CHAPTER V.

Gloomy opening of the year--Distresses of the army--Revolt of the

Pennsylvania line--Negotiations--Revolt of the New Jersey

troops--Arnold's expedition to Virginia--Progress of the war at the

South--Distresses at the North--Active movements of Brant in the Mohawk

country--Meditated attack upon the Oneidas--Letter of Colonel

Claus--Destitution of the country--Letter of General

Schuyler--Destruction of Fort Schuyler by fire and flood--Suspicions of

design--General Clinton's correspondence respecting that

catastrophe--Hostile indications in the North--Indications of extensive

treachery--Arrest of the disaffected at Ballston and its

vicinity--Bearing of Washington in adversity--Colonel Willett appointed

to the command of the Mohawk District--Slender means at his

disposal--Burning of Currie-town--Battle of Durlagh--Defeat of the

Indians--Death of Captain McKean--Irruption into Palatine--Willett's

letter to Washington--Willett's influence upon the broken

militia--Battle near the German Flats--Death of Solomon

Woodworth--Story of John Christian Shell--Invasion of Ulster County by

Indians and Tories under Captain Cauldwell--Another case of individual

bravery--Incidents on the Kentucky border.

The sun of the new year was veiled by a cloud of deeper gloom than had

previously darkened the prospects of the American arms at any period of the

contest. The whole army, in all its divisions, at the North and in the

South, was suffering severely both for clothing and provisions. Indeed,

the accumulated sufferings and privations of "the army constitute a large

and interesting portion of the history of the war of American

independence. At the date now under review, Winter, without much lessening

the toils of the soldiers, was adding to their sufferings. They were

perpetually on the point of starving, were often entirely without food,

were exposed without proper clothing to the rigors of the season, and had,

moreover, now served almost twelve months without pay." [FN] Such was the

general fact. The Pennsylvania troops had still farther grievances of

which to complain. They had been enlisted in ambiguous terms--to "serve

three years, or during the war." At the expiration of the stipulated

period, "three years," the soldier claimed his discharge, while the

officers insisted upon holding him to the other condition of the contract.

The consequence was great dissatisfaction, increased, of course, by the

much higher bounties subsequently paid for enlistments.

* * * * *

[FN] Marshall's Life of Washington.

The Pennsylvania line, consisting of six regiments, was cantoned at

Morristown, under the immediate command of Brigadier General Wayne. So

long had they been brooding over their wrongs, so intense had become

their sufferings, and so discouraging were the prospects of remedy or

redress, that the discontents which, down to the last day of the

preceding year, had only been nurtured, broke out into open mutiny on the

evening of the next. The spirit of insubordination was from the first so

decided, and the evidences of revolt were so general, as at once to

jeopard the cause. An effort was made to quell the mutiny, in the course

of which several of the turbulent soldiers were wounded, as also were

some of the officers, who were endeavoring to repress the disorder. One

of the officers, Captain Billings, was killed. But the cause of the

revolt was too deeply seated, and the disaffection too extensive, to be

easily overcome. Even Wayne himself, the favorite of the Pennsylvanians,

was without power. Drawing a pistol and threatening one of the most

turbulent of the revolters; a bayonet was presented at his own bosom.

[FN-1] In a word, the authority of the commissioned officers was at an

end. The non-commissioned officers were generally engaged in the mutiny,

and one of their number being appointed Commander-in-chief, they moved off

in the direction of Philadelphia, with their arms and six pieces of

artillery--deaf to the arguments, the entreaties, and the utmost efforts

of their officers to change their purposes. [FN-2] As a last resort, Wayne

and his officers attempted to divide them, but without effect. Those who

at first appeared reluctant, were soon persuaded to unite with their

comrades, to march upon Philadelphia and demand a redress of their wrongs

at the doors of Congress.

* * * * *

[FN-1] Marshall.

[FN-2] Letter of Washington to President Weare of New Hampshire. This

was a letter urging upon the government of New Hampshire to make some

exertion to relieve the distresses of the army. A circular was sent to

all the New England States to the same effect, and confided to General

Knox, as a special agent to enforce the appeal. To President Weare, the

Commander-in-chief said, plainly:--"I give it decidedly as my opinion,

that it is in vain to think an army can be kept together much longer

under such a variety of sufferings as ours has experienced; and that

unless some immediate and spirited measures are adopted to furnish at

least three months' pay to the troops in money, which will be of some

value to them, and at tho same time provide ways and means to clothe and

feed them better than they have been, the worst that can befall us may

be expected." The Legislatures of Massachusetts and New Hampshire nobly

responded to the call, and immediately voted a gratuity of twenty-four

dollars in hard money to each of the non-commissioned officers and

soldiers belonging to those States, who were engaged to serve daring the

war.--_Sparks._

The number of the revolters was about thirteen hundred--a loss that would

have been severe of itself. But the most unpleasant apprehensions arose

from the danger, not only that the spirit of insubordination might spread

to other corps of the army, but that the mutineers might fall away in a

body to the enemy, who would, of course, lose not a moment in availing

himself of such a diversion in his favor. Coercive measures having failed

to bring the revolters back to the path of duty, Wayne, with his principal

officers, determined to follow close upon their rear and after the first

transports of their passion should subside, try what virtue might be found

in the arts of persuasion. The General overtook them at night in the

neighborhood of Middlebrook, but being advised in their present temper

not to venture among them, he invited a deputation of one sergeant from

each regiment to meet him in consultation. The deliberations were

amicable, and the General suggested a mode of obtaining redress of their

grievances, which satisfied the delegates, who, on retiring, promised to

exert their influence in bringing the men back to duty. But the attempt

was ineffectual; and on the day following the mutineers marched to

Princeton--the few who were well disposed and willing to separate from the

mutineers, continuing with the majority at the request of their officers,

in the hope that their exertions might "moderate the violence of their

leaders, and check the contagion of their example."

The crisis was most critical. The Commander-in-chief, on receiving the

first advices of the revolt, was disposed to repair at once to the camp

of the mutineers; but on advisement and reflection, this course was

relinquished. The complaints of the Pennsylvania line, in regard to

destitution of provisions and clothing, were common to the whole army,

and it was doubtful how far the contagion of disaffection might already

have spread. Nor could the Commander-in-chief, whose head-quarters were

at New Windsor, venture upon a visit to the mutineers, without taking

with him a sufficient force to compel obedience to his commands should the

exertion of force become necessary. But a sufficient body of troops for

such an object could not be spared without leaving the fortresses in the

Highlands too weak to resist an attack from Sir Henry Clinton, who would

be sure to strike upon those important works at the first favorable

moment. The river being free from ice, Sir Henry would possess every

facility for such a movement the instant the back of Washington should be

turned upon the North. Under all the circumstances of the case, therefore,

the Commander-in-chief remained at his post, neglecting, however, no

measure of justice within his power to heal the discontents, or of

precaution to prevent their farther extension.

Meantime the mutineers remained several days at Princeton, refusing to

proceed to the Delaware and cross into Pennsylvania, while Sir Henry

Clinton made every disposition to avail himself of the revolt, and lost

not a moment in despatching emissaries to their camp, with tempting offers

to induce them to join the armies of the King. But, mutineers as they

were, they nevertheless spurned the proposition; and retaining the

emissaries in custody, handed the communications, of which they were the

bearers, over to General Wayne. Though in rebellion against their

officers, the soldiers were nevertheless indignant at the idea of turning

their arms, as Arnold had done, against their own country; and those about

them who were well disposed, availed themselves of the occasion, with much

address, to impress upon their minds the magnitude of the insult conveyed

in propositions made to them in the character of traitors. [FN]

* * * * *

[FN] Five days after their arrival among the mutineers, viz. on the 11th

of January, Sir Henry's emissaries were tried by a court-martial, and

executed.

News of the revolt had no sooner reached Philadelphia, than a committee

was appointed by Congress, consisting of General Sullivan, [FN-1] and two

other gentlemen, in conjunction with President Reed on behalf of the

Council of Pennsylvania, to meet the revolters, and attempt to bring them

back to reason. The demands of the mutineers were exorbitant, but were in

the end acceded to with some unimportant modifications. They then moved

forward to Trenton, and in the end, although better things were

anticipated from the stipulations agreed upon, the Pennsylvania line was

almost entirely disbanded. A voluntary performance, by Congress, of much

less than was yielded by the committee, would have averted the evil, and

saved the division. [FN-2]

* * * * *

[FN-1] Very soon after he left the army, at the close of the Seneca

campaign, General Sullivan was elected to Congress, of which body he

was an efficient and patriotic member. Afterward, in the years 1786,

1787, and 1788, he was President of New Hampshire, in which situation, by

his vigorous exertions, he quelled the spirit of the insurrection which

exhibited itself at the time of the trouble with Shays in Massachusetts.

