CHAPTER IV.

General progress of the War--Design against New-York--Glance at the

Southern Campaigns--Treason of Arnold--Execution of Andre--Indian

deputation to Count de Rochambeau, in Rhode Island--Invasion of the

Schoharie-kill and the Mohawk Valleys, by Sir John Johnson, Brant, and

the Corn-Planter--Surprise of the upper fort--The middle fort

invested--Conduct of Murphy in firing upon a flag--Singular prosecution

of the siege--Murphy's contumacy--The flags fired upon thrice--Sir John

proceeds to the lower fort--After a brief halt, advances again to the

Mohawk, destroying every thing in his way--Murder of the

inhabitants--The Vroomans--Heroism of a woman--Sir John arrives at Fort

Hunter--Ravages the Mohawk Valley--Battle of Stone Arabia and death of

Colonel Brown--His character--Remarkable anecdote of General Arnold--Sir

John proceeds to Klock's Field--Is pursued by Van Rensselaer, though

with unaccountable delay--Battle of Klock's Field--Flight of the

Indians--Strange retreat of Van Rensselaer--Affairs of the night--Secret

flight of the Greens and Rangers--The pursuit--General Van Rensselaer

prematurely relinquishes it--Capture of Captain Vrooman and his

company, by Brant, in the neighborhood of Oneida--Touching incident at

Fort Hunter--Singular story respecting the Corn-Planter--Major

Carleton's expedition against Forts Anne and George--Correspondence on

the subject of prisoners--Affairs at Niagara--Seating in of Winter.

The active operations of the war, during the open months of the present

year, with the exception of the successive invasions of the Mohawk Valley

by Sir John Johnson and Captain Brant at the head of the loyalists and

Indians, were chiefly confined to the Southern states. True, indeed, in

anticipation of the arrival of another French fleet, with an army under

the Count de Rochambeau, for the land service, an attack had been

meditated by the Commander-in-chief upon New-York, and various preliminary

measures were adopted for that object. But, in order to cover the real

design, an attempt was made, after the return of the Marquis de Lafayette

from France, in the Spring, to divert the attention of the British

Commander by inducing a belief that Canada was again to be invaded by a

combined movement of the Americans and their allies. For this purpose,

proclamations, addressed to the Canadian people, were prepared, one of

which was written in French, and signed by Lafayette. These proclamations

were printed with great secrecy, but at the same time for the express

purpose of allowing copies of them to fall into the hands of the enemy,

to mislead Sir Henry Clinton. The printing was confided by Washington to

General Arnold; and as the stratagem was unsuccessful, subsequent events

induced a belief that the treasonable practices of that officer had then

already commenced. The letter from Washington to Arnold, respecting the

printing of those proclamations, was dated June 4th. It was afterward

satisfactorily ascertained, that "for several months previously Arnold

had endeavored to recommend himself to the enemy, by sending intelligence

concerning the movements and plans of the American army." [FN] Various

untoward circumstances concurred in frustrating the design of the

intended combined movement upon New-York. In the first place, although

Congress had made large promises to France, of efficient co-operation, in

the event of assistance from that quarter, yet the backwardness of many

of the States in furnishing their respective quotas of men, and the

continued deficiency of supplies, were serious discouragements to the

Commander-in-chief, and he almost began to despair of the undertaking

before the arrival of his allies. In the second place, the fleet of the

Chevalier Ternay, with the army of the Count de Rochambeau, did not

arrive so early by several weeks as was intended. In the third place, Sir

Henry Clinton having returned to New-York from the south, instead of

entering the harbor of New-York direct, the French admiral was

constrained to put into the harbor of Rhode Island, where the army was

landed; and before dispositions could be made for a combined movement

thence upon New-York, the British Admiral Graves arrived off Rhode Island

with a superior force, so that the Chevalier Ternay was blockaded. The

result of all these occurrences was a relinquishment, for the time, of the

enterprise against New-York; and the French and American armies were

doomed to comparative inactivity at the north the whole season.

* * * * *

[FN] Sparks's Life and Correspondence of Washington, vol. vii. Vide

several letters from Washington to Lafayette, Arnold, and others, during

the month of May, 1780.

Not so, however, at the south. After the fall of Charleston, in the

Spring, the British troops, under those able and active officers,

Cornwallis, Tarleton, Lord Rawdon, and others, almost entirely over-ran

the Southern States. Tarleton's first achievement was the cutting up of

Colonel Buford, with about four hundred men, at the Waxhaws. In South

Carolina all ideas of farther resistance seemed to be abandoned, until

Sumpter returned, and revived their spirits by proving at Williamson's

plantation that the invaders were not invincible. But in July, after

General Gates had assumed the command in the Southern Department, to which

the brave Baron De Kalb had opened the way, the severe disaster at Camden,

where the militia ran away, as usual, at the beginning of the battle,

rendered all again gloomy as before. [FN] The Baron De Kalb fell in this

action, covered with wounds. Close upon the heels of this defeat, followed

the surprise and all but annihilation of Sumpter's forces, by Tarleton, at

the Wateree. But the splendid affair at King's Mountain, on the 7th of

October, in which Ferguson, with a body of twelve or fifteen hundred

loyalists, and about one hundred British regulars, was defeated and taken

by Campbell, Shelby, and Cleaveland, at the head of the hardy mountaineers

of Virginia and North Carolina, with the re-appearance of Sumpter in the

field at the head of a body of volunteers--defeating Major Wemys at Broad

River, on the 12th of November, and repulsing Tarleton himself at

Black-stocks near the Tiger river, on the 20th,--contributed not a little

to revive the spirits of the Americans in that quarter. At the north, the

only considerable movement by the enemy was the expedition of the Hessian

General Knyphausen into New Jersey, during which he burnt thirteen houses

and the church at Connecticut Farms, and fifty houses at Springfield.

Fighting a battle at that place without achieving a victory, he returned

to Elizabethtown, and thence back to New-York.

* * * * *

[FN] From the time of his leaving the command at Providence in the

beginning of the preceding winter, General Gates had been residing at

his own home in Virginia. He was unanimously appointed by Congress, on

the 13th of June, to take command in the southern department.--_Sparks._

But the great event of the Summer at the north, was the capture of the

British Adjutant General, Major Andre, in the character of a spy, and the

consequent detection of the treason of General Arnold. The annals of war

furnish not a more flagrant instance of treachery than that Arnold was a

brave man, who had shared largely in the confidence of Washington during

the earlier years of the war; and although events had subsequently

occurred which must seriously have shaken the faith of the

Commander-in-chief in his private virtue and integrity, still he could

not have entertained the slightest suspicion of his patriotism, or his

integrity to the country; ignorant, probably, of the fact which will

appear a few pages ahead, that even that _had_ been questioned, during the

Canadian campaign of 1776. But, aside from Arnold's thirst for military

fame, which certainly cannot be denied to him, his ruling passion was

avarice. During his residence in Philadelphia, with the command of which

he was invested after its evacuation by the British troops in 1778, he

had lived in a style of splendor altogether beyond his means. Embarking

largely in privateering and other speculations, he had suffered heavy

losses; and to supply an exchequer which had been exhausted by an almost

boundless prodigality, he had resorted to acts of oppression and base

dishonor. Another device to obtain the means of indulging his

extravagance, was the exhibition of accounts against the public, so

enormous as to demand an investigation by a Board of Commissioners. Many

of these accounts being disallowed by the Commissioners, Arnold appealed

to Congress. A committee of re-examination was appointed; the report of

which was, that the Board of Commissioners had already allowed too much.

He was shortly afterward brought to answer for his peculations, and other

malpractices, before a General Court-martial; and he only escaped being

cashiered, by the death of one witness and the unaccountable absence of

another. Still, his conduct was pronounced highly reprehensible by the

Court, for which he was subjected to a reprimand from the

Commander-in-chief. The impression, however, was strong, and very general,

that he ought to have been dismissed from the army. Stung to the quick at

these censures of the Congress, the Court, and of his commander--hating

that commander now, if he had not done so before, fur the high-souled

honor of his sentiments, and the exalted virtue and moral purity of his

life--hating him the more bitterly because of his own fall--and stimulated

to the foul purpose, like the Thane of Cawdor, by his wife, who was a

traitress before him [FN-1]--Arnold had almost consummated his

long-meditated treachery, [FN-2] when the arrest of the unfortunate Andre

saved not only the citadel of the army, but probably the cause of the

country itself.

* * * * *

[FN-1] It is well known that, on the detection of Arnold's treason and

his flight, Mrs. Arnold was apparently deeply affected--tearing her hair,

and seeming almost frantic. So great was her agony, that the feelings of

Washington, Hamilton, and other officers, were greatly excited in her

behalf. The author has long been aware, through the confidential friends

of the late Colonel Burr, that Mrs. Arnold was only _acting a part_ when

she exhibited her distress. She was the daughter of Chief Justice

Shippen, of Pennsylvania, and had been married to Arnold at Philadelphia

in 1779. She had corresponded with Major Andre, during the Summer, under

a pretext of obtaining supplies of millinery, &c. Her habits were

extravagant, and had doubtless contributed to involve her husband more

deeply in pecuniary difficulties. Having obtained from General Washington

a passport, and permission to join her husband in New-York, Mrs. Arnold

stopped on the way At the house of Mrs. Provost, at Paramus, the lady of

a British officer, and afterward the wife of Colonel Burr, where she

stayed one night. Here the frantic scenes of West Point were re-enacted

while there were strangers present; but as soon as they were alone, she

became Tranquilized, and assured Mrs. Provost that she was heartily sick

of the theatrics she was playing. She stated that she had corresponded

with the British commander--that she was disgusted with the American

cause, and those who had the management of it; and that, through great

precaution and unceasing perseverance, she had ultimately brought the

General into the arrangement to surrender West Point to the British,

&c., &c. For farther particulars upon the subject, see Davis's Life of

Burr, pp. 219, 220. In his letter in her behalf to General Washington,

Arnold of course entirely exculpated his wife. The public vengeance, he

said, "ought alone to fall on me. She is as good and as innocent as an

angel, and is incapable of doing wrong."

