destructive consequences of the system of miscalled Free Trade
having been repeatedly and urgently pressed on the attention of
Parliament, the House of Commons has treated the just complaints
of the people with indifference, has exhibited a total want of
sympathy for their sufferings, and has refused to adopt any
measures for removing or alleviating the prevalent difficulty
and distress.
"This conduct has naturally produced a widely-diffused feeling
of disappointment, discontent, and distrust, which is rapidly
undermining the reliance of the people in the justice and wisdom
of Parliament, the best security for loyalty to the Throne,
and for the maintenance of the invaluable institutions of the
country.
"Having thus faithfully represented to your lordship the general
views on the policy of the country, expressed in the recorded
resolutions of the meeting we represent, we proceed to discharge
the further duty intrusted to us of addressing your lordship as
the head of that Administration by which the policy so strongly
deprecated is continued and defended.
"We are charged earnestly to remonstrate and protest on the
part of the deeply injured thousands whose property has been
torn from them by the unjust and suicidal impolicy of which
we complain; and still more emphatically on behalf of the
millions of the industrial population dependent on them for
employment, and consequently for subsistence, against the
longer continuance of a system which, under the specious name
of Free Trade, violates every principle of real freedom,
since it dooms the taxed, fettered, and disqualified native
producer to unrestricted competition in his own market with the
comparatively unburdened foreigner. We not only deny the moral
right of any government or of any legislature to have involved
in certain loss and suffering large masses of a flourishing
community, for the sake of giving trial to a mere experiment;
but we assert that the experiment has been tried, and has
signally and disastrously failed, and we demand therefore, as
the right of those we represent, the prompt restoration of that
protection from unrestricted foreign import which can alone
rescue them from impending destruction.
"It is painful for us to declare, but it is our duty not to
disguise, that the pertinacious adherence of the Cabinet, of
which your lordship is at the head, to the policy of miscalled
Free Trade, and its determined rejection of the appeals of
the people for a reversal of that policy, have extended to
the executive government of the country the same feelings of
distrust and discontent which are widely diffused with respect
to the representative branch of the Legislature. We solemnly
adjure your lordship to remember that discontent unattended to
may ripen into disaffection.
"We know that the loyalty of the people to their most gracious
Sovereign, under all their grievances and wrongs, remains, and
will remain, unshaken; but we are aware, and it is our duty,
therefore, to warn her Majesty's Government, that the state of
feeling in many districts of the country is most critical and
alarming, hazardous to its peace, perilous to the maintenance of
public credit, and dangerous to its established institutions;
nor must we be deterred, either by our unqualified respect for
your lordship's personal character, or by the just consideration
we owe to the elevated position you occupy, from casting on your
lordship and your colleagues the awful responsibility of all the
consequences that may result from a continuance of your refusal
either to redress the wrongs of the people, or to allow them the
constitutional opportunity for the vindication of their rights,
by dissolving the Parliament and appealing to the voice of the
country.
"London, May 11, 1850."
(Signed)
George Frederick Young, Chairman of Acting Committee,}
F. Cayley Worsely, Vice Chairman, }
James Blyth, Vice Chairman, }
Augustus Bosanquet, Chairman of Colonial Committee, } Of the National
Richard Davis, } } Association.
Benjamin B. Greene, } Members of Ditto, }
David Charles Guthrie, } }
Charles Beke, Secretary.
W. Tindall.
H. C. Chapman, Liverpool.
Wm. Layton, Cambridgeshire.
Nathaniel Barthropp, Suffolk.
Edward Tull, Berkshire.
James Linton, Huntingdonshire.
Paul Foskett, East Surrey.
John King, Somerset.
John Elliot, South Devon.
Robert Baker, Essex.
Joseph Pain, Bedfordshire.
Samuel Cheetham, Rutland.
Thomas Vowe, Leicestershire.
John Simpson, Suffolk.
Frederick King, Wilts.
Richard Strange, Wiltshire.
John Walker, Nottinghamshire.