In 1789 he was appointed a District Judge. He died in 1795, aged 54.

[FN-2] Although the Pennsylvania line was thus dissolved, the evil was

surmounted much sooner than had been anticipated. Before the close of

January, Wayne wrote to Washington that the disbanded soldiers were "as

impatient of liberty as they had bean of service, and that they were as

importunate to be re-enlisted as they had been to be discharged." A

_reclaimed_ and formidable line was the result in the Spring.

The success of the Pennsylvania mutineers induced the New Jersey line,

then stationed at Pompton, to follow the bad example; and on the night of

the 20th of January a large portion of the brigade rose in arms. Their

claims were precisely the same as those which had been yielded to the

Pennsylvanians. By this time, however, the Commander-in-chief had

satisfied himself that he could rely upon the eastern troops; and,

chagrined as he had been by the result of the Pennsylvania revolt, he

determined, not only that nothing more should be yielded to the spirit of

insubordination, but that such an example should be made as would operate

as a check to the like proceedings in future. A strong detachment of

troops was accordingly led against the insurgents by General Howe, with

instructions to make no terms whatsoever while they continued in a state

of resistance. General Howe was farther instructed to seize a few of the

ringleaders, and execute them on the spot. The orders were promptly

complied with, and the insurrection was crushed at a blow. The mutinous

brigade returned to its duty; and such vigorous measures were taken by the

States to supply the wants of the army, as effectually checked the

progress of discontent. [FN] But it was only by the strong process of

impressment that those supplies could be wrung from the people, whose

discontents, though less immediately alarming, were, nevertheless, as

great as had been those of the army.

* * * * *

[FN] Sir Henry Clinton endeavored to avail himself of this New Jersey

insurrection, in like manner as he had attempted to tamper with the

Pennsylvanians. But his emissary, who was in the American interest,

delivered his papers to the first American officer with whom he met.

The first active demonstration of Sir Henry Clinton, on the opening of

the new year, was the expedition against Virginia, under the conduct of

General Arnold. The arch-traitor had, in fact, sailed from New-York

toward the close of December, but he did not enter the Capes of Virginia

until the beginning of January--landing at Westover on the 6th. He marched

to Richmond, and after some trifling skirmishes on the way, destroyed the

stores at that place, and also at Westham; whereupon he retired to

Norfolk. This was a mere predatory expedition, attended by no important

result. Farther south, events were continually occurring of greater

moment. General Greene having been assigned to the command of that

department, after the signal discomfiture of Gates, affairs soon wore a

brighter aspect. The loss of the battle of Camden, a few months before,

was balanced, and, in its moral effect, more than balanced, by the

decisive victory over Tarleton, achieved by General Morgan at the Cowpens

on the 17th of January. And although Greene was defeated at Guilford on

the 15th of March, yet the victory was too dearly won by Earl Cornwallis

to render it a just occasion of triumph. So likewise in the repulse of

Greene by Lord Rawdon at Camden, owing to the misconduct of the militia,

the British commander was nevertheless so roughly handled that, although

he received a reinforcement in the course of the following night, he

deemed it expedient to destroy the town, and retire farther down the

Santee. But these apparent disadvantages were amply compensated by the

masterly manoeuvres of Greene, and the brilliant succession of victories

over the smaller works and detachments of the enemy. In these latter

affairs, Forts Watkinson, Orangeburgh, Motte, Silver Bluff, Granby, and

Cornwallis were successively taken, and the enemy was compelled to

evacuate other forts. Lord Rawdon was likewise obliged to fall back upon

Charleston, while Cornwallis was pursuing a doubtful march into Virginia.

The great disadvantage labored under by General Greene, was the necessity

of depending in a great measure upon the militia--not having regular

troops sufficient to cope with the veterans from Europe. But, though not

always victorious in battle, he was invariably so in the results. And his

masterly movements proved him far in advance of any of his antagonists,

in all the requisites of an able commander.

But while events thus propitious to the American arms were occurring at

the South, the aspect of affairs, as has already been seen, was sadly

discouraging at the North. In addition to the destitution of the main

army, causing the insurrections in the Pennsylvania and New-Jersey lines,

so wretchedly supplied were the small garrisons from Albany northward and

westward, both in respect to food and clothing, that it was only with the

utmost difficulty that the officers could keep the soldiers upon duty.

Ravaged as the whole Mohawk country had been the preceding Summer and

Autumn, no supplies could be drawn from the diminished and impoverished

inhabitants remaining in those settlements; while it was equally difficult

to procure supplies, either at Albany or below, or eastwardly beyond that

city. It is painful to read the private correspondence of General

Schuyler, and Governor and General Clinton upon this subject. Orders for

impressing provisions were freely issued, particularly against the

disaffected portion of the people, who had greatly increased in numbers

in that section of the country; but some of the supplies thus taken were

returned, from the knowledge of General Schuyler that they had nothing

more for their own support. Meantime, emboldened by his successes the

preceding year, the enemy hung around the skirts of the settlements,

approaching almost beneath the very guns of the forts, cutting off all

communication with them, unless by means of strong escorts, so that it

was difficult and often impossible even to throw such scanty supplies

into the garrisons as could be obtained.

The Oneidas having been driven from their country the preceding year, even

the slight barrier against irruptions from the more western tribes, who

were all hostile, into the Mohawk country, afforded by that slender

people, was gone. On the 15th of January, the scouts of Thayendanegea

appeared openly in the German Flats, and attacked some of the inhabitants.

During the months of February and March, Brant was hovering about the

Mohawk, ready to spring upon every load of supplies destined for Forts

Plain, Dayton, and Schuyler, not too strongly guarded, and cutting off

every straggling soldier or inhabitant so unfortunate as to fall within

his grasp.

On the 6th of March, Major Nicholas Fish wrote to General Clinton, from

Schenectady, informing him that a party of fifteen of Colonel Van

Cortlandt's regiment, at Fort Schuyler, had fallen into the hands of

Brant's Indians; and on the 2d of April, in moving to the neighborhood

of that fort, to cut off another escort of supplies, the same lynx-eyed

chieftain made prisoners of another detachment from that garrison of

sixteen men. The difficulty of transporting the provisions, however, the

unbeaten snow lying to a great depth, had so greatly retarded the progress

of the scouts, that the intrepid warrior was disappointed in this portion

of the spoils, having, as it subsequently appeared, attempted to strike

too soon.

But the hunted Oneidas, notwithstanding the neutrality of the greater part

of them, were not altogether safe in their new position near Schenectady.

It seems to have chafed both Brant and his employers, that a single tribe

of Indians had been detached from their influence or service; and their

destruction was again seriously meditated, with the sanction of Sir

Frederick Haldimand, as will more fully appear by the annexed letter from

Colonel Daniel Claus, the brother-in-law of Sir John Johnson, to Captain

Brant.

"Colonel Claus to Captain Brant.

"_Montreal,_ 3_d March,_ 1781.

"Dear Joseph,

"Captain John Odeserundiye, about a month ago, showed me a letter he

received from you, with a proposal to him about the Oneidas, telling me

he had answered you that he would join you with his party about the 20th

of this month, desiring me at the same time to keep it a secret from the

Mohawk Indians and others, for fear of being made public; he then asked

me where the Oneidas now lived, which then I could not tell him; but since

that I was informed that the rebels had posted themselves at a place

called Palmerstown, about twelve or fifteen miles west of Saraghtoga, of

which I acquainted His Excellency General Haldimand, together with your

intentions and plan; whereupon I received His Excellency's answer

enjoining the utmost secrecy to me, and which I hereby give you in the

words of his letter, by Captain Mathews his secretary, and is the occasion

of this express.

"His Excellency, General Haldimand, commands me to acquaint you that

Captain Brant's intention meets highly with his approbation, and wishes

to assist it; which might be done from this place in the following manner,

but the General desires you will keep it inviolably secret. He has for

some time intended sending a party of about sixty chosen loyalists, under

the command of Major Jessup, toward Fort Edward; this party might join

Joseph against Palmerstown could he ascertain the time and place, which

might be nearly done by calculating the time his express would take to

come from Carleton Island--his march from thence, and Major Jessup's from

Point au Fez, alias Nikadiyooni. If Joseph wishes to have this assistance,

he must confer with Major Ross, who will send off an active express;

otherwise, if Joseph should prefer aid from that quarter, Major Ross and

Captain Robertson are directed to afford it; and, indeed, the delays and

uncertainty of the parties joining punctually, incline the General to

think it more eligible.