[FN-2] Eighteen months before the consummation of his treason, General

Arnold commenced writing to Sir Henry Clinton anonymously, and from time

to time communicated to him important intelligence.--_Sparks._

With a seeming desire of active service, Arnold had urged forward his

trial, that, as he protested, he might be enabled the earlier to take the

field. But in pursuance, no doubt, of his understanding with Sir Henry

Clinton, his great anxiety was to obtain the command of West Point. With

this view he wrote to General Schuyler, who was then in camp, as one of

a Committee of Congress; and it is supposed that he likewise corresponded

with Robert R. Livingston upon the subject. At all events, Mr. Livingston

applied to General Washington for that station in behalf of Arnold. The

application was successful, though not immediately. On the first of

August Arnold was assigned to the command of the left wing of the army.

Complaining, however, that his wounds were yet too painful to allow him

to act with efficiency in the field, on the 3d of the same month he was

directed to repair to West Point, and take the command of the post. [FN]

* * * * *

[FN] Letter of Washington to General Arnold, August 3,1790. See, also,

note of Sparks to the same, and other antecedent letters.

It would be foreign to the main design of the present work, to

recapitulate the history of this memorable instance of the blackest

treachery. Suffice it to say, that, after his arrest, the conduct of

Andre was characterised by candor, manliness, and honor. He was tried by

a board of officers, and convicted on his own frank confessions, without

the testimony of a single witness. His main object, after he saw his

destiny was inevitable, was to relieve himself from the reproach of

having been guilty of any act of personal dishonor; and to show that in

fact he had bean compelled to assume the disguise in which he was taken,

by Arnold himself. And when he had expiated his error by his life, the

feeling was almost universal, that the iron hand of the law-martial had

fallen upon the wrong individual. For, although, in regard to Andre

himself it was doubtless right, under the circumstances of the case, that

justice should be inexorable; yet humanity cannot but weep over the hard

fate of the victim, while it marvels that an inscrutable Providence did

not so order events as to bring Arnold to the gibbet on which the

youthful stranger so nobly died. "Never, perhaps, did a man suffer death

with more justice, or deserve it less," was the remark of a gallant

soldier who was in attendance upon him during his imprisonment; and the

account of his character, written by that officer, and his demeanor

during the trying scenes intervening between his arrest and execution,

cannot be read without exciting emotions of high admiration and profound

regret. [FN] Happy, however, was his fate, compared with that of the

arch-traitor, whose moral leprosy, like the plague-spot, caused him to be

shunned through life by all honorable men--an object of loathing and

scorn, to fill--unregretted by anyone--a dishonorable grave!

* * * * *

[FN] The document referred to is a letter published in the Pennsylvania

Gazette of October 25th, 1790, written, as was supposed, by Alexander

Hamilton, at that time an Aid-de-camp to the Commander-in-chief. There

is, either in the library or the picture gallery of Yale College,

New-Haven, a likeness of Major Andre, sketched upon paper, by himself,

but a short time before his execution.

Resuming, again, the Indian relations of the North, the first occurrence

to be noted is a visit made by several of the Oneida, Tuscarora, and

Caughnawaga Indians to the French army in Rhode Island. The Caughnawaga

Indians, residing at the Lachine rapids near Montreal, had been altogether

in the interest of France down to the time of the conquest of Canada by

the British and Provincial arms; and it was supposed that the ancient

attachment of other branches of the Six Nations to the French had not

been entirely lost. It was also recollected, that "when M. de Vaudreuil

surrendered Canada to the English, he gave to the Indians, as tokens of

recognizance, a golden crucifix and a watch; and it was supposed that a

renewal of the impressions, which had been in some degree preserved among

them by these emblems of friendship, might have the effect to detach

them from the influence of the English, and strengthen their union with

the Americans and French." [FN-1] That the British officers were

apprehensive that an influence adverse to the cause of the King might be

awakened among the Indians by the alliance of the French with the

Americans, was rendered highly probable, from the pains taken by the

former to impress them with a belief that no such alliance had been

formed. [FN-2] Hence it was judged expedient by General Schuyler, who was

then at Albany, that a delegation of the Indians should be sent to Rhode

Island, where conviction of the fact might be wrought upon their senses

by the substantial evidence of the fleet and army. [FN-3] Thirteen Oneidas

and Tuscaroras, and five Caughnawagas, were accordingly despatched to

Rhode Island, under the conduct of Mr. Deane the Interpreter. They

arrived at Newport on the 29th of August, and were received with

distinguished marks of attention by the French commanders. "Entertainments

and military shows were prepared for them, and they expressed much

satisfaction at what they saw and heard. Suitable presents were

distributed among them; and to the chiefs were given medals representing

the coronation of the French King. When they went away, a written address

was delivered to them, or rather a kind of proclamation, signed by Count

Rochambeau, copies of which were to be distributed among the friendly

Indians." It was in the following words:--

* * * * *

[FN-1] sparks.

[FN-2] Letter from Washington to Count de Rochambeau.

[FN-3] Idem.

"The King of France, your father, has not forgotten his children. As a

token of remembrance, I have presented gifts to your deputies in his name.

He learned with concern, that many nations, deceived by the English, who

were his enemies, had attacked and lifted up the hatchet against his good

and faithful allies, the United States. He has desired me to tell you,

that he is a firm and faithful friend to all the friends of America, and

a decided enemy to all its foes. He hopes that all his children, whom he

loves sincerely, will take part with their father in this war against the

English."

The Caughnawagas being more conversant with the French than, with the

English language, the address was written in both languages, and signed

and sealed in due form. [FN] It is doubtful, however, whether either good

or ill came from the movement. The Oneidas and Tuscaroras were already

sufficiently true in their alliance with the Americans. The Caughnawagas

had made friendly advances to the Americans before, which resulted in

nothing. And as for the other and greater divisions of the Six Nations,

their hostility, it will soon be perceived, was not abated.

* * * * *

[FN] Note in the Life and Correspondence of Washington by Sparks, and

also a letter from the Count de Rochambeau, cited by him.

But even yet the desire of vengeance, on the part of the savages, had not

been satisfied. Smarting from the devastations of Sullivan's expedition,

neither the irruption of Sir John Johnson to Johnstown and Caughnawaga,

nor the invasion and destruction of Canajoharie by Thayendanegea, was

deemed by them a sufficient retaliatory visitation. Another and yet more

extensive expedition, both as to the numbers to be engaged, and the

object to be accomplished, was therefore planned and carried into

execution, under the auspices of Sir John Johnson, Joseph Brant, and the

famous Seneca warrior, the _Corn-Planter._ [FN-1] This latter chief was a

half-breed, his father being a white man, living in the Mohawk country,

named John O'Bail. [FN-2]

* * * * *

[FN-1] This is the first time that the name of this chief, afterward

celebrated in our Indian annals, occurs in the history of the revolution,

although he was in the field with his tribe against General Sullivan.

There is some doubt as to the orthography of his parental name. It has

been written Abeel, O'Beal, and O'Bail. The latter is the name according

to Mary Jemison. He was, for a considerable period, the rival of the

eloquent Keeper-Awake, Red Jacket, by whom his influence was ultimately

destroyed and himself supplanted.

[FN-2] Mary Jemison.

The Indian portion of this expedition was chiefly collected at Tioga

Point, whence they ascended the Susquehanna to Unadilla, where a junction

was formed with Sir John Johnson, whose forces consisted, besides Mohawks,

of three companies of his own regiment of Greens; one company of German

Yagers; a detachment of two hundred men from Butler's rangers; [FN-1] and

one company of British regulars, under the immediate command of Captain

Richard Duncan, the son of an opulent gentleman residing, previous to the

war, in the neighborhood of Schenectady. [FN-2] The troops of Sir John

were collected at Lachine, near Montreal, whence they ascended the St.

Lawrence to Lake Ontario and Oswego. From this point they crossed the

country to the Susquehanna, where they were joined by the Indians and

Tories from Tioga. Sir John had with him two small mortars, and a brass

three-pounder, called a grasshopper, from the circumstance of its being

mounted upon iron legs instead of wheels. These pieces of ordnance were

transported through the woods upon pack-horses. Every soldier, and every

Indian, was provided with eighty rounds of cartridges. [FN-3]

* * * * *

[FN-1] MSS. of Major Thomas Sammons.

[FN-2] Giles F. Yates, Esq.

[FN-3] Major Sammons.

The Indians never breathed more fiercely for vengeance than at this time,

and they went forth upon the war-path with a determination that nothing

should impede their march or prevent their depredations. [FN] Their

numbers have been variously estimated at from eight hundred to fifteen

hundred and fifty--all descriptions of troops included. The latter

estimate is probably the nearest to the truth, judging from the results

of the campaign.

* * * * *

[FN] Mary Jemison, who seems to have been present at the gathering.

Their course was by their old route, along the Charlotte river,

(sometimes called the eastern branch of the Susquehanna,) to its source,

and thence across to the head of the Schoharie-kill, for the purpose of

making thorough work in the destruction of the continuous chain of

settlements through that beautiful valley to its junction with the Mohawk.

The enemy had designed to keep the movement a profound secret, until

proclaimed by his actual presence. Two of the Oneidas, in their service,

having deserted, frustrated that design by giving information of their

approach to the settlements. [FN] Whether from weariness of continual

alarms, or from ignorance or doubt as to the quarter where the blow was

to be struck, or from criminal negligence, cannot be told; but it is

certain that the surprise was as complete as the success of the campaign

was discreditable to those who did not prevent it.

* * * * *

[FN] Letter of General Haldimand to Lord George Germaine.

The plan of Sir John and Captain Brant was to enter the valley by night,

pass, if possible, the upper fort unobserved, and then, by silently

destroying the intervening settlements, attack the middle fort, at

Middleburgh, early in the morning. This fort was garrisoned by about one

hundred and fifty state troops, called three months men, exclusive of

some fifty militia-men--the whole under the command of Major Woolsey,

[FN-1] who, from all accounts, appears to have been an inefficient

officer, and by some writers has been represented as the most miserable

of poltroons. [FN-2] The design of passing the upper fort unperceived,

was in part successful; nor was the enemy's approach to the middle

fortress discovered until just at break of day, on the morning of the

16th of October, when a sentinel, named Philip Graft, standing upon the

parapet of a mud wall, discovered a fire kindling in some buildings not

more than a quarter of a mile distant. Calling to the sergeant of the

guard, he communicated the discovery through him to the commanding

officer. The drums at once beat to arms, and Major Woolsey requested

forty volunteers to sally forth and discover the cause of the alarm.