George Storer, Nottinghamshire.
William Skelton, Lincolnshire.
J. H. Walker, Warwickshire.
John Ellman, Sussex.
Rowland Goldhawk, West Surrey.
William Mallins, South Derbyshire.
Charles Day, clerk, South Essex.
W. E. Russell, West Kent.
Reynolds Peyton, Herefordshire.
Math. Henry Bigg, West Sussex.
Daniel Baker, Monmouthshire.
E. J. Perkins, North Warwick.
Thomas Hartshorne, South Staffordshire.
Thomas Jesty, Dorsetshire.
G. P. Dawson, Yorkshire, West Riding.
W. T. Lockyer, North Stafford.
Samuel Lovell, Oxfordshire.
Douglas Lynes, West Norfolk.
E. Cayley, jun., East Yorkshire.
R. Hewett, Northamptonshire.
William Gray, Northamptonshire.
Philip Box, Buckinghamshire.
S. Musgrave Hilton, East Kent.
Charles Lillingston, Ross-shire.
Edward Trood, Devonshire.
Richard Franklen, Glamorganshire.
Thomas Bold, Liverpool.
J. Parsons Cook, Leicestershire, South.
John Wood, East Somersetshire.
Charles Harland, North Riding of Yorkshire.
M. White Ridley, Northumberland.
Richard Belton, South Shropshire.
John Hall, Bart., East Lothian.
R. Scot Skirving, Haddingtonshire.
H. St. V. Rose, Ross-shire.
James A. Cheyne, Argyllshire.
George Burtt, North Hampshire.
Shortly after twelve o'clock the deputation proceeded to the
Premier's official residence in Downing Street. It consisted of
the several gentlemen whose names were appended to the address,
and was accompanied by Mr Newdegate, M.P., Colonel Sibthorp, M.P.,
Mr Bickerton, (Shropshire,) Sir J. F. Walker Drummond, Bart.,
(Midlothian,) Mr Hugh Watson, (Keillor,) Forfarshire; Mr John
Dudgeon, (Spylaw,) Roxburghshire, &c.
On the deputation being ushered into the reception-room, Lord John
Russell welcomed the gentlemen composing it with characteristic
courtesy, and cordially shook Mr Young by the hand, at the same time
expressing his regret that the Duke of Richmond was unable to attend.
Mr YOUNG.--I was about to explain to your lordship that his Grace is
unable to attend from indisposition, and that I this morning received
a letter from his Grace, which I will read to your lordship:--
"Goodwood, May 10, 1850."
"My Dear Sir,--I write to ask you to make my excuses to the
deputation if I do not make my appearance to-morrow at a quarter
past twelve in Downing Street. I have not been able to leave
my room to-day from a violent cold and rheumatism, and if not
better, shall not be able to go to London for some days.
"Believe me, my dear sir, yours sincerely,
"G. F. Young, Esq. (Signed) "RICHMOND."
Mr Young continued--I feel deep regret that his Grace is unable to
attend here to-day; but I beg to assure your lordship that we have
his Grace's concurrence in all our proceedings, and I am about to
place in your lordship's hands a document which has been drawn up
under his full sanction, and to which his Grace's signature would
have been affixed if his absence from indisposition had not prevented
it, and we had not been ignorant of that fact until it was too late
to transmit it to him for signature. Your Lordship is, no doubt,
aware that a large public meeting took place in this metropolis on
Tuesday last, at which certain resolutions were adopted relative to
protection to native industry; and amongst them one appointing a
deputation to wait upon your lordship with a memorial, and to furnish
you with such explanations as you may require. With your lordship's
permission, I will now proceed to read the address with which I have
the honour to be intrusted. Mr Young here read the address, and
continued thus:--I do not know, my lord, that it becomes me to make
any comments upon this document, which has been prepared with the
unanimous assent of the gentlemen whom I have here with me to-day,
except to refer you generally to the opinions which it contains, and
on their behalf to tender any explanation which your lordship may
deem requisite in reference to the assertions therein made, or to
any point connected with the subject which is now brought under your
lordship's notice with very great pain on the part of those for whom
I have the honour to speak.