"Should you upon this adopt the General's offer and opinion, and proceed

from Carleton Island to Palmerstown, which place I am sure several of

Major Ross's men and others at the island are well acquainted with, I

wish you the aid of Providence with all the success imaginable; in which

case it will be one of tho most essential services you have rendered your

king this war, and cannot but by him be noticed and rewarded; your return

by Canada will be the shortest and most eligible, and we shall be very

happy to see you here. As I received the General's letter this afternoon

only, I could not speak with Odeserundiye, but have wrote to him by

express to let you know the precise time he intends meeting you. Mrs.

Claus and all friends are well here, and salute you heartily; also your

sister and daughters; the others here are well, and desire their love and

duty. I hope she received the things safe which I sent lately by Anna.

Adieu. God bless and prosper you.

"Yours most sincerely,

Dan'l. Claus.

"_Captain Brant._

"P. S. The great advantage of setting out from Carleton Island, is the

route, which is so unexpected a one, that there is hardly any doubt but

you will surprise them, which is a great point gained. Whereas, were you

to set out from Canada, there are so many friends, both whites and

Indians, to the rebel cause, that you could not well get to the place

undiscovered, which would not do so well.

"D. C."

Happily, from some cause now unknown, this project, so well devised, and

apparently so near its maturity, was never executed. The narrative is

therefore resumed.

So great, and so universal, was the distress for provisions, already

adverted to, that, on the 29th of March, General Clinton wrote to the

Governor, "I am hourly under apprehensions that the remaining different

posts occupied for the defence of the frontiers of this State, will be

abandoned, and the country left open to the ravages of the enemy." Such

continued suffering of course produced disaffection in this department

also; and the greatest possible prudence was required, on the part of the

officers, to prevent desertions of whole bodies. So critical was their

situation, that in a letter to the Governor, of May 3d, General Clinton

mentions the fact, that a small scout, commanded by a corporal, in the

neighborhood of Port George, having captured a party of the enemy, "with

a packet, had been bribed to release them for a guinea each and two silk

handkerchiefs." Still worse than this was the fact that the General was

afraid to proceed openly to punish the delinquency. On the 5th General

Clinton again wrote to the Governor--"From the present appearance, I am

convinced that the troops will abandon the frontier. It is absurd to

suppose they can or will exist under the present circumstances. However,

let what will be the consequences, I have nothing to reproach myself with.

I have repeatedly called for assistance from every quarter, but could

obtain none." On the 8th of May, General Schuyler, writing from Saratoga,

said--"I wrote you this morning, since which, finding the troops

exceedingly uneasy, Colonel Van Vechten and I turned out each one of the

best cattle we had; the meat proved better than was expected, but the

soldiers still continue troublesome; they have hung part of it on a pole

with a red flag above a white one, and some of them hold very alarming

a conversation. I dread the consequences, as they can so easily a join

the enemy. If a body of nine-months men were here, it a would probably

deter the others from going off to the northward, [the enemy meaning] if

they should have such an intention."

Great blame was imputed to Congress; and likewise to the State

governments, for allowing the commissariat to come to such a deplorable

pass. The resources of the country were known to be abundant for the

comfortable sustenance of a much larger army than was at that time in the

field; but the efficient action of Congress was fettered by its want of

power. The States, jealous of their own sovereignty, had withholden from

the central government powers which were essential to the vigorous

prosecution of the war, while it was but seldom that they could be

brought into a simultaneous and harmonious exertion of those powers

themselves. Hence the frequent and keen distresses of the army, and the

complicated embarrassments under which the officers were compelled to

struggle during the whole war. Still, the blame did not rest wholly with

the States. There were jealousies, and heart-burnings, and intrigues, in

the Congresses of that day, as in later times; and their conduct was

often the subject of bitter complaint in the letters of the

Commander-in-chief. The following letter from General Schuyler bears hard

upon the officers of the federal government, while at the same time it

depicts the extreme destitution of the country at the north, at the

period under consideration:--

"General Schuyler to General Clinton.

"_Saratoga, May_ 13_th,_ 1781.

"Dear Sir,

"Your favor of the 8th instant, Captain Vernon delivered me last evening.

The distress occasioned by the want of provisions in every quarter is

truly alarming, but was the natural consequence of such a system as was

adopted for supplying the army. It is probable, if we should be able to

continue the war ten years longer, that our rulers will learn to conduct

it with propriety and economy; at present they are certainly ignoramuses.

Not a barrel of meat or fish is to be had in this quarter if an equal

weight of silver was to be offered for it, and as there is not above a

quarter of the flour or wheat sufficient for the use of the inhabitants,

it would be needless to appoint persons here to impress those articles.

I therefore return the blank warrants.

"It is probable that some flour may be obtained in the neighborhood of

Schaghticoke, and _I am certain_ that a very considerable quantity of

both wheat and flour is lodged in Albany. Major Lush could employ his

assistant at the former place, and he might impress all at the latter

_without much trouble._ A small collection of meat has been made at

Stillwater for the troops here, but that is already expended. If there

is any beef at Richmond, or Barrington, I think it would be well to send

a party of nine-months men under an active spirited officer, to impress

a number of wagons at Kinderhook and Claverack, and to attend them to the

former places, and back again to the respective landings of the latter on

Hudson's river. If an opportunity offers, pray send me some paper, as

this is my last sheet. Captain Arson is not yet returned from Jessup's.

"I am, dear Sir,

Yours sincerely, &c., &c.

Ph. Schuyler.

"_Gen. Clinton._"

It was, indeed, a trying situation for brave and patriotic officers to

find themselves in command of troops, driven, by destitution, to the very

point of going over to the enemy almost in a body. But another

disheartening occurrence was at hand. The works of Fort Schuyler, having

become much out of repair, sustained great injury by the swelling of the

waters in the early part of May. A council of officers was convened by

Lt. Colonel Cochran, then in command, on the 12th of that month, to

inquire and report what should be done in the premises. The council

represented that more than two-thirds of the works had been broken down

by the flood, and that the residue would be in the same condition in a

very few days; that the only remaining strength of the fort was to be

found in the outside pickets on the glacis; and that the strength of the

garrison was altogether inadequate to attempt to rebuild or repair the

works, for which purpose five or six hundred men, with an engineer,

artificers, &c., would be indispensably necessary.

But even if the works were not altogether indefensible on the 12th, they

were rendered so on the following day, when all that had been spared by

the deluge was destroyed by fire. Intelligence of this disaster was

received by General Clinton at Albany, on the 16th, in a letter from

Colonel Cochran. The following is an extract from General Clinton's reply

to that officer, from which it appears a strong suspicion was entertained

that the conflagration was the work of design--a suspicion that was never

removed:--"I have just received your favors of the 13th and 14th instants,

with the disagreeable intelligence contained in them. I cannot find words

to express my surprise at the unexpected accident, or how a fire should

break out at noon-day, in a garrison where the troops could not possibly

be absent, after a most violent and incessant rain of several days, and

be permitted to do so much damage. I am sorry to say that the several

circumstances which accompanied this melancholy affair, afford plausible

ground for suspicion that it was not the effect of mere accident. I hope,

when it comes to be examined in a closer point of view, such lights may

be thrown upon it as will remove the suspicion, for which there appears

too much reason. I have written to his Excellency on the subject, and

requested his farther orders, which I expect in a few days; in the

meantime I would request that you keep possession of the works, and

endeavor to shelter the troops in the best manner possible."

In his letter to the Governor, enclosing the dispatches of Colonel

Cochran, General Clinton suggested the expediency, under the circumstances

of the case, of abandoning the post altogether, and falling back upon

Fort Herkimer. On the following day he again wrote to his brother,

renewing and re-enforcing this suggestion:--

"General Clinton to the Governor.

"_Albany, May_ 17_th,_ 1781.

"Dear Sir,

"Since my last to you of yesterday, another letter, by express, has been

received from Fort Schuyler. Copies of the contents I enclose for your

information, under cover, which I wish you to seal and forward to the

Commander-in-chief. I informed you yesterday of the general prevailing

opinion among the better part of the people in this quarter respecting

Fort Schuyler. The recent loss of the barracks, and the ruinous situation

of the works, have confirmed them in the propriety and even necessity of

removing it to the German Flats near Fort Herkimer, where they are

disposed to afford every assistance in their power to build a formidable

work, confident that it will be able to afford more protection, not only

in that particular quarter, but also to the whole western frontier in

general. I must confess that I have long since been of this opinion. I

have not mentioned this circumstance to the General, [Washington,] as I

conceive it will come better from yourself, as you are acquainted with

every particular circumstance respecting it, and the numberless

difficulties which we shall labor under in putting it in any considerable

state of defence. As I have directed the troops to remain in possession

of the works until I shall receive instructions from head-quarters, I wish

that you might have it in your power to have a conference with the

General on the subject, and transmit to me the result of it without delay.