Every man on duty promptly responded to the invitation, and the

complement was thereupon counted off from the right, and sent out in

charge of Lieutenant Spencer. The little band proceeded with alacrity in

the direction of the burning buildings, until they suddenly encountered

the enemy's advance. Three shots were exchanged, when Spencer retreated,

and brought his detachment back into the fort without the loss of a

man. [FN-3] At this moment the concerted signal of three guns from the

upper fort came rolling down the gorge of the mountains, from which it

was evident that the enemy had passed that fortress without molesting it.

A proper degree of vigilance, however, ought certainly to have enabled

the sentinels of that garrison to observe the advance of the invading

army, instead of merely catching a glimpse of its rear. The moment the

enemy had thus been discovered, front and rear, concealment of his

approach being no longer possible, the torch was indiscriminately applied

to such houses and barns as came in his way. The season had been

bountiful, the rich alluvial bottoms of the Schoharie-kill producing an

unusually abundant harvest that year. The barns were therefore well

stored with the earlier grains, while the fields were yet heavily

burdened with the autumnal crops. But the husbandmen in the neighborhood,

or those lodging for greater security in the little apology for a

fortress, looked abroad at sunrise to behold the produce of their

industry in flames.

* * * * *

[FN-1] MS. statement of Philip Graft, in the author's possession.

[FN-2] "Woolsey's presence of mind forsook him in the hour of danger. He

concealed himself at first with the women and children in the house, and

when driven out by the ridicule of his new associates, he crawled round

the intrenchments on his hands and knees, amid the jeers and bravos of

the militia, who felt their courage revive as their laughter was excited

by the cowardice of their major."--_Campbell's Annals._

[FN-3] MS. statement of Philip Graft.

Soon after sunrise the main forces of the enemy had arrived, and the fort

was completely invested. A column of troops, with the pieces of light

artillery heretofore mentioned, passed round the north-east side of the

fort, and planted their guns upon an eminence commanding the American

works. An officer with a flag was now despatched toward the garrison, and

from the moment he was seen, an order was given to cease firing. All was

silent until he had approached to within the distance of fair rifle shot,

when the reader's old acquaintance, Murphy, recently of Morgan's rifle

corps, but now making war on his own responsibility, expressed a

determination to shoot down the officer by whom the flag was borne. He

was instantly ordered by the officers of the regular troops to forbear.

But the militia irregulars encouraged him to persist in his mutinous

determination. He did so; but for once his rifle was untrue, and the

flag-officer immediately faced about and retired to his own ranks.

Sir John thereupon opened his artillery upon the fort, while the Indians

and rangers kept up a brisk fire of musketry--both without much effect.

The enemy's field-pieces were probably of too small caliber for the

distance, and the shells were thrown with so little skill, for the most

part, as either to fall short, or fly over the works, or to explode in

the air. Two shells, however, fell upon the roof of the house within the

fort, one of which was precipitated down into a room occupied by two sick

women. It sank into a feather bed, and exploded--but without inflicting

farther injury. Fire was communicated to the roof of the building by the

other shell, and was extinguished with a single pail of water carried up

and applied by Philip Graft. Unfortunately the garrison was unable to

return the fire with spirit, for the want of powder. The regular troops

had only a few rounds each, and the militia were but little better

provided in that respect. Messengers had been despatched to Albany on the

preceding day for ammunition, and also far reinforcements; but neither had

yet been received, so that the fort was but ill prepared for protracted

or efficient resistance. But of this destitution the enemy was of course

ignorant; and the shooting at his flag-officer may have been, and probably

was, construed by Sir John as evidence of a determination to make no

terms. Expecting a desperate resistance, therefore, the Baronet may, from

that circumstance, have proceeded with the greater caution.

It was indeed a singular siege. The enemy, spreading over the whole of

the little plain, were now occupied in feeble attacks upon the fort, and

now dispersing in small detachments, to plunder another farm-house and

burn another corn-stack. There was one large barn, situated near the fort,

and around which stood a circle of stacks of wheat. These the enemy

attempted several times to fire, but Lieut. Spencer sallied forth with

his little band of forty, and so gallantly protected the property, that

the enemy reluctantly abandoned his design upon that point. Spencer was

fired upon briskly in this sortie, but lost only one of his men.

In the course of the forenoon, another flag was despatched toward the

fort by Sir John, which Murphy again determined to shoot down the moment

the officer came within range of his trusty rifle. Major Woolsey and the

officers interposed, but the militia again rallied round Murphy; and

although one of the officers drew his sword, and threatened to run the

offender through if he persisted, yet the rifleman coolly replied that he

had no confidence in the commanding officer, who he believed intended to

surrender the fort; that, if taken, he knew well what his own fate would

be, and he would not be taken alive. As the flag approached, therefore,

he fired again, but happily without effect; and the flag officer once

more returned to the head-quarters of Sir John. [FN-1] When the officers

of the regular troops remonstrated against such a barbarous violation of

the usages of honorable war, the militia soldiers replied that they were

dealing with a foe who paid no regard to such usages; and, however

strictly they might observe the rules of war and of etiquette themselves,

the besiegers would be the last men to exhibit a corresponding course of

conduct in the event of their success. The wailings of plundered and

murdered families without the fort, and the columns of smoke and flame

then ascending to the heavens, afforded ample testimony of the truth of

their position. "The savages, and their companions, the Tories, still

more savage than they, had shown no respect to age, sex, or condition;

and it was not without force that the question was repeated, are we bound

to exercise a forbearance totally unreciprocated by the enemy? Besides,"

it was added, "let us show that we will neither take nor give quarters;

and the enemy, discovering our desperation, will most likely withdraw."

[FN-2]

* * * * *

[FN-1] Statement of Philip Graft.

[FN-2] The Sexagenary.

The desultory battle was again renewed--small parties of the garrison

occasionally watching opportunities to sally forth and do what mischief

they could to the enemy, retreating within the gates again when likely to

be borne down by superior numbers. Sir John, perceiving at length that

neither shot nor shells made any impression upon the garrison, formed his

disciplined troops under shelter of a small building more immediately in

the neighborhood of the fort, and prepared for an attempt to carry it by

assault. A flag again approached, and Murphy, brought up his rifle to

fire upon it the third time. He was admonished, as before, to desist, and

an effort was made to arrest him. But he was a universal favorite, and

the soldiers would not allow the procedure. A white flag was then ordered

to be raised from the fort, but Murphy threatened instant death to any

one who obeyed the direction; and as the enemy's flag continued to

approach, he was again preparing his piece, when an officer once more

interposed. Captain Reghtmeyer, of the militia, standing by the side of

Murphy, gave him the order to fire. The continental officer made a

demonstration toward Reghtmeyer, by attempting to draw his sword; but

immediately desisted as the latter clubbed his fusee, and gave an

impressive motion with its breech, of an import not to be misunderstood;

whereupon the Major stepped back, and there the matter ended. [FN-1] The

officer bearing the flag, having been thus a third time repulsed, Sir

John convened a council of war, and after a brief consultation, abandoned

the siege, and proceeded on his Vandal march down the valley. The reason

of this hasty change of purpose has never been known. Some have asserted

that a pretended loyalist gave the Baronet an exaggerated account of the

strength of the garrison and its means of resistance. [FN-2] Others have

said that rumors of approaching reinforcements induced him to hasten

forward, lest his projected march of desolation should be interrupted.

But it is likely that the repeated violations of the flag had created an

impression that such an indomitable garrison might not prudently be

engaged steel to steel and hand to hand, by assailants not to be relied

upon with much confidence in such emergencies.

* * * * *

[FN-1] {illegible word--Idem.?}

[FN-2] Campbell.

The march of the invaders was rapid in the direction of Fort Hunter, at

the confluence of the Schoharie-kill with the Mohawk river, in the course

of which they destroyed the buildings and produce of every agricultural

description. [FN-1] On arriving in the vicinity of the Lower Fort at Old

Schoharie, Sir John divided his forces--the regulars continuing down on

the bank of the creek to the left of the fort, while the Indians skirted

the meadows half a mile distant on the right. Having thus gained the

north side of the fort, they made a stand for a brief space of time, and

a few shots were interchanged. Some sharp-shooters having been stationed

in the tower of the church, the enemy brought one of their field-pieces

to bear upon it. A single shot only struck, which lodged in the cornice,

and a discharge of grape from the fort drove the invaders back, [FN-2]

whereupon their march was resumed and continued to Fort Hunter; at which

place they arrived in the night without interruption. In their course the

whole valley was laid in ruins. The houses and barns were burnt, the

horses and cattle killed or taken; and those of the inhabitants who were

not safely within the walls of their little fortifications, were either

killed or carried into captivity. Not a building, known by the Indians

and Tories to belong to a Whig, was saved. Sir John had ordered his forces

to spare the church at the upper Fort, but his mandate was disobeyed, and

the structure was laid in ashes. The houses of the loyalists were passed

unmolested; but, exasperated by the destruction of their own habitations,

the Whigs soon caused these to be numbered in the common lot. [FN-3] Thus

was the whole Valley of the Schoharie-kill made desolate.

* * * * *

[FN-1] The destruction of grain was so great as to threaten the most

alarming consequences, in respect to the forming of magazines for the

public service at the North. But for that event, the settlement of

Schoharie, alone, would have delivered eighty thousand bushels of

grain.--_Letter of Washington to the President of Congress, Nov._ 7,

1780.

[FN-2] Campbell's Annals.

[FN-3] The Indians spared one house, from the consideration that it had

formerly been occupied at one of their treaties.

The loss of the Americans at the forts was very trifling. Only two were

killed, and one wounded, at the middle Fort, and none at the lower. But

of the unprotected inhabitants, numbers--according to some accounts, one

hundred--were killed. There were some individual occurrences during the

day, moreover, which are worthy of being specially noted. It happened

early in the morning, that John Vrooman and two of his neighbors were upon

a scout in the woods, about eight miles from the fort, when they

discovered an Indian. Vrooman fired, and the Indian fell. At the same

instant another Indian was discovered through the bushes, who was also

brought down by one of Vrooman's companions. A third savage was now seen;

but as Vrooman's third companion hesitated about firing, Vrooman himself

snatched his rifle from him, and brought that warrior also to the ground.