Lord J. RUSSELL.--I may be allowed to say--and I do not do so without
due consideration--that, of course, I am ready at all times to take
upon myself all the responsibility which belongs to the executive
government; but with regard to the assertions in this address
respecting the House of Commons, you state--"That the meeting is
further of opinion that no relief from general or local taxation
which would be consistent with the maintenance of public faith, and
the efficiency of public establishments, could enable the British and
colonial producer successfully to compete with foreign productions."
Now, that proposal for relief from general and local taxation,
consistent with the maintenance of public faith and the efficiency of
public establishments, is, in fact, the only proposition of a large
nature that has been rejected by the House of Commons. You also say
here, "that the only hope of replacing the agricultural and other
native and colonial interests in a state of prosperity, rests on the
re-establishment of a just system of import duties." I do not deny,
or wish in any way to shrink from the responsibility which rests upon
her Majesty's government for the line of policy they have adopted;
but no such proposition has been made to the House of Commons, and
the House of Commons has not rejected any such proposition.
Mr YOUNG.--It is intended to express the deep disappointment we felt
that no such proposition has been made, whether as emanating from the
Government, or from any party in the House of Commons.
Mr NEWDEGATE.--Your lordship will permit me to remind you, that
although no direct motion has been made in the House of Commons for
the immediate restoration of Protection, that great question has been
admitted to have been involved in the course of discussions that have
arisen upon other questions.
Lord J. RUSSELL.--That is true; but whilst some persons have said
it would be beneficial, there are others who say that it would be
injurious.
Mr YOUNG.--I wish to impress upon your lordship's mind that I, and
those with whom I am associated, do not attach much importance to
those discussions in the House of Commons, because we are perfectly
well aware that, if such a proposition were made, it would certainly
be rejected. We attach no importance to them. We think that the House
of Commons, as at present constituted, does not truly represent the
feelings and opinions of the majority of the people of this country,
and we should be glad to have the opportunity of seeing whether it
does or not.
Mr JOHN H. WALKER (of Leamington.)--I am here as the representative
of South Warwickshire, to express to your lordship my conviction that
a great change has taken place in the opinions of the people with
regard to free trade. I am in the habit of travelling a great deal,
and I never enter a railway carriage or go into company that I do
not find those who were formerly regular Free-traders, and have now
become quite the reverse. They object to the operation of free trade,
that the foreigner gets all the benefits which we are losing.
Mr YOUNG.--It does not become us now to attempt to enter upon the
discussion of so wide a question as that. I feel that we should
not be able to do so with advantage, or be justified in intruding
upon your time for that purpose. There is, however, one part of the
proceedings at the recent meeting, a report of which your lordship
has no doubt seen, upon which I wish to make a few observations. You
will there have seen that some rather strong expressions were used.
Without at all wishing to apologise for those expressions, or giving
an opinion as to their propriety or impropriety, I will take the
liberty of expressing our hope that, whatever opinion your lordship
may have formed of those expressions, you will not take them as
speaking the general sentiments of the meeting--which ought alone
to be held responsible for the opinions expressed in their recorded
resolutions. I allude to this simply as a matter of explanation,
for I should be sorry if your lordship were led to depart from
the general principle laid down, of only recognising the acts of
the meeting, without judging of its character by merely isolated
expressions falling from individual speakers.
Lord JOHN RUSSELL.--I can assure you, Mr Young, that I should not
have adverted to that circumstance, as I am quite aware that in
public meetings, where a number of persons are desirous of giving
expression to their opinions, great latitude of speech must be
allowed. With regard to the expressions alluded to, though I may
think them rather stronger than necessary, I observed in the report
of the proceedings that the Duke of Richmond, in his reply, went as
far in censure of them as I should be disposed to do; and having
every confidence in the Duke of Richmond's loyalty, his wish to
support the law, and his discretion, I think what he said upon the
subject was amply sufficient.