"I am, Sir, &c.

Jas. Clinton.

"_Governor Clinton._"

This suggestion was adopted, and the post so long considered the key to

the Mohawk Valley was abandoned. [FN]

* * * * *

[FN] After the war the fort was rebuilt, and the ancient name of Fort

Stanwix restored. The works were repaired and substantially strengthened

as being an important post, during the administration of the elder

Adams.

In addition to this disheartening state of affairs at the westward of

Albany, intelligence was received that another storm was about breaking

upon the northern frontier. In a letter from General Schuyler to General

Clinton, from Saratoga, May 18th, after speaking of the "chagrin" he felt

at the destruction of the fort, Schuyler proceeds:--

"Last evening Major McCracken of White Creek came here, and delivered me

a copy of a paper which had been found there, in the same hand-writing as

one that was put in the same place last year, announcing the approach of

Major Carleton with the troops under his command. This contains in

substance--'That the writer had received a letter from a friend in Canada,

to give him notice of the danger which threatened these parts; that 1500

men were gone to Ticonderoga, from whence they were to proceed to Fort

Edward and White Creek; that they are to be down in this month, and from

what he could learn, they were to desolate the country.' The Major thinks

he knows the channel through which this intelligence is conveyed, and

that it may be depended upon;--as it in some degree corroborates that

given by Harris, and the person I had sent to Crown Point, it ought not

to be slighted. Please to communicate it to the Governor and General

Washington.

"Fourteen of the nine months men have already deserted, two of whom are

apprehended. There are now at this post only thirty-nine of them. As the

Continental troops here are without shoes it is impossible to keep out the

necessary scouts. Cannot a parcel of shoes be obtained at Albany, and

sent up to them? It will be of importance to give the earliest

intelligence if the party discovered by Colonel Lewis should appear on the

Mohawk river, that we may with the troops here, and what militia we may

be able to collect, try to intercept them."

In a postscript to a letter of the 21st, General Schuyler

observed:--"Since the above I have been informed _from very good

authority,_ that the enemy's morning and evening guns at Ticonderoga have

been distinctly heard near Fort Anne for three or four days past" And on

the 24th the General wrote more confidently still of the enemy's approach.

"Captain Gray is returned. He has not been near enough to determine the

enemy's force, but sufficiently so to discover, by the fires, that they

are numerous. Is it not strange, and subject of suspicion, that the

Vermonters should not afford us any intelligence of the enemy's approach,

as they must certainly know of his arrival at Crown Point and

Ticonderoga?" [FN]

* * * * *

[FN] This ambiguous conduct of Vermont was the consequence of the quarrel

between the settlers of the grants from New Hampshire, which were within

the chartered limits, and the government of New-York. Colonel Allen, not

long before, had been in Albany upon the business of the settlers, and

had come away dissatisfied--having uttered a threat on his departure. He

was at this time, as General Schuyler was informed, at the Isle Au

Noix--sick--as was pretended.

This was alarming intelligence, more especially when taken in connexion

with the reports simultaneously coming in from the west, of an expedition

meditated against Pittsburgh, to be led by Sir John Johnson and Colonel

Connelly; while other reports were rife, at the same time, of more

extensive combinations among the hostile Indians than had previously

marked the war. But even this was not all--nor by any means the worst of

the case. Treachery was at work, and from the temper of great numbers of

the people, the carriage of the disaffected, and the intelligence received

by means of spies and intercepted despatches, there was just cause to

apprehend that, should the enemy again invade the country, either from the

north or the west, his standard would be joined by much larger numbers of

the people than would have rallied beneath it at any former period. The

poison was actively at work even in Albany. On the 24th of May, General

Schuyler announced to General Clinton the return of a confidential agent

from the north, "where he met with five of the enemy, whose confidence he

so far obtained as to be entrusted with letters written on the spot to

persons at Albany, whose names I forbear to mention," (says Schuyler,) "for

fear of accidents. They contained nothing material, except the arrival of

the enemy in force at Crown Point and Ticonderoga, with this expression

in one,--'We shall make rare work with the rebels.'" But other, and more

"material" despatches were soon afterward intercepted, from the tenor of

which the conclusion was irresistible, not only that a powerful invasion

was about taking place from the north, but that very extensive

arrangements had been made in Albany, and the towns adjacent, for the

reception of the invaders, whose standard the disaffected were to join,

and whose wants they were to supply. Among the papers thus intercepted,

was the following letter, supposed to have been addressed to General

Haldimand:--

"_Albany,_ 9_th May,_ 1781.

"Your Excellency may learn from this that when I received your

instructions, &c., I was obliged at that time to put myself into a place

of security, as there were heavy charges laid against me. I thank God I

have baffled that storm. Your commands are observed to the letter, part

of them faithfully executed, the particulars of which I hope in a short

time to have the honor to acquaint you verbally. Now is the season to

strike a blow on this place, when multitudes will join, provided a

considerable force comes down. The sooner the attempt is made the better.

Let it be rapid and intrepid, carefully avoiding to sour the inhabitants'

tempers by savage cruelties on their defenceless families. If a few

handbills, intimating pardon, protection, &c., &c. were sent down, and

distributed about this part of the country, they would effect wonders;

and should your Excellency think proper to send an army against this den

of persecutors, notice ought to be given ten days before, by some careful

and intelligent person, to a certain Mr. McPherson in Ball's Town, who

will immediately convey the intention to the well-affected of New

Scotland, Norman's Kill, Hillbarack's, Neskayuna, &c., all in the vicinity

of Albany. The plan is already fixed, and should a formidable force

appear, I make no doubt provisions and other succors will immediately

take place. A few lines of comfort, in print, from your Excellency to

those people, would make them the more eager in prosecuting their designs;

and if the Vermonters lie still, as I have some hopes they will, there is

no fear of success. No troops are yet raised. There is a flag from this

place shortly to be sent; perhaps I may go with it; I expected before this

time I would 'be removed from my present situation,' &c.

"25th May. N. B. This I expected should reach you before now, but had no

opportunity. Excuse haste." [FN]

* * * * *

[FN] This document has been discovered by the author among the papers of

General Clinton. It is endorsed as follows:--"A copy of a letter in

Doctor Smyth's handwriting, supposed to General Haldimand. Intercepted

27th of May, 1781." The author has not been able to ascertain who Doctor

Smith was, farther than that he hat been informed at Albany, that he was

a brother to Smith the historian of New-York, afterward Chief Justice of

New Brunswick. Some time afterward Governor Clinton transmitted a

special message to the legislature, then sitting at Poughkeepsie,

containing important information respecting the designs of the

Vermonters, by which it appears that Dr. Smith was actively engaged in

fomenting disaffection in that quarter, and had held interviews with

Ethan Allen upon the subject in Albany, &c. Smith is spoken of in that

message as having been appointed a Commissioner by the British officers

to treat with the Vermonters.

Accompanying this letter were several pages of memoranda, in the same

hand-writing, giving particular information upon every point which the

enemy could desire. The deplorable situation of Albany, and the whole

Mohawk country, was described; the temper of the people in the towns

around Albany and elsewhere set forth; the strength of the main army in

the Highlands given with all necessary accuracy; and the mission of Ethan

Allen to Albany, and the probable defection of Vermont, announced. Indeed,

the character of these communications showed but too plainly that treason

was deeply and extensively at work, and that the enemy was, beyond doubt,

correctly advised of the true situation of the country. [FN]

* * * * *

[FN] See Appendix, No. II.

Under all these circumstances of internal and external danger--with but

slender garrisons at the points of greatest exposure, and those so

miserably provided that the soldiers were deserting by dozens, showing

dispositions not equivocal of going over to the enemy--without provisions

or the means of procuring them, and scarcely knowing whom to trust among

their own people, lest the disaffection should prove to be even more

extensive than recent disclosures had taught the officers to suppose,--the

Spring of 1781 may well be counted as the darkest period of the

revolution. Had it not been for the gleams of light shooting up from the

south, all indeed would have been sullen blackness, if not despair. But

the truth of the homely adage, that the darkest hour is always just before

day, received a glorious illustration before the close of the year.

"Accustomed to contemplate all public events which might grow out of the

situation of the United States, and to prepare for them while at a

distance, the American chief was not depressed by this state of affairs.

With a mind happily tempered by nature and improved by experience, those

fortunate events which had occasionally brightened the prospects of his

country, never relaxed his exertions or lessened his precautions; nor

could the most disastrous state of things drive him to despair." [FN]

Fortunately, in the Clintons and their associate officers at the north,

the American Commander had subordinates possessing in no small degree the

same great characteristics. Every possible precaution against lurking

treason within, was taken, and every practicable means of preparation

means of preparation and defence against invasion from abroad, was

adopted.