At the same instant--for it was all the work of a moment--up rose from

the ground a group of Indians and Tories, who set upon them with a

terrible yell. Vrooman and his companions fled in different directions at

the top of their speed, and succeeded, by reason of their wind and bottom,

and their zigzag flights, in making their escape. It was noon when the

former reached his own home,--only to behold his house in flames. His wife

and her mother were made captives by an Indian named Seth Hendrick, who

had formerly resided in Schoharie; but they were released and sent back

on the following day, by Captain Brant, together with a letter, written

upon birch bark, explaining his reasons for allowing their return. [FN]

* * * * *

[FN] The Sexagenary. The Vroomans were an extensive family in the

Schoharie settlements, and were severe sufferers. In the last preceding

chapter but one, the boastings of Becraft, who bad murdered one entire

family of that name, have been noted. During the present expedition, the

following persons, among others, were murdered, viz:--Tunis Vrooman, his

wife and son; while at the same time Ephraim Vrooman and his two sons,

Bartholomew and James, John Vrooman, Martin Vrooman, Bartholomew Vrooman,

Jun., Simon Vrooman, his wife and his son Jacob, were taken prisoners and

carried to Canada.--_Giles F. Yates._

One of the farmers, on that day, while engaged with his boys in unloading

a wagon of grain at the barn, hearing a shriek, looked about, and saw a

party of Indians and Tories between himself and the house. "The enemy, my

boys!" said the father, and sprang from the wagon, but in attempting to

leap the fence, a rifle ball brought him dead upon the spot. The shriek

had proceeded from his wife, who, in coming from the garden, had

discovered the savages, and screamed to give the alarm. She was struck

down by a tomahawk. Her little son, five years old, who had been playing

about the wagon, ran up to his mother, in an agony of grief, as she lay

weltering in blood, and was knocked on the head, and left dead by the

side of his parent The two other boys were carried away into Canada, and

did not return until after the war. [FN]

* * * * *

[FN] The Sexagenary. "Ephraim Vrooman himself was carried away by Seth

Hendrick, who treated him with much kindness by the way. There were two

or three other Indians in the immediate party with Seth. These, before

they arrived at their place of destination, grew tired of their prisoner,

and proposed to despatch him. Mr. Vrooman overheard the conversation,

which was conducted in a whisper, and repeated it to Hendrick. Hendrick

assured him, in the most positive manner, that 'not a hair of his head

should be touched' and gave his companions a severe reprimand for their

ungenerous conspiracy. After the termination of the revolutionary

contest, Hendrick paid Mr. Vrooman a visit, and apologised for his

conduct during the war, in the strong metaphorical language of his

nation. The tomahawk, said he, is used only in war; in time of peace it

is buried--it cuts down the sturdy oak as well as the tender vine; but I

(laying his hand on Mr. V's shoulder,) I saved the oak."--_Giles F.

Yates._

The family of Ephraim Vrooman was also particularly unfortunate. He was

at work in the field when he first discovered a straggling party of the

enemy approaching. He started at full speed for his house, in order to

obtain his arms, and sell his life as dearly as possible. But in climbing

a fence he was seized, and taken prisoner. His wife, in endeavoring to

escape by flight, was shot dead before his eyes. As she fell, her little

daughter, aged eleven years, ran up, and cast herself down by the side of

her dying parent, as clinging to her for protection, when an Indian came

up, and added to the agony of the father and the crimes of the day, by

crushing her head with a stone. [FN]

* * * * *

[FN] The Sexagenary.

There was an aged man in the middle Fort, who performed a bold exploit.

He was the owner of a mill about two miles distant, at which his son had

passed the night. Knowing that some one or more of the enemy's plundering

parties would assuredly visit the mill, at the instant Lieutenant

Spencer's party encountered Sir John's advance guard in the morning, the

old man sallied out and hastened to the rescue of his son. Mounting each

a horse to return to the fort, they found it already invested by the

enemy on their arrival. Nothing daunted, however, they passed within a

hundred yards of the enemy at full speed, dashed up to the rear of the

Fort, and were received in safety. [FN]

* * * * *

[FN] The Sexagenary.

There was another incident transpiring at the fort, which stands in happy

contrast with the conduct of the commanding major. The females within the

fortress are said to have displayed a degree of heroism worthy of

commendation and of all praise. Being well provided with arms, they were

determined to use them in case of an attempt to carry the works by storm.

One of them, an interesting young woman, whose name yet lives in story

among her own mountains, perceiving, as she thought, symptoms of fear in

a soldier who had been ordered to a well without the works, and within

range of the enemy's fire, for water, snatched the bucket from his hands,

and ran forth for it herself. Without changing color, or giving the

slightest evidence of fear, she drew and brought bucket after bucket to

the thirsty soldiers, and providentially escaped without injury. [FN]

* * * * *

[FN] Idem.

Sir John remained in the neighborhood of Fort Hunter on the 17th,

continuing the work of destruction in every possible direction. On the

evening of that day Captain Duncan crossed the river with three companies

of the Greens and some Indians. On the morning of the 18th, all that had

been left standing of Caughnawaga at the time of the irruption of Sir

John in the preceding Spring, and all that had been rebuilt, was

ruthlessly destroyed by fire. A simultaneous and most desolating march up

the river was then commenced by Sir John and the main body of his forces

on the south side of the river, and by Captain Duncan's division on the

north. As at Schoharie, the march of both was one of entire devastation.

Rapine and plunder were the order of the day, and both shores of the

Mohawk were lighted up by the conflagration of every thing combustible;

while the panic-stricken inhabitants only escaped slaughter or captivity

by flight--they knew not whither. [FN-1] Conspicuous among the sufferers

was Major Jelles Fonda, a faithful and confidential officer under the

father of Sir John; but who, having turned his back upon the royal cause,

was singled out as a special and signal mark of vengeance. His mansion at

"The Nose," in the town of Palatine, was destroyed, together with property

to the amount of sixty thousand dollars. The Major was himself absent.

[FN-2] His wife escaped under the curtain of a thick fog, and made her

way on foot, twenty-six miles, to Schenectady. [FN-3] Sir John encamped

with his forces on the night of the 18th nearly opposite, or rather above

the Nose. On the following morning, he crossed the river to the north

side, at Keder's Rifts. The greater part of the motley army continued its

progress directly up the river, laying waste the country as before. A

detachment of one hundred and fifty men was, however, dispatched from

Keder's Rifts against the small stockade called Fort Paris, in Stone

Arabia, some two or three miles back from the river, north of Palatine.

But, after marching about two miles, the main body also wheeled off to

the right, to assist in attacking the fort. The work of devastation was

continued also in this direction, as at other places.

* * * * *

[FN-1] MSS. of Major Thomas Sammons.

[FN-2] In the State Senate, the legislature being then in Session at

Poughkeepsie.

[FN-3] Antiquarian Researches, by Giles F. Yates.

The small fort just mentioned was at this time in command of Colonel

Brown, with a garrison of one hundred and thirty men. An unfortunate

occurrence induced him to leave his defences, and resulted in his

discomfiture and fall. The circumstances were these:--the moment tidings

that Sir John had broken into the settlements of the Schoharie reached

Albany, General Robert Van Rensselaer, of Claverack, at the head of the

Claverack, Albany, and Schenectady militia, pushed on by forced marches

to encounter him, accompanied by Governor Clinton. Having arrived at

Caughnawaga on the 18th, and having likewise ascertained that Fort Paris

was to be assaulted on the morning of the 19th, Van Rensselaer dispatched

orders to Colonel Brown to march out and check the advance of the enemy,

while at the same time he would be ready to fall upon his rear. Brown,

faithful to the hour designated, sallied forth, and gave Sir John battle

near the site of a former work, called Fort Keyser. But General Van

Rensselaer's advance had been impeded, so that no diversion was created

in Brown's favor; and his forces were too feeble to withstand the enemy,

or even to check his progress. Colonel Brown fell gallantly at the head of

his little division, of which from forty to forty-five were also slain.

The remainder of his troops sought safety in flight.

Colonel Brown, who fell on this occasion, was a soldier of great courage

and high moral worth. He was early in the service, and was engaged in the

memorable and ultimately disastrous campaign in Canada. While the

American army was at Sorel, he detected, or believed he detected, a

design on the part of General Arnold then to play the traitor. Arnold was

about making a mysterious night movement of the flotilla of light vessels

belonging to the Americans, then with the army in the St. Lawrence, which

Colonel Easton, suspecting all was not right, prevented--but not until he

had ordered two or three pieces of ordnance to bear upon the vessels,

threatening to fire upon them if they proceeded. The conviction upon the

minds of Easton and Brown was, that it was the purpose of Arnold to run

off with the flotilla, and sell out to Sir Guy Carleton.

After the close of the Canadian campaign, during the winter of 1776-77,

while Arnold and many of the officers were quartered in Albany, some

difficulty occurred between Brown and the former, which resulted in

ill-feeling between them. Arnold was at the head of a mess of sixteen or

eighteen officers, among whom was Colonel Morgan Lewis. Colonel Brown,

having weak eyes, and being obliged to live abstemiously, occupied

quarters affording greater retirement. In consequence of the

misunderstanding referred to, Colonel Brown published a hand-bill,

attacking Arnold with great severity; rehearsing the suspicious

circumstances that had occurred at Sorel; and upbraiding him for sacking

the city of Montreal while he was in the occupancy of that place. The

handbill concluded with these remarkable words:--"Money is this man's God,

and to get enough of it, he would sacrifice his country."

Such a publication could not but produce a great sensation among the

officers. It was received at Arnold's quarters while the mess were at

dinner, and read aloud at the table--the accused himself sitting at the

head. Arnold, of course, was greatly excited, and applied a variety of

epithets, coarse and harsh, to Colonel Brown, pronouncing him a scoundrel,

and declaring that he would kick him wheresoever and whensoever he should

meet him. One of the officers present remarked to the General, that

Colonel Brown was his friend; and that, as the remarks just applied to

him had been so publicly made, he presumed there could be no objection to

his repeating them to that officer. Arnold replied, certainly not; adding,

that he should feel himself obliged to any officer who would inform

Colonel Brown of what had been said. The officer replied that he should

do so before he slept.