Mr YOUNG.--I will only add that many of us are magistrates ourselves,
and that we are fully conscious of the duty which devolves upon us to
do all we can for the maintenance of the public peace. What was said,
I believe, was only intended to show the facts of our position to the
House of Commons, from whom we claim protection, as an act of justice.
Lord JOHN RUSSELL.--Mr Newdegate, do you wish to say anything further?
Mr NEWDEGATE.--I wish merely to express my concurrence in the
objects of the deputation, and that I consider it fortunate that
your lordship has permitted the deputation this opportunity of
bringing before your notice the reality and extent of the distress
which prevails in many districts, the severity of its pressure, and
the danger from the feelings of discontent which has unhappily but
indubitably grown up under the severe depression to which a large
portion of the community is now exposed.
Lord JOHN RUSSELL, (addressing Mr Young.)--You have very truly stated
that it would be quite useless to enter into a discussion here upon,
not only one large question, but the several large questions, which
are involved in this memorial, and which refer to our commercial
laws, the state of agriculture and shipping, and the condition of
the country at large. These various subjects would lead to a most
extended discussion, if once we were to enter upon it. All I can say,
therefore, is, that I take upon myself the whole responsibility of
any advice which I may consider it my duty to give to my Sovereign.
Certainly my experience leads me, I confess it, to a directly
opposite conclusion with respect to the main point contained in this
memorial--I think it would neither be desirable to go back from
free trade to prohibition or restriction; nor advisable to dissolve
Parliament in order to ask the opinion of the country upon the
subject. That is the conclusion to which I have come. With respect
to the suffering which has been stated to exist, it is neither
inconsistent with my expectations, nor inconsistent with what I have
heard, that in various parts of the country deep suffering does
exist, and that that suffering is partly--and I should say in part
only--owing to recent changes in our commercial laws. I believe that
these changes were, in their general aspect, inevitable. I believe
that ten years ago it might have been foreseen that this country, as
it became more opulent and commercial, would require great changes in
that direction, and my object was at that time to make the transition
accompanied by as little suffering and distress as possible. But the
advice I gave with that view was rejected, not only with contempt,
but with indignation. Other changes have taken place since then, and
the changes which have now taken place have been certainly of a much
more decisive character than those which I originally proposed. I
am sorry to say that I think the conduct of the agricultural, the
colonial, and other interests, was not prudent in declaring that
there should be no change in 1841. Still that was their decision,
and in 1846 a much greater change was effected in those laws. In
1847 a general election took place, by which the electors had to
decide upon the conduct of those who had taken part in the adoption
of these changes, and the result was the election of the present
parliament, which has decided upon continuing the policy which the
House of Commons had laid down in 1846. I own I do think it was very
unwise--if I may be allowed to say so--in 1841, not to have sought
some compromise; but I think it would be far more unwise now to seek
to restore a system of protective duties. I believe that that, so far
from leading to a settlement of this great question, would lead to
fresh agitation, and a renewal of the present law--the law repealing
those protective duties. I would put it to any man who is engaged
in industrial pursuits of any kind, however he may think it would
be advisable to restore the ancient system of protection, whether
it would be wise or advantageous to have those laws re-enacted in
1851, again to be repealed in 1852 or 1853? I own I must think that
to all interests concerned, especially to the agricultural interest,
those changes and those renewals would be the very worst measures
that could be adopted. All return to the former system being, as I
believe, impossible, it may be desirable to equalise, if possible,
the charges upon land, which I believe to be the wish of all parties.
The changes which have been made, I believe to be, in their general
aspect, agreeable to the progress of society in this country, and
that the endeavour of all interests should henceforth be to adapt
themselves to those changes rather than attempt their reversal. I may
be mistaken in these views, but in the position I occupy, whether as
a minister of the Crown or as a member of parliament, I feel that I
cannot do otherwise than act upon convictions which I so strongly
entertain; and if I held your opinions I should act as you do.