* * * * *

[FN] Marshall.

Anticipating, from the presence of the enemy at Ticonderoga, that Tryon

county might again be attacked from that direction by the way of the

Sacondaga, Captain John Carlisle was despatched into the settlements of

New Galway, Peasley, and Ballston, accompanied by Captain Oothout and a

small party of Indians, to make prisoners of certain persons suspected of

disaffection to the American cause, and to remove all the families from

those towns to the south side of the Mohawk river. About sixty families

were thus removed, and all the suspected persons arrested. The Captain,

in his report of the expedition, gave a deplorable account of the poverty

of the people. He could scarcely procure subsistence for his party during

his mission. On arriving at Ballston, however, he drew more liberally upon

the stores of the disaffected, and then arrested them. But their

disposition, Captain Oothout was glad to inform the Commissioners, was

such as to "prevent his setting fire to their houses agreeably to the

letter of his orders." [FN] Happily these measures of precaution, and the

other preparations, were for that time unnecessary--the enemy, if he was

in actual force at Crown Point or Ticonderoga, not then venturing another

invasion from that quarter.

* * * * *

[FN] Manuscripts of Gen. Clinton. Indeed, the materials for this whole

section of the northern history of the Spring of 1781, have principally

been drawn from the Clinton papers, so often referred to.

But the Mohawk Valley was continually harassed by the Indians and

Tories--even to the very precincts of the stockades and other small

fortifications. The spirit of the people had in a great measure been

crushed, and the militia broken down, during the repeated invasions of the

preceding year. The Rev. Daniel Gros, [FN] writing to General Clinton from

Canajoharie, upon the importance of having at least a small detachment of

regular troops at Fort Rensselaer, observed--"It would serve to bring

spirit, order, and regularity into our militia, where authority and

subordination have vanished. If it should last a little longer, the

shadow of it will dwindle away; and perhaps the best men in the state will

be useless spectators of all the havoc the enemy is meditating against the

country. The militia appears to me to be a body without a soul. Drafts

from the neighboring counties, even of the levies under their own

commanders, will not abate the fatal symptoms, but rather serve to

produce a monster with as many heads as there are detachments." Having no

other defenders than such as are here described, with the exception of a

few scattered companies, or rather skeletons of companies, at the

different posts extending along the Valley, the prospect of the opening

Summer was indeed gloomy--more especially when men's thoughts reverted to

the sufferings of the past. Nor were the inhabitants encouraged to expect

any considerable reinforcements from head-quarters, since the

Commander-in-chief, in concert with the Count de Rochambeau, was again

evidently preparing for some enterprise of higher moment than the defence

of those remote settlements against any force that could be brought down

upon them from the north.

* * * * *

[FN] Afterward a Professor in Columbia College, and author of a work on

Moral Philosophy.

Still, there was one officer whose name, among the people of that

district, was a tower of strength. That man was Colonel Marinus Willett;

who, at the consolidation of the five New-York regiments into two--an

event happening at about the same time--was induced by the strong

solicitation of Governor Clinton to take the command of all the militia

levies and State troops that might be raised for the protection of the

country. It was only with great reluctance that Colonel Willett was

persuaded to leave the main army, and enter upon this difficult and

hazardous service. But the appeal of Governor Clinton was so strong, and

enforced with so much earnestness, that he could not resist it. The

Governor urged the high confidence reposed in him by the people of Tryon

county--and reminded him of the cruelties of the Indians and

Tories--speaking of the latter with great emphasis, as "cruel monsters

worse than savages;" [FN-1] and Colonel Willett, feeling a hearty

good-will to chastise such an enemy--the Tories especially--repaired to

the north, and assumed the command. He arrived at Fort Rensselaer

(Canajoharie), where he established his head-quarters, toward the close

of June. The country he was to defend embraced all the settlements west

of the county of Albany, including Catskill and the Hudson river. A

fortnight after his arrival he ascertained that the following skeleton

detachments composed the full complement of the forces under his command:

one hundred and thirty levies, including officers, and Captain Moody's

artillery, numbering twenty men, at the German Flats; at Schoharie he

stationed a guard of twenty men; at Catskill about the same number, and

about thirty men at Ballston. Exclusive of these diminutive fragments of

corps, stationed at great distances apart, the levies of the county

amounted to no more than ninety-six men. In a letter to Governor Clinton,

making known the paucity of his numbers, Colonel Willett added:--"I

confess myself not a little disappointed in having such a trifling force

for such extensive business as I have on my hands; and also that nothing

is done to enable me to avail myself of the militia. The prospect of a

suffering country hurts me. Upon my own account I am not uneasy. Every

thing I can do, shall be done; and more cannot be looked for. If it is,

the reflection that I have done my a duty, must fix my own tranquility."

[FN-2]

* * * * *

[FN-1] Willett's Narrative.

[FN-2] Idem.

Depressed, however, as were the people, and inefficient as, from the

preceding descriptions, the militia must have become, these circumstances

were, no doubt, in a great degree attributable to the want of officers in

whom the people could repose confidence. Colonel Willett had very soon

an opportunity to make trial of their spirit, and he found them "a people

who, having experienced no inconsiderable portion of British barbarism,

were become keen for revenge and properly determined." [FN-1] The occasion

was the following:--On the 30th of June, several columns of smoke were

discovered by the garrison of Fort Rensselaer, ascending as from a village

on fire, in the direction of Currietown, lying eleven miles down the

river, near the estuary of the Schoharie-kill. Having previously sent

forth a scout of thirty men, commanded by Captain Gross, to patrol the

country south as far as a settlement called Durlagh, [FN-2] an express

was despatched to overtake that officer, with information of the probable

presence of the enemy below, and with instructions, if possible, to fall

upon his trail. Meantime Captain McKean was ordered to Currietown, with

sixteen levies only, but with instructions to collect as many of the

militia in his way as possible. Such was the celerity of McKean's

movements, that he arrived at Currietown so soon after it had been ravaged

and deserted by the enemy, as to enable him to assist in quenching the

fires of some of the yet unconsumed buildings. Colonel Willett was himself

actively employed during the day in collecting the militia, while, through

the vigilance of Captain Gross, not only the trail of the Indians was

discovered, but the place of their encampment. Having reason to suppose

they would occupy the same encampment that night, and being joined before

evening by the detachments of Gross and McKean, the Colonel determined,

with these forces, and such few militia-men as he had been able to

collect, to march directly for the encampment, and, if possible, take them

by surprise before morning--perhaps while asleep. This encampment was in

a thick cedar swamp, five or six miles to the north-east of Cherry Valley,

and of course to reach it by a march through the woods, during an

exceedingly dark night, and without any better road than a bridle-path,

was no small undertaking. It had been ascertained that the Indians

numbered between two and three hundred, commanded by a Tory named John

Doxstader, in connexion with an Indian chief named Quackyack. Colonel

Willett's strength, levies and militia included, did not exceed one

hundred and fifty rank and file. The plan of falling upon the enemy while

asleep did not exactly succeed, in consequence of the difficulties of the

march--occasioned by the darkness, the thickness of the woods, and, worse

than all, the losing of his way by the guide. It was therefore nearly

six o'clock in the morning when they arrived in the vicinity of the

encampment; and, instead of falling upon the enemy by surprise, they

found him occupying a more favorable situation, and awaiting their

reception. Immediate dispositions were made to engage the enemy, with a

view to which a stratagem was laid to draw him from the advantageous

situation which he had chosen. For this purpose, before the Indians had

become fully aware of Willett's near approach, Jacob Sammons, now a

lieutenant in the New-York levies, was detached with ten resolute men, to

steal as near to them as possible, give them one well-directed fire, and

retreat. The ruse succeeded. Sammons and his men turned their backs on the

first yell of the Indians, and the latter sprang forward in pursuit.

[FN-3] They were soon met by Colonel Willett in person, advancing at the

head of his main division, which consisted of one hundred men, while

Captain McKean was left with fifty more as a reserve, to act as occasion

might require, on the right. The enemy did not wait an attack, however,

but, with great appearance of determination, advanced with their wonted

shouts and yells, and began the fire. The onset of the Indians was

furious; but they were received with firmness, and in turn the Americans

advanced upon them with loud huzzas, and such manifestations of spirit as

soon caused them to give way. Simultaneously with their attack upon the

main body in front, the Indians had made an equally desperate rush upon

the right wing, which might have been attended with disaster, but for the

destructive fire poured in upon them by the reserve of McKean. The

Indians, thus driven back, now betook themselves to their old game of

firing from behind the trees; but Willett's men understood that mode of

fighting as well as themselves. They did not, however, practise it long.