Under these circumstances no time was lost in making the communication to

Colonel Brown. Colonel Lewis himself called upon Brown in the course of

the evening, and the matter was the principal topic of conversation. The

Colonel was a mild and amiable man, and he made no remark of particular

harshness or bitterness, in respect to Arnold; but, toward the close of

the interview, he observed--"Well, Lewis, I wish you would invite me to

dine with your mess tomorrow." "With all my heart," was the reply; "will

you come?" Brown said he would, and they parted. The next day, near the

time of serving dinner, Colonel Brown arrived, and was ushered in. The

table was spread in a long room, at one end of which the door opened

directly opposite to the fireplace at the other. Arnold was at the moment

standing with his back to the fire, so that, as Brown opened the door,

they at once encountered each other face to face. It was a moment of

breathless interest for the result. Brown walked calmly in, and turning

to avoid the table, passed round with a deliberate step, and advancing up

close to Arnold, stopped, and looked him directly in the eye. After the

pause of a moment, he observed: "I understand, Sir, that you have said

that you would kick me; I now present myself to give you an opportunity

to put your threat into execution!" Another brief pause ensued. Arnold

opened not his lips. Brown then said to him--"Sir, you are a dirty

scoundrel." Arnold was still silent as the sphinx. Whereupon Brown turned

upon his heel with dignity, apologised to the gentlemen present for his

intrusion, and immediately left the room.

This was certainly an extraordinary scene, and more extraordinary still

is the fact, that the particulars have never been communicated in any way

to the public. Arnold certainly did not lack personal bravery; and the

unbroken silence preserved by him on the occasion, can only be accounted

for upon the supposition that he feared to provoke inquiry upon the

subject, while at the same time he could throw himself upon his

well-attested courage and his rank, as excuses for not stooping to a

controversy with a subordinate officer. But it must still be considered

as one of the most extraordinary personal interviews to be found among

the memorabilia of military men. [FN]

* * * * *

[FN] The particulars of this interesting story were derived by the

author from the lips of General Lewis himself.

In the year following, during the campaign of Burgoyne, owing to the

intrigues of Arnold, Brown was left without any command. But he was too

much of a patriot to remain idle in such a moment of his country's peril.

He raised a corps of volunteers on his own account, and performed one of

the most daring exploits of the whole war. While Burgoyne was yet in the

full career of victory, Brown dashed into his rear, and proceeding down

to the north end of Lake George, fell upon a small post, which he carried

without opposition. The surprise was complete. He also took possession of

Mount Defiance, Mount Hope, the landing-place, and about two hundred

batteaux. With the loss of only three killed and five wounded, Colonel

Brown liberated one hundred American prisoners, and captured two hundred

and ninety-three of the enemy. He made an attempt on Mount Independence

and Ticonderoga; but, too weak for the investment of those works, he

returned through Lake George to Diamond Island, containing the enemy's

_depot_ of provisions. He attacked the works upon this island, but being

repulsed, burnt the vessels he had captured, and returned to his former

station. This brilliant affair by Colonel Brown took place at the time

when Arnold had the ear of General Gates; and the consequence was, that

in giving an account of the expedition, Gates carefully avoided even

naming the gallant officer who had planned and achieved it. It was an

instance of neglect for which that officer ought forever to have been

ashamed. Colonel Brown was a gentleman of education, bred to the bar, and

greatly respected by those who enjoyed the pleasure of his acquaintance.

But to return.

After the fall of Colonel Brown, and the defeat of his troops, Sir John

dispersed his forces in small bands, to the distance of five or six miles

in all directions, to pillage and destroy. Late in the afternoon he

reunited his troops, and leaving Stone Arabia a desert, marched back to

the river road, east of Caroga Creek. The detachment of Captain Duncan

having come up, Sir John again moved toward the west. There was a small

defence not far from the mouth of the creek, called Fox's Fort. Avoiding

this work by diverging from the road to the margin of the river on the

left, Sir John continued his course three miles farther, to a place

called Klock's Field, where, from the fatigue of his troops, and the

over-burthens of provisions and plunder with which they were laden, it

became necessary to halt.

General Van Rensselaer was now close in pursuit of Sir John, with a strong

force. Indeed, he ought to have overtaken him in the early part of the

day, since he had encamped the night before on the south side of the

river, at Van Eps's, nearly opposite Caughnawaga, while Sir John himself

was encamped opposite the Nose, only two or three miles farther up the

river. Sir John's troops, moreover, were exhausted by forced marches,

active service, and heavy knapsacks, while those of Van Rensselaer were

fresh in the field. On the morning of the same day, while continuing his

march on the south side of the river, Van Rensselaer was joined by Captain

McKean, with some eighty volunteers, together with a strong body of Oneida

warriors, led by their principal chief, Louis Atayataronghta, who, as

stated in a former chapter, had been commissioned a lieutenant colonel by

Congress. With these additions, the command of General Van Rensselaer

numbered about fifteen hundred--a force in every way superior to that of

the enemy.

Sir John had stationed a guard of forty men at the ford, to dispute its

passage. On approaching this point, General Van Rensselaer halted, and

did not again advance until the guard, of the enemy had been withdrawn.

Continuing his march still upon the South side of the river, while the

enemy was actively engaged in the work of death and destruction on the

North, Van Rensselaer arrived opposite the battle-ground where Brown had

fallen, before the firing had ceased, and while the savage war-whoop was

yet resounding. This was at 11 o'clock in the morning, and the Americans,

came to a halt, about three miles below Caroga Creek, still on the south

side. While there, some of the fugitives from Colonel Brown's regiment

came running down, and jumping into the river, forded it without

difficulty. As they came to the south bank, the General inquired whence

they came. One of them, a militia officer named Van Allen, replied that

they had escaped from Brown's battle. "How has it gone?" "Colonel Brown

is killed, with many of his men. Are you not going there?" "I am not

acquainted with the fording place," said the General. He was answered

that there was no difficulty in the case. The General then inquired of

Van Allen if he would return as a pilot, and the reply was promptly in

the affirmative. Hereupon Captain McKean and the Oneida chief led their

respective commands through the river to the north side, expecting the

main army immediately to follow. At this moment Colonel Dubois, of the

State levies, rode up to the General, who immediately mounted his horse,

and instead of crossing the river, accompanied the Colonel to Fort Plain,

some distance above, to dinner as it was understood. Meantime the baggage

wagons were driven into the river, to serve in part as a bridge for the

main body of Van Rensselaer's forces, and they commenced crossing the

stream in single files. The passage in this way was not effected until

four o'clock in the afternoon, at which time the General returned and

joined them, just as the last man had crossed over. Governor Clinton

remained at the fort. As the General arrived at the water's edge, Colonel

Louis, as the Oneida chieftain was called, shook his sword at him, and

denounced him as a Tory. Arrived on the north side, Colonel William

Harper took the liberty of remonstrating with the General at what he

conceived to be a great and unnecessary delay, attended with a needless

loss of life and property, on the part of the inhabitants who had been

suffered thus long to remain unprotected. From that moment Van

Rensselaer moved with due expedition. The troops were set in motion, and

marched in regular order, in three divisions, with the exception of the

Oneida warriors and the volunteers under McKean, who regulated their own

movements as they pleased--showing no disposition, however, to lag behind.

The advance was led by Colonel Morgan Lewis.

Anticipating that he should be compelled to receive an attack, Sir John

had made his dispositions accordingly. His regular troops, Butler's

rangers, and the Tories less regularly organized, were posted on a small

alluvial plain, partly encompassed by a sweeping bend of the river. A

slight breast-work had been hastily thrown across the neck of the little

peninsula thus formed, for the protection of his troops, and the Indians,

under Thayendanegea, were secreted among the thick shrub oaks covering the

table-land of a few feet elevation, yet farther north. A detachment of

German Yagers supported the Indians. [FN]

* * * * *

[FN] These Yagers were a sort of rifle corps--using short rifles.

It was near the close of the day when Van Rensselaer arrived, and the

battle was immediately commenced in the open field. Two of the advancing

divisions of State troops, forming the left, were directed against the

regular forces of Sir John on the flats, commencing their firing from a

great distance with small arms only--the field-pieces not having been

taken across the river. Colonel Dubois commanded the extreme right, which

was so far extended that he had no enemies to encounter. Next to him were

McKean's volunteers and the Oneida Indians, whose duty it was to attack

Thayendanegea's Indians and the Yagers. These were supported by a small

corps of infantry, commanded by Colonel Morgan Lewis. The American left

was commanded by Colonel Cuyler of Albany. Sir John's right was formed of

a company of regular troops. His own regiment of Greens composed the

centre, its left resting upon the ambuscaded Indians. The latter first

sounded the war-whoop, which was promptly answered by the Oneidas. Both

parties eagerly rushed forward, and the attack, for the instant, was

mutually impetuous. Dubois, though too far extended, brought his regiment

speedily to the support of McKean's volunteers, who were following up the

attack of the Oneidas. The hostile Indians manifested a disposition to

stand for a few moments; but Dubois had no sooner charged closely upon

them, than they fled with precipitation to the fording place near the

upper Indian Castle, about two miles above--crossing the road in their

flight, and throwing themselves in the rear of the Greens as a cover. The

Mohawk chief was wounded in the heel, but not so badly as to prevent his

escape.

The enemy's regular troops and rangers, however, fought with spirit,

although Sir John himself was reported by some to have fled with the

Indians. [FN] On the flight of the Indians, Major Van Benschoten, of

Dubois's regiment, hastened to the General for permission to pursue the

flying enemy. It was just twilight; and the indications were not to be

mistaken, that the best portion of the enemy's forces were in confusion,

and on the point of being conquered. The disappointment was therefore

great, when, instead of allowing a pursuit of the Indians, or charging

upon the feeble breast-work on the flats, and thus finishing the battle,

General Van Rensselaer ordered his forces to retire for the night. His

object was to obtain a better position for a bivouac, and to renew and

complete the battle in the morning--for which purpose he fell back nearly

three miles, to Fox's Fort. His troops were not only disappointed, but

highly incensed at this order, believing that the contest might have been

victoriously ended in a very few minutes. Indeed, the brave Colonel Louis,

of the Oneidas, together with Colonel Clyde and Captain McKean, refused

to retreat, but sheltered themselves in the adjacent buildings--hanging

upon the enemy's lines several hours, and making some prisoners. In the

course of the evening Clyde, with a handful of Schoharie militia,

succeeded in capturing one of the enemy's field-pieces. The Americans were

still more chagrined on learning from one of the prisoners that the troops

of Sir John were on the point of capitulating at the very moment of Van

Rensselaer's order to retreat. And from the fact that the river was alike

too rapid and too deep, where it curved round the battle-field, to admit

of an escape in that direction, no doubt can be entertained that the

enemy had been entirely within their power. But it was now too late. The

golden opportunity had been lost. On the morrow's dawn there was no enemy

in the field to encounter. Under cover of darkness the Royal Greens and

Butler's Rangers had followed the example of the Indians, and made good

their escape.