MR YOUNG.--Perhaps you will not deem me unreasonable if I advert to
one or two remarks which have just fallen from your lordship. In the
first place, your lordship says it will not be wise again to return
to a system of protection and restriction. I can speak especially
for the interest to which I belong--and being almost altogether
unconnected with the landed interest, I could have wished some of
the gentlemen whom I see around me stood in the position in which I
have been unexpectedly placed; but I can speak especially for the
shipping interest, and I believe I may also for the agricultural
interest, when I say that they do not seek, that they do not desire,
a system of prohibition. If you refer to the expressions which are
contained in that memorial, you will find that all they ask is a just
and equitable system of import duties. We do not presume to dictate
the degree which would constitute justice; but we believe that, if
the principle were once acknowledged, there would be no difficulty in
placing the details upon such a basis as to give satisfaction to all
parties. The next point upon which I would venture to offer one word
by way of explanation, and as the expression of that which I know to
be the universal sentiment of this deputation, is, that although,
after the enactment of the changes of 1846, namely, in 1847, a
general election did take place, yet your lordship will recollect
that which is imprinted upon the mind of the country at large, that
that election took place under circumstances which had shattered to
pieces all parties in the state, and had placed the constituencies
in such a position that, as we think, the election of 1847 was not a
fair exponent of the sentiments and opinions which were entertained
by the people at large.
MR GUTHRIE.--Your lordship has expressed it as your opinion that it
was unwise to reject the proposition which you made in 1841, for
imposing a fixed duty of 8s. per quarter on wheat. Now, supposing
your lordship acted wisely in proposing that measure, and the other
party unwisely in rejecting it, if the other party should come round
to your lordship's former opinion upon that subject, allow me to ask
if you think it would be wrong, in 1850, to revert to the proposal
which you deemed to be so perfectly right in 1841.
LORD J. RUSSELL.--I can easily answer that question. Without going
into other considerations, supposing the price of corn to be at that
time 58s., a law that would reduce the average to 50s. would be well
taken; whereas, if the price were 42s., the law which would raise it
from 42s. to 50s. would be ill taken.
MR YOUNG.--Allow me, on behalf of the deputation, to thank your
lordship for the attention with which you have heard us, and to
express a hope that, should any of the observations in the address
which I have had the honour to place in your lordship's hands appear
too strong, you will not consider it as any mark of disrespect
to yourself, but merely as an indication of the feelings which
we entertain on the subject. I can now only apologise for having
detained your lordship so long, but trust the important nature of the
interests we represent will be a sufficient excuse.
MR GUTHRIE.--Are you not going to say anything relative to the
colonial interests?
MR YOUNG.--I left that in your hands. I thought you were going to
speak upon that subject rather than upon agriculture.
MR GUTHRIE.--Then, perhaps, your lordship will excuse me for again
occupying your attention for a few moments relative to the interests
of the colonies. I had the honour to wait upon you once before on the
same subject, and can assure you that the difficulties under which
the colonies laboured last year are in no degree diminished. Indeed,
since that time the creditors have become the possessors of the
estates, and the proprietors are now between sinking and swimming.
Whether or not they shall he ruined will depend upon whether the
differential duties shall be continued or not. I consider that the
colonists have a right to demand that some protection should be given
to them, seeing the difficulties that have been thrown in their way
in obtaining labour. Those duties are to be again reduced in July
next, and go off entirely in the following July; but I consider
that some measure ought to be introduced to put the produce of the
colonies on an equal footing with the produce of slave countries.
Immense sums have been spent by this country to put a stop to the
slave trade, while every encouragement is given to the produce of
slave-holding countries. The tendency of all the legislation of late
years has been to raise the value of foreign produce, and depress
the property of the colonies. I am sure that I need not inform your
lordship that a deep sympathy is felt throughout the country for the
sufferings of the colonists, and I hope that your lordship will give
the subject your early consideration and attention, as the distress
existing among the various interests of the country bound us as in a
common bond to endeavour to revise and amend our present position.