Willett pressed forward waving his hat and cheering his men--calling out

that he could catch in his hat all the balls that the enemy might send;

and in the same breath exclaiming, "the day is ours, my boys!" These

inspiriting demonstrations being followed up by a timely and efficient

use of the bayonet, the whole body of the enemy was put to flight in half

an hour after the commencement of the action. They retreated upon their

old path down the Susquehanna, and were pursued to a considerable

distance. Their camp was, of course, taken, and the plunder they had

gathered recaptured. The loss of the Indians was severe--nearly forty of

their dead being left on the field. Colonel Willett's loss was five

killed, and nine wounded and missing. Among the wounded was the brave

Captain McKean, fatally. He received two balls early in the engagement,

but kept at his post until it was over, and the rout of the enemy

complete. [FN-4]

* * * * *

[FN-1] Letter of Colonel Willett to General Washington.

[FN-2] Sometimes spelt Turlock. Now the town of Sharon, Schoharie

County.

[FN-3] MS. narrative of Jacob Sammons.

[FN-4] Willett's Narrative--Campbell.

There was one very painful circumstance attending this battle. In their

excursion to Currietown, the day before, Doxstader and his Indians had

made nine prisoners, among whom were Jacob and Frederick Diefendorff,

Jacob Myers and a son, a black boy, and four others. The moment the

battle commenced, the prisoners, who were bound to standing trees for

security, were tomahawked and scalped by their captors, and left as dead.

The bodies of these unfortunate men were buried by Colonel Willett's

troops. Fortunately, however, the graves were superficial, and the

covering slight--a circumstance which enabled Jacob Diefendorff, who,

though stunned and apparently dead, was yet alive, to disentomb himself.

A detachment of militia, under Colonel Veeder, having repaired to the

field of action after Willett had returned to Fort Rensselaer, discovered

the supposed deceased on the outside of his own grave; and he has lived

to furnish the author of the present work with an account of his own

burial and resurrection. [FN]

* * * * *

[FN] Statements of Jacob Diefendorff and Jacob Sammons, in the author's

possession.

Captain McKean died, greatly lamented, a few days after the detachment

had returned to the fort, as will be seen by the annexed letter, addressed

by Colonel Willett to the commanding officer at Albany:--

"Colonel Willett to General Clinton.

"Sir:--I have just sent some of the wounded levies to Schenectady, there

being no surgeon here. Doctor Petrie, the surgeon of the levies, is at

German Flats, where he has several sick and wounded to attend; and the

intercourse between here and there is too dangerous to allow traveling

without a guard; I could wish, therefore, to have a surgeon from the

hospital posted in this quarter.

"This place does not afford a gill of rum to bathe a single wound. The two

barrels designed for this quarter a few days ago, met with a regular

regiment passing down the country, who very irregularly took away from

the person that had them in charge those two barrels of rum. I need not

mention to you, Sir, that the severe duty and large portion of fatigue

that falls to the lot of the troops in this quarter, make rum an article

of importance here, and that I should be glad to see some in the County

of Tryon.

"This morning Captain McKean died of the wound he received yesterday. In

him we have lost an excellent officer. I feel his loss, and must regret

it." [FN]

* * * * *

[FN] Clinton papers.

Shortly after the irruption of Doxstader, there was another descent of

Indians and Tories upon Palatine, which was an event of more singularity

than importance. A son of Colonel Jacob Klock, with several of his Tory

friends, went off to Canada. He returned in about four weeks with a band

of Indians and Tories to fall upon the settlement, and encamped for one

night in the vicinity of his own neighborhood. During the night, one of

the number, Philip Helmer, having discovered that a part of their object

was to plunder and murder the family of his relative, John Bellinger,

determined to save that family. Taking a young Indian with him, therefore,

under the pretext of reconnoitering the settlement, he proceeded so near

to some of the houses, that the Indian, becoming suspicious, ran back to

his comrades. Helmer's object was to surrender himself, and cause the

Indian to be taken prisoner; and he accordingly delivered himself up to

Judge Nellis. Expresses were immediately sent to Fort Plain and Stone

Arabia for assistance; and the enemy, finding themselves betrayed, took

to the woods. Lieutenant Sammons, with twenty-five men, was ordered by

Colonel Willett to go in pursuit; and so rapid were they of foot, as to

arrive at the enemy's encampment before his fires had gone out. William

Feeter, with six other volunteers, was sent forward to keep his trail.

In about two miles after entering the woods, most luckily they discovered

a number of the Indians lying flat upon the ground. The latter no sooner

discerned Feeter's approach, than they rose and fired; but one of their

number having fallen grievously wounded by the return fire of Feeler's

party, while they were stooping down to re-load, they sprang to their

feet and fled--Tories and all--leaving their provisions, knapsacks, and

some of their muskets. They ran down a steep hill, and were measurably

shielded from Feeter's fire by the thickness of the shrubbery and trees.

One of them gave himself up as a prisoner; three more were wounded, and

died on their way to Canada. The poor Indian first wounded, was put to

death by Helmer, who ran up and despatched him while he was begging for

quarter! [FN]

* * * * *

[FN] Narrative of Colonel William Feeter, in the author's possession,

and also of Jacob Sammons. Colonel Feeter is yet living, (1837.)

Colonel Willett took early occasion to make the Commander-in-chief

acquainted with the deplorable situation to which this fine region of

country had been reduced by the repeated visitations of the enemy. In his

letter to General Washington upon the subject, he describes the beauty,

the productiveness, and the natural advantages of the country with a

glowing pen. From this communication it appears, that at the commencement

of the war, the number of enrolled militia in Tryon county amounted to

not less than two thousand five hundred; but at the date of the letter,

(July 6, 1781,) the number of inhabitants liable to pay taxes, or to be

assessed to raise men for the public service, was estimated at no more

than twelve hundred; while the number liable to bear arms did not exceed

eight hundred. To account for so large a reduction of the population, it

was estimated that one-third had been killed or made prisoners; one-third

had gone over to the enemy; and one-third, for the time being, had

abandoned the country. The situation of those that remained, the Colonel

described as so distressing as to provoke sympathy from even the most

unfeeling heart. Those who could afford the expense, or perform the labor,

had erected block-houses on their own farms, for the protection of their

families. Each neighborhood had been compelled to erect a fortification

for itself within which their families resided for safety--from ten to

fifty families crowding together in a fort. Of these works there were

twenty-four between Schenectady and Fort Schuyler. At the time of writing

this letter--or rather memoir, for the communication was extended through

several sheets--Colonel Willett stated that the whole number of men then

under his command, exclusive of the militia, did not exceed two hundred

and fifty. But he, nevertheless, kept up a good heart, and in the course

of his anticipations of bringing about a better state of things,

added--"Nor shall I exceed my hopes, if, in the course of less than

twelve months, I shall be able to convince the enemy that they are not

without vulnerable quarters in these parts." The following quotation will

illustrate alike the wisdom, the activity, and the skill of the

dispositions made by Willett, for the purpose not only of bringing order

out of confusion, but of displaying his strength before an invisible foe,

lurking stealthily about in every place of concealment, on all sides and

every hand. After stating that he had fixed his head-quarters at

Canajoharie, on account of its central position, he proceeds:--"My

intention is to manage business so as to have an opportunity of

acquainting myself, as well as possible, with every officer and soldier

I may have in charge. In order the better to do this, I propose, as far

as I can make it any way convenient, to guard the different posts by

detachments, to be relieved as the nature of the case will admit. And as

the relieved troops will always return to Fort Rensselaer, where my

quarters will be, I shall have an opportunity of seeing them all in turn.

Having troops constantly marching backward and forward through the

country, and frequently changing their route, will answer several

purposes, such as will easily be perceived by you, sir, without

mentioning them. This is not the only way by which I expect to become

particularly acquainted with the troops and their situation. I intend

occasionally to visit every part of the country, as well to rectify such

mistakes as are common among the kind of troops I have at present in

charge, as to enable me to observe the condition of the militia, upon

whose aid I shall be under the necessity of placing considerable

reliance."

The effect of Colonel Willett's presence and example was very soon

perceptible. The people reposed the most unlimited confidence in him; and

so rapidly did he infuse something of his own fire and energy into the

bosoms even of the dispirited and broken militia, that they presently

appeared like a different race of men. An illustration of this fact

occurred one night early in July. The Colonel was informed, at the hour

of one o'clock in the morning, of the presence of fifty or sixty Indians

and Tories in the neighborhood, at only about six miles distance. Having

barely troops enough in the fort to guard it, he sent immediately for a

Captain of the militia, and in one hour's time that officer was in search

of the enemy at the head of seventy men. It is not often that much good

results from the employment of militia. Few officers can do any thing with

them. Most commanders nothing. But Willett was an exception in those days,

as General Jackson has been since. Willett, like Jackson, possessed the

faculty, by looking into the eyes of his men, of transfusing his own

native fire into their bosoms in spite of themselves.