* * * * *

[FN] Major Thomas Sammons, from whose manuscripts the author has chiefly

drawn the facts of this portion of the narrative--i. e. after the arrival

of Gen. Van Rensselaer at Van Eps's--is positive in his declarations,

that the British Commander was among the first to flee. Other accounts

speak differently. Major Sammons was in the battle, among the volunteers

of McKean.

Louis with his warriors, and McKean with his volunteers, crossed the river

early in the morning, in pursuit. General Von Rensselaer also arrived on

the battle-ground between 8 and 9 o'clock, for the purpose of completing

the work of the preceding day. While he was crossing the river and

preparing to follow on, some of McKean's volunteers, who were waiting for

the main army, in strolling about, came upon a little block-house, in

which they found nine of the enemy who had been made prisoners during the

night; One of the party making the discovery was Thomas Sammons, and among

the prisoners was a Tory who had been his near neighbor in Johnstown. On

being asked how they came there, this man, whose name was Peter Cass,

replied--"Why, I am ashamed to tell. Last night, after the battle, we

crossed the river. It was dark. We heard the word, 'lay u down your arms.'

Some of us did so. We were taken, nine of us, and marched into this little

fort by seven militia-men. We formed the rear of three hundred of

Johnson's Greens, who were running promiscuously through and over one

another. I thought General Van Rensselaer's whole army was upon us. Why

did you not take us prisoners yesterday, after Sir John ran off with the

Indians and left us? We wanted to surrender."

When Sir John fled from the field with the Indians and Yagers, he

doubtless supposed all was lost. He laid his course direct for the

Onondaga lake, where his boats had been concealed, pursuing the main road,

and making only a slight deviation to the south of the German Flats, to

avoid the forts at that place. His Greens and Rangers followed closely

upon his heels, and overtook him at Oneida. Van Rensselaer pressed forward

in pursuit, with all his forces, as far as Fort Herkimer, where he was

overtaken by Governor Clinton, who did not, however, interfere with the

command. Louis and McKean were now pushed forward in advance, with orders

to overtake the fugitive army if possible, and engage them--Van Rensselaer

promising to continue his march with all possible rapidity, and be at

hand to support them in the event of an engagement. On the next morning

the advance struck the trail of Sir John, and took one of his Indians

prisoner. Halting for a short time, Colonel Dubois came up, and urged them

forward, repeating the assurances of the General's near approach and sure

support. The march of the advance was then resumed, but they had not

proceeded far before they came upon the enemy's deserted encampment--the

fires yet burning. The Oneida chief now shook his head, and refused to

proceed another step until General Van Rensselaer should make his

appearance. There was accordingly a halt for some time, during which a

Doctor Allen arrived from the main army, informing the officers that the

pursuit had already been abandoned by the General, who was four miles

distant on his return-march!

The expedition was of course at an end. But fortune had yet another favor

in store for Sir John Johnson--to be won without the bloodshed that had

attended his desolating course through the Mohawk Valley. Having

ascertained where Sir John's boats were concealed, General Van Rensselaer

had despatched an express to Fort Schuyler, ordering Captain Vrooman, with

a strong detachment, to hasten forward in advance of the enemy, and

destroy them. Vrooman lost no time in attempting the execution of his

orders; but one of his men falling sick, or feigning himself to be so, at

Oneida, was left behind. Sir John soon afterward came up; and being

informed by the treacherous invalid of Vrooman's movement, Brant and his

Indians, with a detachment of Butler's rangers, were hastened forward in

pursuit They came suddenly upon Vrooman and his troops while they were

engaged at dinner, and every man was captured without firing a gun. [FN]

* * * * *

[FN] Major Sammons; also statement of John More, yet living, who was one

of Sir John's soldiers. According to the official returns of Sir John

Johnson, this affair of the capture of Captain Vrooman and his

detachment took place on the 23d of October, at a place called

Canaghsioraga. Two captains and one lieutenant were taken, together with

eight non-commissioned officers and forty-five privates. Three privates

and one lieutenant were killed.

The last obstacle to his escape having thus been removed, Sir John reached

Oswego without farther molestation. By this third and most formidable

irruption into the Mohawk country during the season, Sir John had

completed its entire destruction above Schenectady--the principal

settlement above the Little Falls having been sacked and burnt two years

before. General Van Rensselaer has always been censured for his conduct

in this expedition. Indeed his behavior was most extraordinary throughout.

On the night before the battle of Klock's Field, Sir John was not more

than six miles in advance--having left Van Eps's just before dark, where

Van Rensselaer arrived and encamped early in the evening; and it was

obvious to all that no extraordinary share of energy was required to

bring the enemy to an engagement, even before the encounter with Colonel

Brown. Major Sammons, at the close of his account of the expedition,

remarks with emphasis--"When my father's buildings were burnt, and my

brothers taken prisoners, the pain I felt was not as great as at the

conduct of General Robert Van Rensselaer." [FN]

* * * * *

[FN] "With regard to the battle on Klock's Farm, and the facts stated in

those papers, I would say that I joined with Captain McKean as a

volunteer, and met Gen. Van Rensselaer on the south side of the river,

opposite Caughnawaga, early in the morning; and of my own knowledge I

know moat of the facts to be as they are stated. I staid with the

volunteers after the battle, and held the conversation with the prisoners

found in the little block-house the next morning, as stated. I was with

Capt. Kean when he had orders to advance and overtake Sir John, and a

short time after saw Dr. Allen, who came to inform us that Van Rensselaer

was re-turning. With regard to the route of Sir John, I received my

account from those of his own party who are now living, and men of

undoubted veracity."--_Note of Major Sammons_--1836.

But Sir John's escape, after all, was rather a flight than a retreat; and

had it not been for the capture of Vrooman's detachment--a most unexpected

conquest--the visible trophies of his expedition would have been few and

dearly purchased. Indubitable evidences were discovered by the pursuers,

that he was reduced to a most uncomfortable situation; and from the

Baronet's own letter to General Haldimand, it appears that there were many

missing, who it was hoped would find their way to Oswego or Niagara.

General Haldimand wrote to his government that Sir John "had destroyed the

settlements of Schoharie and Stone Arabia, and laid waste a great extent

of country, which was most true." It was added:--"He had several

engagements with the enemy, in which he came off victorious. In one of

them, near Stone Arabia, he killed a Colonel Brown, a notorious and

active rebel, with about one hundred officers and men. I cannot finish

without expressing to your Lordship the perfect satisfaction which I have,

from the zeal, spirit, and activity with which Sir John Johnson has

conducted this arduous enterprise." [FN]

* * * * *

[FN] Letter of Sir Frederick Haldimand to Lord George Germaine, New

Annual Register 1781.

While General Van Rensselaer was pushing forward in pursuit of Sir John

Johnson, an incident occurred at Fort Hunter, which speaks volumes in

favor of the character of Joseph Brant. The plundered and distressed

inhabitants of the Schoharie settlements, the day after the enemy had

departed from Fort Hunter, crowded about the fort, each his tale of loss

or grief to relate. Among them was a woman, whose husband and several

other members of the family were missing. She was in an agony of grief,

rendered more poignant by the loss of her infant, which had been snatched

from the cradle. Early the next morning, while the officers at Van

Rensselaer's head-quarters were at breakfast, a young Indian warrior came

bounding into the room like a stag, bearing an infant in his arms, and

also a letter from Brant, addressed "to the commanding officer of the

rebel army." General Van Rensselaer not being present at the moment, the

letter was opened by one of his suite, and read substantially as

follows:--

"Sir: I send you by one of my runners, the child which he will deliver,

that you may know that whatever others may do, _I_ do not make war upon

women and children. I am sorry to say that I have those engaged with me

in the service, who are more savage than the savages themselves."

Among those thus referred to, he proceeded to name several of the leading

Tories, including the two Butlers, and others whose names are not

recollected. [FN-1] It was very speedily ascertained that the infant was

none other than that of the disconsolate mother of whom mention has just

been made. Her sensations on again clasping her infant to her bosom need

not be described; nor could they be. [FN-2]

* * * * *

[FN] The bitter hostility of the Tories of the Mohawk country toward

their former neighbors, was at times exhibited in acts of such fiend-like

ferocity as to defy explanation and stagger belief. In a former chapter

the case of an infant murdered in its cradle by a Tory, after the refusal

of an Indian to kill it, has been stated. There was another like instance

in the neighborhood of the Little Falls, marked, if possible, by still

greater brutality. An Indian having refused to kill an infant as it lay

smiling in the cradle, the more savage loyalist, rebuking the compassion

of the red man, thrust it through with his bayonet as a fisherman would

spear a salmon, and held it writhing in its agonies in triumph above his

head. A gentleman of the Bar, late of Little Falls, has assured the

author, that to his knowledge the wretch who committed that diabolical

act had the effrontery a few years since to present himself as a

candidate for a pension, under one of the acts of Congress for rewarding

the surviving soldiers of the revolution. The fact just related was

fortunately elicited before his papers were completed, and the result

need not be stated.

[FN-2] The author has received the account of this interesting occurrence

from General Morgan Lewis, who was present at the time, a spectator of

all the particulars.

