohawk. "This good thing," he said in his letter to
Sir John, "I know must be done by his Lordship, and through your kind
interposition; which, be assured, I would not mention, if I was not very
well a convinced of the good that would arise from it." [FN] He wrote
other pressing letters to the same purport; but the transfer of Mr. Stuart
was not effected.
* * * * *
[FN] MS. letters among the Brant papers.
He is believed at about the same time to have resumed the labor of
translating devotional books into the Mohawk language. In addition to the
work published in England in 1786, as already mentioned, he translated the
entire liturgy, and also a primer; a copy of each of which works was
presented to Harvard University. The donation was acknowledged by a vote
of thanks, which was enclosed in the following letter from the President
of that institution:--
"President Willard to Captain Brant.
"_Cambridge, July_ 20th, 1789.
"Sir,
"I have the pleasure of enclosing you a vote of thanks of the Corporation
of the University in this place, for your present of books to the library,
which were received but a little while before the date of the vote. [FN]
To the vote of thanks from the whole corporate body for this acceptable
present, give me leave, Sir, as head of the University, to add my thanks
in particular.
"I am pleased to hear, from the Rev. Mr. Kirkland, that you are writing a
history of the natives of this country. I hope, when you have finished it
in your own language, you will give us a translation in English, as I
doubt not we shall have many curious and important things contained in it,
respecting the various Indian nations, that we are now unacquainted with.
"Mr. Kirkland is so obliging as to take charge of this letter, and I doubt
not will convey it to you as soon as possible,
"I am, Sir,
With sentiments of great esteem,
Your very humble servant,
Joseph Willard.
"_Colonel Joseph Brant._"
* * * * *
[FN] See Appendix, No. VI.
The historical work mentioned in the preceding letter, it is believed,
was never commenced, although it had been projected, or rather, Captain
Brant had designed writing a history of the Six Nations. But he had,
probably, too many demands upon his time, and cares upon his mind, to
allow of the execution of his plan. The work of translating the New
Testament was continued by Captain Brant's friend and fellow-chief, John
Norton, alias Teyoninhokaraven, which was his Indian name. This chief
translated the Gospel of John, which was printed by the British and
Foreign Bible Society; and he intended to proceed with the Gospels of
Matthew and Luke, but probably the work was not completed. [FN]
* * * * *
[FN] Norton's name will appear frequently hereafter. He was a half-breed,
his father being an Indian, and his mother a Scotch woman. He received a
classical education at an English school. Next to Thayendanegea,
Teyoninhokaraven was the moat distinguished of the modern Mohawks. His
observations were said to be acute, and his language in conversation
strong and elegant. He was well versed in ancient and modern history, and
particularly well informed in geography. On every subject connected with
his own country and people his knowledge was minute. In his person he was
tall and muscular, with a large and expressive eye.
But, aside from the cultivation of letters, Captain Brant had ample
employment, for both mind and body, in regulating his domestic Indian
relations. The planting of his own nation upon their new territory at
Grand River, and the exertions necessary to bring them into order, and
persuade them to substitute the pursuits of husbandry for the chase, were
labors of no small moment. The grant of land on the Grand River was
doubtless intended solely for the Mohawks, who had been dispossessed of
their own native valley; but other Indians of the Six Nations intruded
upon them, even some of those who had borne arms against the crown and
the Mohawks. Jealousies and heart-burnings were the consequence, which
occasionally called for the interposition of the chief, sometimes to the
injury of his popularity, as has already appeared.
Nor was his attention alone required to regulate the affairs of the
Indians on the British side of the line. Difficulties sprang up as early
as 1789 among the Oneidas, Onondagas, Cayugas and Senecas, in consequence
of the intrusion of the whites upon their lands, and the unlawful
purchases effected by some of them, from Indians not authorized to sell.
All the weight of these troubles seemed to fall upon the shoulders of
Captain Brant, between whom and Governor George Clinton an active
correspondence took place upon the subject, in 1789 and the following
year. The Governor made every possible effort to cause justice to be done
to the Indians; for which purpose, several councils were held at Fort
Stanwix, and at least one special interview was held between the Governor
and the chief in relation to it. The result was an amicable arrangement.
In his letters, Governor Clinton treated the Indian chieftain not only
with marked respect, but with evident personal kindness and regard. The
following letter will serve as a specimen of this correspondence on the
part of that distinguished man:--
"Governor Clinton to Captain Brant.
"_New-York,_ 1_st September,_ 1790.
"Sir,
"I was favored with your letter of the 21st of July yesterday, and am
happy to hear of your health and safe arrival at your place of residence.
"A rumor of a Spanish war also prevails among us. It is certain, that both
that and the British nation are equipping powerful naval armaments; the
ostensible object of which is the settlement of a dispute which has taken
place between them, with respect to their possessions on the north-west
part of this Continent, and the right of fishery in that quarter. It is,
however, probable that all this political bustle may terminate in
negotiation, by one conceding and the other accepting of what neither have
any well-founded pretensions to, farther than mere discovery and the
displaying of a national flag by the permission of the hospitable and
unsuspecting natives.
"The gentlemen who are appointed commissioners of Indian affairs, and whom
you saw with me at Fort Stanwix, chiefly reside in the country, and are
now so dispersed that it is not practicable to confer with them. I
perfectly recollect the conversation which passed between you and me
relative to the land you was to have had from Doctor Benton, and I
communicated the import of it at the time, to the commissioners; and you
will remember I afterward informed you that, however strong their
dispositions were to serve you, yet they could not consent to any thing
that would give the least sanction or countenance to any part of Benton's
transactions, as they considered them not only contrary to law, but
committed by him in open defiance of the authority of the State. They
expressed, at the same time, sentiments of the warmest friendship for you;
and I considered the present which they directed me to make you, as the
only way they had in their power to evince the sincerity of their
professions.
"I shall be happy to see you here next Summer, and will endeavor to make
your visit agreeable to you. Colonel Varick and your brother, the sachem,
are the only two of the gentlemen who were at Fort Stanwix, now in town.
They request you to accept of their best respects. I will not fail to
communicate your expectations to Mr. L'Hommedieu, that he may stand
prepared to discharge the tribute.
"I am
Your most obed't servant,
Geo. Clinton.
"_Captain Joseph Brant._"