Fortunately, however, less trouble was experienced from the enemy during

the Summer, in the lower section of the Mohawk Valley, than had been

anticipated. The summary and severe chastisement inflicted upon Doxstader

and his party had a powerful effect upon that irritating branch of the

enemy's service; and for more than three months afterward the inhabitants

were only troubled occasionally, and then merely by small flying parties

of the enemy, who accomplished nothing worthy of record.

But in the upper section of the Valley, the German Flats, it was

otherwise, and several spirited affairs occurred in that neighborhood,

attended by great bravery, though not by important consequences. The name

of Solomon Woodworth has twice or thrice occurred in the preceding pages;

once, as having been taken a prisoner and making his escape, and again as

alone defending a block-house north of Johnstown, and repulsing the enemy

from his fortress. In the year 1781 he was commissioned a captain, for

the purpose of raising a company of rangers to traverse the wooded country

north of Fort Dayton and the German Flats. He succeeded in enlisting a

company of forty brave and kindred spirits; at the head of whom, well

armed and provided, he marched from Fort Dayton, striking in the direction

of the Royal Grant, [FN-1] for purposes of observation. After a few hours'

march, one of Woodworth's men, being a short distance in advance,

discovered an Indian, evidently in ambuscade, upon whom he immediately

fired. Instantly the forest resounded with the war-whoop, and Woodworth

with his little band was surrounded by double his own number. A furious

and bloody engagement followed, in which the Rangers and Indians fought

hand to hand with great desperation; and, for the numbers engaged, there

was cruel slaughter. A fiercer engagement, probably, did not occur during

the war. Woodworth fell dead. The savages were the victors; and of the

rangers, only fifteen escaped to tell the melancholy fate of their

comrades. Several were taken captive, and subsequently exchanged. [FN-2]

* * * * *

[FN-1] A large tract of land, so called from the fact that it was a

grant from the King, under his own sign manual, to Sir William Johnson.

[FN-2] Manuscripts of the Rev. John I. Shaw.

Another affair, as an individual exploit, was as remarkable for its

coolness and bravery, as for the singular incident occurring in the

course of the battle, or rather siege, by which the leader of the enemy

was made to supply ammunition to be used against his own troops. There

was, and is to this day, a wealthy German settlement about four miles

north of the village of Herkimer, called Shell's Bush. Among those of the

settlers who had built block-houses of their own, was John Christian

Shell. His stockade was large and substantial, and well calculated for

defence. The first story had no windows, but small loop-holes, through

which the inmates could fire upon any persons venturing to assail them.

The second story projected two or three feet over the first, so

constructed that the garrison could either fire upon those who approached

too near, or cast down missiles upon their heads. Shell had a family of

six sons, the youngest two of whom were twins and but eight years old. In

the afternoon of the 6th of August, Donald McDonald, one of the Scotch

refugees who fled from Johnstown, made an attack upon Shell's Bush at the

head of a band of sixty-six Indians and Tories, among the latter of whom

were two celebrated traitors, named Empie and Kassellman. [FN-1] Most of

the inhabitants of Shell's Bush, however, had taken refuge in Fort

Dayton--four miles distant; but John Christian Shell, being a sturdy

believer in the doctrine that every man's house is his castle, refused to

quit his own domicile. He and his sons were at work in the field when

McDonald and his party made their appearance; and the children were

unfortunately separated so widely from their father, as to fall into the

hands of the enemy. Shell and his other boys succeeded in reaching their

castle, and barricading the ponderous door. And then commenced the battle.

The besieged were well armed, and all behaved with admirable bravery; but

none more bravely than Shell's wife, who loaded the pieces as her husband

and sons discharged them. The battle commenced at two o'clock, and

continued until dark. Several attempts were made by McDonald to set fire

to the castle, but without success; and his forces were repeatedly driven

back by the galling fire they received. McDonald at length procured a

crow-bar and attempted to force the door; but while thus engaged he

received a shot in the leg from Shell's blunderbuss, which put him _hors

du combat._ None of his men being sufficiently near at the moment to

rescue him, Shell, quick as lightning, opened the door, and drew him

within the walls a prisoner. The misfortune of Shell and his garrison was,

that their ammunition began to run low; but McDonald was very amply

provided, and to save his own life, he surrendered his cartridges to the

garrison to fire upon his comrades. Several of the enemy having been

killed and others wounded, they now drew off for a respite. Shell and his

troops, moreover, needed a little breathing time; and feeling assured

that, so long as he had the commanding officer of the besiegers in his

possession, the enemy would hardly attempt to burn the citadel, he ceased

firing. He then went up stairs, and sang the hymn which was a favorite of

Luther during the perils and afflictions of the Great Reformer in his

controversies with the Pope. [FN-2] While thus engaged, the enemy likewise

ceased firing. But they soon afterward rallied again to the fight, and

made a desperate effort to carry the fortress by assault. Rushing up to

the walls, five of them thrust the muzzles of their guns through the

loop-holes, but had no sooner done so, than Mrs. Shell, seizing an axe,

by quick and well-directed blows ruined every musket thus thrust through

the walls, by bending the barrels! A few more well-directed shots by Shell

and his sons once more drove the assailants back. Shell thereupon ran up

to the second story, just in the twilight, and calling out to his wife

with a loud voice, informed her that Captain Small was approaching from

Fort Dayton with succors. In yet louder notes he then exclaimed--"Captain

Small, march your company round upon this side of the house. Captain

Getman, you had better wheel your men off to the left, and come up upon

that side." There were, of course, no troops approaching; but the

directions of Shell were given, with such precision, and such apparent

earnestness and sincerity, that the stratagem succeeded, and the enemy

immediately fled to the woods, taking away the twin-lads as prisoners.

[FN-3] Setting the best provisions they had before their reluctant guest,

Shell and his family lost no time in repairing to Fort Dayton, which they

reached in safety--leaving McDonald in the quiet possession of the castle

he had been striving to capture in vain. Some two or three of McDonald's

Indians lingered about the premises to ascertain the fate of their leader;

and finding that Shell and his family had evacuated the post ventured in

to visit him. Not being able to remove him, however, on taking themselves

off, they charged their wounded leader to inform Shell, that if he would

be kind to him, (McDonald,) they would take good care of his (Shell's)

captive boys. McDonald was the next day removed to the fort by Captain

Small, where his leg was amputated; but the blood could not be stanched,

and he died in a few hours. [FN-4] The lads were carried into Canada. The

loss of the enemy on the ground was eleven killed and six wounded. The

boys, who were rescued after the war, reported that they took twelve of

their wounded away with them, nine of whom died before they arrived in

Canada. [FN-5]

* * * * *

[FN-1] MS. notes of Lauren Ford.

[FN-2] A literal translation of this hymn has been furnished the author

by Professor Bokum of Harvard University, which will be found in No.

III. of the Appendix.

[FN-3] One of Shell's neighbors lay in ambush during the battle, and

heard Shell's directions to Small and Getman.

[FN-4] McDonald wore a silver-mounted tomahawk, which was taken from him

by Shell. It was marked by thirty scalp-notches, showing that few Indiana

could have been more industrious than himself in gathering that

description of military trophies.

[FN-5] Among the slain was a white man, who had two thumbs on one hand.

One of Shell's sons is yet living in Canada, being a member of the

Dunkard's Society, in the neighborhood of Toronto.

At a subsequent day, Shell; being at work in the field with his two sons

at no great distance from the fort, was fired upon by a party of Indians

concealed in the standing wheat, and severely wounded. He called to his

sons not to allow the Indians to scalp him; and neither of the brave boys

would retreat until a guard came from the fort to their relief. But in

the discharge of this filial duty, one of them was killed and the other

wounded. John Christian Shell himself died of his wound, in the fort. His

deeds were commemorated in one of the most rude and prosaic of ballads.

But his memory is yet green in the remembrance of the German population

of Herkimer. [FN]

* * * * *

[FN] This account of John Christian Shell's exploit has been drawn

chiefly from the MS. statement of the venerable Col. William Feeter, yet

living in that town, (Feb. 1838,) and from the ballad mentioned in the

text, which contains a patriotic and particular recitation of the facts.

This use of contemporaneous ballads as authority for facts is well

sustained by precedent. Thierry makes bold use of English Norman ballads

for his history of the Norman Conquest; and Prescott, in his late

invaluable history of the reigns of Ferdinand and Isabella, has done the

like with the ancient Castilian romance and Moorish ballad.