There was yet another adventure connected with this expedition, which was

alike interesting and amusing. The Senecas, it has already been stated,

were led by the Corn-Planter, whose father, as it has also been stated,

was a white man named O'Bail. According to Mary Jemison, the residence of

the Corn-Planter's father was in the vicinity of Fort Plank, and, of

course, not far from the battle-ground of Klock's Field. He had formerly

been in the habit of traveling back and forth from Albany through the

Seneca country, to Niagara, as a trader. Becoming enamored of a pretty

squaw among the Senecas, in process of time the Corn-Planter became one

of the living evidences of his affection. Whether the father was aware

that a chief of so much eminence was his own son, history does not tell;

but the son was ignorant neither of his parentage, nor of the residence

of his sire; and being now in his close vicinity, he took a novel method

of bringing about an acquaintance with him. Repairing with a detachment

of his warriors to his father's house, he made the old man a prisoner,

and marched him off. Having proceeded ten or twelve miles, the chief

stepped up before his sire, and addressed him in the following terms:--

"My name is John O'Bail, commonly called Corn-Planter. I am your son! You

are my father! You are now my prisoner, and subject to the customs of

Indian warfare. But you shall not be harmed. You need not fear. I am a

warrior! Many are the scalps which I have taken! Many prisoners I have

tortured to death! I am your son! I am a warrior! I was anxious to see

you, and to greet you in friendship. I went to your cabin, and took you

by force; but your life shall be spared. Indians love their friends and

their kindred, and treat them with kindness. If now you choose to follow

the fortunes, of your yellow son, and to live with our people, I will

cherish your old age with plenty of venison, and you shall live easy. But

if it is your choice to return to your fields, and live with your white

children, I will send a party of my trusty young men to conduct you back

in safety. I respect you, my father. You have been friendly to Indians;

they are your friends." [FN]

* * * * *

[FN] Life of Mary Jemison. In a letter written by Corn-Planter to the

Governor of Pennsylvania, in 1822, complaining of an attempt made by the

officers of that State to impose taxes upon him and the Senecas residing

on the Allegheny, he began as follows:--"When I was a child, I played

with the butterfly, the grasshopper, and the frogs. As I grew up, I began

to pay some attention, and play with the Indian boys in the neighborhood,

and they took notice of my skin being a different color from theirs, and

spoke about it. I inquired of my mother the cause, and she told me that

my father was a resident of Albany. I ate still my victuals out of a

bark dish: I grew up to be a young man, and married me a wife, but I had

no kettle or gun. I then knew where my father lived, and went to see him,

and found he was a white man, and spoke the English language. He gave

me victuals while I was at his house, but when I started to return home,

he gave me no provision to eat on the way. He gave me neither kettle nor

gun, neither did he tell me that the United States were about to rebel

against the government of England," &c., &c. By this statement it appears

that he must have seen his father several years before the Mohawk

campaign. This may very well have been, and yet the anecdote related by

Mary Jemison be true also. In every instance in which the author has had

an opportunity of testing the correctness of her statements by other

authorities, they have proved to be remarkably correct. Corn-Planter lived

to a great age, having deceased within the last eight or ten years. He

was an able man--distinguished in subsequent negotiations. He was

eloquent, and a great advocate for Temperance. He made a very effective

and characteristic speech upon that subject in 1822. "The Great Spirit

first made the world, and next the flying animals, and found all things

good and prosperous. He is immortal and everlasting. After finishing the

flying animals, he came down on earth, and there stood. Then he made

different kinds of trees, and woods of all sorts, and people of every

kind. He made the Spring, and other seasons, and the weather suitable

for planting. These he did make. But stills to make whiskey to give to

Indians, he did not make. . . . The Great Spirit told us there were

three things for people to attend to. First, we ought to take care of

our wives and children. Secondly, the white people ought to attend to

their farms and cattle. Thirdly, the Great Spirit has given the bears

and deers to the Indians. . . . The Great Spirit has ordered me to quit

drinking. He wishes me to inform the people that they should quit

drinking intoxicating drink." In the course of the same speech, he gave

evidence that he was not overmuch pleased with the admixture of his own

blood. . . . "The different kinds the Great Spirit made separate, and not

to mix with and disturb each other. But the white people have broken this

command, by mixing their color with the Indians. The Indians have done

better by not doing so."

The old gentleman, however, had sown his wild oats. His days of romance

were over. Preferring, therefore, the produce of his own fields, the

company of his white children, and the comforts of his own house, to the

venison, the freedom, and the forests of the western wilds, he chose to

return. His son, fulfilling his word, bowed to the election, and giving

his father in charge to a suitable escort, he was enabled to reach his own

dwelling in safety. The proud Seneca and his warriors moved off to their

own wilds.

Simultaneously with the movements of Sir John Johnson through the

Schoharie and Mohawk country, the enemy had been actively engaged against

the settlements at the North of Albany, between the Hudson and Lake

Champlain, and likewise against some of the upper settlements on the

Connecticut river. In order to create a diversion in favor of Sir John,

Major Carleton came up the lake from St. John's, with a fleet of eight

large vessels and twenty-six flat-bottomed boats, containing upward of

one thousand men, regular troops, loyalists and Indians. Fort George and

Fort Anne were both taken by surprise, and their garrisons, which were

not large, were surrendered prisoners of war. [FN-1] The party directed

against the upper settlements of the Connecticut river, was commanded by

Major Haughton of the 53d regiment, and consisted almost entirely of

Indians, of whom there were two hundred. This marauding incursion was

likewise successful. In addition to the booty taken, thirty-two of the

inhabitants were carried away prisoners. Several of the militia, who

turned out in pursuit of Major Haughton, were killed. In regard to Major

Carleton's expedition, sad tales of cruelty were reported. One of these

was a relation, by a deserter named Van Deusen, of a horrible case of

torture inflicted upon a soldier of Colonel Warner's regiment, taken by

Carleton in the action near Fort George. Van Deusen was a deserter from

the American army to the enemy; but having stolen back into his own

country, was apprehended and executed. Colonel Gansevoort, however, then

in command at the North, wrote to Major Carleton upon the subject on the

2d of November, stating the particulars of the story. Carleton repelled

the charge in the most positive and earnest manner, as will presently

appear. [FN-2]

* * * * *

[FN-1] Forts Anne and George were taken by Major Carleton on the 10th and

11th of October. In his official report, Major Carleton stated his own

loss, on both occasions, at four officers and twenty-three privates

killed. The number of prisoners taken is stated at two captains, two

lieutenants, and one hundred and fourteen privates.

[FN-2] Speaking of Carleton's expedition, Sir Frederick Haldimand, in a

letter to Lord George Germaine, observes:--"The reports assiduously

published on all occasions by the enemy, of cruelties committed by the

Indians, are notoriously false, and propagated merely to exasperate the

ignorant and deluded people. In this late instance Major Carleton informs

me, they behaved with the greatest moderation, and did not strip, or in

any respect ill use, their prisoners." Sir John Johnson had less control

over _his_ Indians at Schoharie.

The correspondence between Gansevoort and Carleton, however, was not

confined to this particular transaction. Indeed, that was altogether an

incidental affair, and the correspondence with Carleton himself was also

incidental, being part only of a more extended negotiation with other and

higher officers of the British army in Canada, the object of which was the

settlement of a cartel for an extensive exchange of prisoners at the

North. The story will be best told by the introduction of a portion of the

correspondence itself, while at the same time several other points will

receive satisfactory illustration.

"General Powell to Colonel Van Schaick.

"_St. John's, Sept._ 22_d,_ 1780.

"Sir,

"Agreeable to the promise made in my letter of the 15th of last March, I

send by your returning flag of truce, Mrs. Campbell, Mrs. Moore, and their

families, together with Matthew Cannon, and five others, made prisoners by

the Indians on the Mohawk river, whose advanced time of life and earnest

solicitations to return to their families, have induced General Haldimand

to grant them that permission; [FN] as also Mr. Williams of Detroit, who

desires to go to his relatives; and Mary and Betsey Lewis, who beg to go

to their father near Albany. His Excellency is sorry that the breach of

faith on the part of the colonists, in the cartel of the Cedars, has put

it out of his power to enter upon an exchange of prisoners, and,

notwithstanding their repeated attempts to escape, many throughout the

province are enlarged upon their parole. They have all a plentiful

allowance of wholesome provisions, and those whom it is thought necessary

to keep in confinement, are accommodated in the most comfortable manner

circumstances will admit off. They have, besides, received money to the

amount of the within accounts; and if this last indulgence is to be

continued, it is but reasonable it should be remitted in coin; to which

I am to desire your attention, as very heavy bills are every day presented

from our troops who are prisoners in the colonies."

* * * * *

[FN] The prisoners above-mentioned, it will be recollected, were taken

at Cherry Valley in 1778. See Mrs. Campbell's Narrative, sketched in

Vol. I.

"The attention which has been shown to Mrs. Campbell, and those in her

unfortunate circumstances, as well as the good treatment of the prisoners,

which it is hoped they will have the candor to acknowledge, is referred to

for comparison, to those by whose orders or permission His Majesty's

subjects have experienced execution, the horrors of a dungeon, loaded with

irons, and the miseries of want.

"The families specified in the enclosed list have been long in

expectation, and many of them promised permission, to join their husbands

and relatives in this province; it is therefore requested they may be

sent to your advanced post on the Skenesborough communication, and a flag

of truce shall be sent from hence, in the course of three weeks, in order

to receive them.

"I am, Sir,

Your most obedient,

Humble servant,

H. Watson Powell,

_Brigadier General_

"_To Colonel Van Schaick._"

"Colonel Gansevoort to General Powell.

"_Saratoga, Nov._ 2_d,_ 1780.

"Sir,

"Your letter of 22d September last, directed to Colonel Van Schaick, it

becomes my duty to answer, as commanding this department until the arrival

of General McDougall, who is daily expected. [FN] The prisoners whom you

noticed, I am informed, have taken the route to Albany, through

Bennington."

* * * * *

[FN] This reference to the expected arrival of General McDougall was not

exactly true, and was made as a _ruse de guerre_ to mislead the British

General as to the strength of the Northern Department. The truth was,

that Colonel Gansevoort was so weak in point of troops, that he was

apprehensive of a second visitation from St. John's should Powell and

Carleton obtain information of his actual means of resistance. Hence he

threw in the name of McDougall, in order to create an impression at St.

Johns that there was at least a General's command of troops at Saratoga.

Colonel Gansevoort wrote to General Washington upon the subject, and gave

this explanation for the deception he had practised in his letter to

General Powell. There was, indeed, good cause for apprehension at that

time. After Carleton had captured forts George and Anne, and returned

down the lakes to St John's, he had suddenly returned with

reinforcements. The leaders in Vermont were also at the same time

holding a correspondence with the British Commanders in Canada, of which

semi-treasonable conduct Ethan Allen himself was at the head, as will

appear hereafter. General Schuyler had obtained some knowledge upon the

subject, which he lost no time in communicating to the

Commander-in-chief. The consequence was, the ordering of several

regiments to the North, and the appointment of General James Clinton to

the command of the Department at Albany.--_Washington's Letters--Sparks._

"The families specified in your list, whom I believe to be all in the

vicinity of this place, were to have been sent to the British shipping

in Lake Champlain in the beginning of last month. Major Carleton's

incursion prevented their being forwarded then, and as all the batteaux

in Lake George were carried off by that gentleman, it may have been

impracticable to send them on since, if even it had been proper, while he

remained at Ticonderoga and Crown Point. I have written Major Carleton,

and requested him to send batteaux to Fort Anne or Fort George, if he can,

for their conveyance. As soon as I am advised of his determination, the

necessary measures will be taken. The accounts of cash advanced to the

prisoners in Canada, I shall do myself the honor to transmit to his

Excellency, General Washington."

* * * * *

[FN] The following is the list referred to, as enclosed by General

Powell, viz:--"Names of the different families belonging to the following

men of the 84th Regt. residing at Saratoga: John McDonell's family;

Donald McGrewer's family; Duncan McDonell's family; John McIntosh's

ditto; Duncan McDonell's ditto; Donald McDonald's ditto; Kenneth

McDonell's ditto; John McDonell's father and mother."

"It affords me great satisfaction to learn that the British have at length

found it prudent to follow the generous example exhibited to them by the

Americans, in the mild treatment with which the prisoners in the power of

the latter have been invariably indulged during the war.

"It is, however, a justice due to General Carleton and his successors to

declare that, from all accounts, the prisoners immediately in their power

have been treated with much leniency.

"But you, Sir, suppose that British subjects in our possession have

experienced executions, the horrors of a dungeon, loaded with irons, and

the miseries of want. It is true some spies have been executed, and

amongst these Major Andre, Adjutant General of the British army under the

command of Sir Henry Clinton. And even his death, although justice

required it, and the laws of nations authorised it, was and is lamented

by us with a feeling of generosity which does honor to human nature. None

have experienced the horrors of a dungeon, or been loaded with irons,

excepting a few on whom it was thought proper to retaliate for the many,

the very many, indeed, of ours, whom British cruelty and inhumanity could

suffer to perish for want in dungeons and prison-ships, loaded with irons

and with insults. If you are ignorant of these facts, I can excuse your

observations. If not, give me leave to tell you they are unworthy the

gentleman and the officer, and evince a degree of disingenuousness

unbecoming either.

"If General Haldimand considers the governing powers or these States to

have been guilty of a breach of faith with regard to the cartel of the

Cedars, he ought to apply to them in regard to that matter. Barely to

mention it to a subordinate officer, was indelicate and improper. But as

you have ventured to accuse, I will venture to deny the justice of the

charge; and, as far as my memory of that transaction serves, I think I

can do it with propriety." [FN]

* * * * *

[FN] The maxim of Colonel Gansevoort was, "his country, right or wrong."

He would have found it a difficult undertaking, however, to justify the

course adopted by Congress touching the cartel agreed upon by General

Arnold at the Cedars. Indeed, the violation of the stipulations made on

that occasion, had created difficulties in regard to exchanges of

prisoners during the whole war. It wan frequently a source of

embarrassment, and even of mortification, to General Washington, during

the course of nearly the whole war.

"The newspapers announce that a general exchange of prisoners is settled

below. Whether it extends to Canada, is not specified.

"I am, Sir,

Your most obedient,

Humble servant,

Peter Gansevoort,

_Col._3_d N. Y. Reg't._

"_To Brigadier General Powell._"

"Colonel Gansevoort to Major Carleton.

"_Saratoga, Nov._ 26, 1780

"Sir,

"This will be delivered you by Major Rosecrantz, of my regiment, who,

together with the persons named in my pass of this day's date, goes as a

flag to carry the letters he is charged with, and to return with your

answer.

"General Powell's letter of the 22d September last, Captain Monsell's of

the 19th, and your's of the 24th ultimo, were delivered me about noon

to-day.

"I have left the letter for General Powell under flying seal for your

perusal, that you may learn my determination respecting the families he

requested to have sent. Should you conclude to send batteaux for them,

they must come as far as Fort Anne, as the roads to Skenesborough are

impassable for carriages, or to the farther end of Lake George, which

would be much easier for the women and children. Their number amounts to

nearly three hundred; and I believe ten batteaux will be necessary to

carry them all at once. You will please to give directions to the officer

whom you may send with your flag, to pass his receipt for the number of

men, women, and children which shall be delivered. Pray advise me on what

day you think the batteaux will arrive at the place you may intend to

send them, that I may so arrange matters as to cause the least delay.

"A certain James Van Deusen, who deserted from our service to you, and

who, since you were on this side the lake, has stolen back into the

country, has been apprehended, and will suffer death as a deserter. He

confesses that after the rencontre near Fort George, with some of Colonel

Warner's men and your party, in which one of our Indians was killed, your

Indians, in cool blood, scalped one of Warner's men alive, tormented him

a considerable time, and afterward cut his throat--and all this in your

presence. Your character, Sir, suffers greatly on this account. It has

hitherto been marked by conduct the reverse of this sad catastrophe; and

men of honor are unwilling to believe Van Deusen. I wish you to explain

yourself to me on the subject.

"I am, Sir,

Your most obedient and

Humble servant,

Peter Gansevoort,

_Col._ 3d _N. Y. Reg't._

"_Major Carleton_"

"Major Carleton to Colonel Gansevoort.

"_Mile Bay, Nov._ 6_th._ 1780.

"Sir,

"By your flag I have this moment received your letter of the 2d instant,

with one directed to Brigadier General Powell. Respecting the families

intended to be sent in, I answer to both. Being entirely ignorant of the

purport of Brigadier Powell's letter to you on the subject, and having no

instructions from General Haldimand respecting that business, I can only

say that such persons as are specified in the Brigadier's list will be

received, provided the number of boats mentioned in my postscript can

contain them. Should there be room to spare, the names contained in the

enclosed list, or as many of them as can be taken on board, will be

received. My boats shall be at Skenesborough on the 9th, where they shall

remain till the 14th at night, and then return to me, as I could not take

upon me the risk of their being frozen up there.

"I should have expected Captain Chapman would hare given a flat

contradiction to James Van Deusen's confession. No prisoner was scalped,

or tortured alive. I saved the lives of several of the prisoners, who

were neither stripped nor insulted in the smallest degree after the

affair was over. I heard of one man being killed after he was taken

during the firing, owing to a dispute between the two Indians, of

different villages, who had taken him. He was either a Negro or a

Stockbridge Indian I believe, and he would not suffer himself to be

conducted to the British guard by a loyalist officer. The attention of

the officer was necessarily directed to the care of his own men; and

after the action I heard of the man being killed.

"I am, Sir,

Your most obedient, and

Most humble servant,

Chr. Carleton,

_Major_ 29_th Reg't._

"_Colonel Gansevoort._

"P. S. There being no idea of this business, the shipping went down some

days ago. I find it will not be in my power to furnish more than five

boats. Could not the boat I gave to carry up the last families, be sent

down with these?" [FN]

* * * * *

[FN] These letters are contained among the Gansevoort papers, and have

been copied from the originals by the author. The same papers, together

with a letter from General Haldimand to Lord George Germaine, are

likewise the author's authorities for the brief sketch of the expeditions

of Carleton and Major Haughton.

No farther outrages were committed on the northern and western frontiers

during that Autumn. The next information received of Brant and his

associates, was brought to Fort Schuyler by a family of Oneidas who had

been released from Niagara. They arrived at the Fort on the 6th of

December. Colonel Weisenfeldts, then in command, caused the head Indian

of the party, whose name was Jacob Reed, to be examined; and the whole

examination was transmitted, as taken down by question and answer, to

General Clinton. From this statement it appeared that Joseph Brant,

Colonel Butler, and Colonel Guy Johnson, were then in their old

winter-quarters at Niagara. Of the Oneida warriors only thirty-seven had

been persuaded to join the royal cause; one of whom had been killed, and

five others had returned with Reed. The forces at Niagara at this time

were stated to be sixty British regulars, commanded by a captain; four

hundred loyalists commanded by Colonel Butler, and twelve hundred Indians

(including women and children,) commanded by Brant and Guy Johnson. One

of the objects of the late expedition to the Mohawk was stated by Reed to

be the destruction of Schenectady; but as they had not penetrated so far,

Brant and Johnson were meditating another campaign. The prisoners taken

from Stone Arabia, after reaching Niagara, had been shipped for Buck

Island in the river St. Lawrence; but from the long absence of the vessel,

and the fragments of a wreck, drums, furniture, &c., which had been

washed ashore, it was believed that she had been lost, and that all on

board had perished. Reed farther stated, that as soon as the snow was

hard, Brant, with five or six hundred warriors, was coming to the Oneida

country, in order to keep within a convenient distance for sending scouts

down the Mohawk. One of their objects was to be at all times prepared for

cutting off the supplies proceeding for the garrison of Fort Schuyler.

The Indians at Niagara, according to Reed's account, were well provided

with every thing they could desire. [FN-1] But it was far otherwise with

Fort Schuyler at this time. The letters of General Schuyler were full of

complaints, not only of the difficulty of procuring provisions, but also

of forwarding them to the outposts. In one of his letters, written at

that period, he said there was not flour enough in Fort Schuyler to

suffice for a single day's consumption. [FN-2]

* * * * *

[FN-1] General Clinton's Manuscripts.

[FN-2] MSS. of General Schuyler.

Thus ended the Indian campaigns of the North for the year 1780. There

were, indeed, other petty occurrences on the outskirts, alarms, and now

and then a few shots exchanged with a straggling Indian or Tory scout.

But no other occurrence of importance within the range of the present

history, marked the winter then closely advancing. And never did winter

spread his mantle over a scene of greater desolation than lay beneath it

in the Valley of the Mohawk.