The policy of the enemy at the north, during the whole season, was to

divide their own forces into small detachments, and harass the border

settlements at as many different points as possible--thus distracting the

attention of the people, and by allowing them neither a sense of security

nor repose, rendering them disgusted with the protracted struggle. The

most formidable movement of the Indians and Tories during the Summer

months, was the descent of Captain Cauldwell, from Niagara, upon the

border of Ulster County, at the head of about four hundred Indians and

Tories. The first intelligence of this irruption was received in Albany

by General Gansevoort, [FN] by letter, as follows:--

* * * * *

[FN] In the re-organization of the army, at the close of the year 1780,

Colonel Gansevoort was left out of service in the line, by seniority in

rank of other officers. Being a brigadier general of the militia,

however, stationed at Albany, his services were in continual requisition,

since, in the absence of regular troops, his brigade was the chief

dependence of the northern section of the State. His activity in the

State service was incessant, and his correspondence with the Governor and

the general officers of the regular array at the north, heavier than at

any former period. See Appendix, No. IV.

"Governor Clinton to General Gansevoort.

"_Poughkeepsie, August_ 14, 1781

"Sir,

"Last Sunday, a body of the enemy, to the amount of about three hundred

Indians and ninety Tories, appeared on the frontiers of Ulster County.

They took a small scout Colonel Pauling had sent out, and from them it is

supposed obtained information of the disposition of the levies in that

quarter, whom they passed by, and were first discovered at the settlement

of Warwasing. From the last accounts they had retired; but how far, is not

known. The militia have been collected and marched to oppose or pursue

them, as circumstances may render expedient. From their force, it is not

probable they will leave the country without attempting farther mischief

in that or some other quarter. I conceive it necessary, therefore, to give

you this information that you may take proper steps with your militia in

case this party should take their route toward the frontier of your

county; and I would particularly recommend that a part of your brigade be

immediately marched to Schoharie, for the protection of that settlement

until this party shall entirely have gone off. The account of the enemy's

strength is from one Vrooman, who deserted them; which is confirmed from

their appearance to a small party of levies, who saw them paraded at a

house they attacked, and which the party defended. By a more particular

account received this morning, (and which was the first that demanded

credit,) they have burnt and destroyed about a dozen houses, with their

barns, &c., among which are those of John G. Hardenburgh, Esq. They killed

only one of the inhabitants, the rest having made a timely escape from

their houses. The levies stationed there were by no means sufficient to

turn out and oppose them; but those who were in the house defended

themselves with spirit against the assaults of the enemy, by which means

several of them are said to have fallen, and many houses were saved.

"I am, with great esteem,

Sir, your most obd't serv't,

Geo. Clinton.

"_Brig. Gen. Gansevoort._" [FN]

* * * * *

[FN] Colonel Vrooman, at Schoharie, having heard of the invasion of

Ulster County by Cauldwell, wrote a pressing letter to General

Gansevoort, for assistance, on the same day that the Governor wrote from

Poughkeepsie. Colonel Henry Van Rensselaer was forthwith ordered to

Schoharie with his regiment, and Colonel Wemple was directed to send a

detachment of his regiment thither, from Schenectady, together with as

many of the Oneida Indians as he could engage. Fortunately, their

services were not required in action.

Captain Cauldwell was an officer in Butler's rangers. Who was the Indian

leader on the occasion, is not known. Their route from Niagara had been

by way of the Chemung, and thence, after crossing the Susquehanna, by the

Lackawaxen to the Delaware. The stockade forts at the north of the

Lackawaxen, and at Neversink, had been passed unobserved. Luckily,

however, for the inhabitants, shortly before Cauldwell reached the

settlements, a scouting party had descried his advance, and, eluding the

enemy's pursuit, had succeeded in communicating the alarm to the people,

who at once fled with their most valuable effects to the picket forts

erected for exactly such emergencies.

It was just at the first blush of morning that Cauldwell passed the small

fortress on the frontier of Warwasing. Being fired upon by the sentinel,

the report alarmed Captain Hardenburgh, who, with a guard of nine men,

was stationed at a point about three miles distant from the fort.

Proceeding immediately in the direction of the sound, Hardenburgh and his

little band met the enemy on his way, directing their course toward the

adjoining settlement of Mombackus--now called Rochester. Nothing daunted,

the Captain gave the enemy battle; but being closely pressed, he soon

discovered that his retreat had been cut off by a party of Indians, who

had gained his rear. In this dilemma, it being yet not quite light,

Hardenburgh with his party took refuge in a small stone house nearby,

owned by a Mr. Kettle, which had probably not been observed by the enemy.

Here they found six militia-men more--making sixteen in all, and being

well armed, they gave the invaders a warm reception. The latter advanced

several times to carry the house by assault, but as some of their number

were each time doomed to fall, they as often gave way, and in the end

relinquished the undertaking--leaving thirteen dead upon the field. In

marching forward two miles to Hardenburgh's house, the enemy fell in with

Kettle, the owner of the premises where they had been so roughly handled.

He, poor fellow, was killed and scalped. [FN]

* * * * *

[FN] MS. statement of Captain Valentine Davis, in the author's

possession.

Captain Henry Pauling, with a detachment of the regiment of State levies

commanded by Colonel Albert Pauling, was stationed at a point about six

miles distant from the scene of the action just described. He hastened

forward, but arrived too late to have a brush with the enemy, and only in

season to capture one straggling prisoner who was lingering for fruit in

an apple orchard. [FN-1] Finding his reception rather warm, and perceiving

indications of farther and more powerful opposition to his advance,

Cauldwell was already in full retreat. Nor did he commence retracing his

steps a moment too soon for his own safety. The news of his advance having

reached the west bank of the Hudson, where Colonel Pauling, of the State

levies, and Colonel John Cantine, with a body of militia, were stationed,

those officers marched immediately to the relief of the invaded

settlements. They arrived at the outskirts in time to catch a glimpse of

the enemy's rear, and to relieve some of the inhabitants, among whom were

a man and his wife, who had conducted themselves with distinguished

bravery. His house was constructed of unhewn logs, in the woods, and in

advance of all others. On the appearance of the foe, he fled to his castle

with his wife, and securing it in the best manner he could, gave battle

to a party of the Indians who laid siege to his fortress. Being well

armed, he defended himself with so much spirit, that they recoiled with

loss. Finding, after several attempts, that they could not force an

entrance, the Indians collected a heap of combustibles, and set fire to

the premises. Retiring a short distance to see the result, the man watched

his opportunity, and rushing out with a couple of buckets, he procured

water, which was close at hand, and extinguished the fire. The Indians,

of course, ran down upon him; but not being quick enough of foot to

prevent his gaining the door, hurled their tomahawks at his head--happily

without effect. He entered his castle, made fast his sally-port, and

re-commenced his defence. Just at this moment Colonel Pauling with his

troops appeared in sight, whereupon the Indians raised the siege and

departed. Colonel Pauling was absent in pursuit seven days, but did not

overtake them. The enemy suffered severely. They lost a goodly number of

their men; took only two prisoners and but little plunder; and were so

near starvation, that they were compelled to devour their dogs before

they reached their head-quarters. [FN-2]

* * * * *

[FN-1] MS. of Major Thomas Sammons, who was at this time serving in the

corps of Captain Pauling. The prisoner taken from the enemy was

recognized as an old neighbor of his father's at Johnstown, who had

served in the company of which Jacob Sammons was the lieutenant.

[FN-2] Major Sammons.

The Shawanese and other western Indians seem to have remained

comparatively quiet during the Spring and Summer of 1781. The Kentucky

settlements were for the most part unmolested, save by a feeble attack

upon McAfee's station near Harrodsburgh. The assailants, however, were

but a straggling party of Indians, who hung about the stockade, and were

ultimately punished severely for their temerity. Two of them were killed

by an equal number of the McAfees, whom, having left the fort for some

purpose, the Indians attempted to cut off on their return. The Indians

then commenced an attack upon the fort, but a party of cavalry arriving

suddenly from Harrodsburgh, the garrison sallied forth, and the savages

were quickly dispersed, with a loss of six killed outright, and several

others, whom they bore away, wounded. A few days afterward, Bryant's

station, which was yet more exposed, was visited by the Indians. Bryant,

who was a brother-in-law of Colonel Boon, having arranged a large hunting

party of twenty men, left his fort on an expedition down the Elk-horn.

Having divided his company in order to sweep a broader extent of country

for game, by reason of a fog, and other untoward circumstances, they

failed of uniting at the points designated. Meantime the Indians were

hanging about both divisions, and by stratagem succeeded in defeating

both. In one of their skirmishes Bryant was mortally wounded, and another

man severely. It was reported that the hunters, taken by surprise, were

deficient in firmness, when Bryant fell. On the following day they

encountered the Indians again, and defeated them.