to-day from the county of Warwick; and on behalf of the men of
Warwickshire I say, that whatever may take place in this country
as the consequence of the false policy of Free Trade, they will,
under all circumstances, be ready to do their duty. It is, I
think, a most surprising spectacle to see the yeomanry of England
and Scotland assembled in the centre of this metropolis, for the
purpose of carrying on an agitation in opposition to the measures of
Government. We might almost appear to come forward in a new character
upon this occasion, for we have been always ready to support the
Monarchy, the Government, and the Constitution of this country. It
might seem as if at present we were placed in a false position, but
in reality we appear in the same position we have ever occupied,
namely, as defenders of the institutions of the country. Free Trade
is the policy of the Government, and it is a policy founded on the
success of an agitation which was unconstitutional in its character
and objects, and therefore we are here to-day to oppose it. The
agitation which was carried on by the Anti-Corn-Law League, went to
an extent, and had a purpose in view, far beyond the limits which the
Constitution safely and fairly allows in the conduct and movement of
measures by the people against the Government of the country. But
how came the Constitution to fail on that occasion? For my part, I
have faith in the British Constitution; and I do not believe that
that great error would ever have been committed except through the
treachery of those to whom its administration had been intrusted. Our
cause has been lost by treachery and cowardice. (Cheers.) But how are
we to rectify the error? I fear it can only be done by a dissolution
of the present Parliament, and the election of another in its stead
determined to vindicate the rights of native industry, and re-assert
the authority and dignity of the Constitution from the violence
and degradation to which it has been subjected. Are the present
Ministers prepared to add to the dark catalogue of Free-trade
disasters, (embracing the ruin of the West Indian colonies, the
disaffection and threatened alienation of the Canadas, the entire
ruin of Ireland, which, through Free Trade, special as well as
general, is sunk to the lowest depths of misery and destitution,) the
utter destruction of the capital in the hands of the tenant-farmers
and yeomen of the country?--and with that, as a consequence, of the
aristocracy?--and with that, of the throne? Why, these things must
follow as the inevitable results of one another. It had been asserted
by Sir R. Peel, on a recent occasion in the House of Commons, that
the doctrine of Free Trade was analogous in principle to the law of
gravitation which governs the great material world around us. He
used this allusion, however, merely as a piece of empty declamation,
without the smallest particle of reasonable argument to support
his position. It is obvious that the law of gravitation operates
as a restrictive, repulsive, and prohibitive power, as well as an
attractive; or otherwise the planet we inhabit and the other spheres
would quit their orbits, run in upon the sun the great centre, and
produce chaos and universal ruin. (Loud cheers.) And thus, to compare
great things with small, in the commercial world, Great Britain, the
sun and centre, is producing confusion and general disorder by her
abandonment of those great negative principles which are essential to
the maintenance of natural distinctions and differences, and of the
several inferior commercial centres, so to speak, in their respective
orbits. And these results are exemplified in the destruction of
the labour-interest of Ireland, involving, as we see it does, the
destruction there of every other interest; in the deterioration of
the labour-interest of England; in the outcast, from circulation,
of a very large proportion of monetary capital from the commercial
world; in the conflict of classes, now induced both abroad and now at
length at home; and in a host of other social and political evils.
And thus this analogous allusion, fairly argued, justifies the
principle of Protection by restrictive laws, and utterly repudiates
that of unguarded intercourse.
Free Trade will inevitably lead to the ruin of every great national
interest, and it is therefore the duty of every one who wishes
well to the British Empire, to assist in obtaining as speedily as
possible a complete reversal of that policy. I will not detain
the Meeting any longer, but at once read the resolution which has
been intrusted to me, as follows:--"That a Memorial to the right
hon. the First Lord of the Treasury be prepared, founded on the
foregoing resolutions, protesting in the strongest manner against
the continuance of the present system of miscalled 'Free trade,' and
solemnly casting on the Administration, of which his Lordship is
the head, the heavy responsibility of rejecting the appeals of the
people for the abandonment of that system, and that a deputation be
appointed for the purpose of presenting the same to his Lordship, and
of representing to him the present critical and alarming position of
many districts of this country, and of some of the most important
colonies and dependencies of the British Crown."
Mr H. HIGGINS, of Herefordshire, came forward to second the
resolution. He said that the county which he then represented
suffered greater distress than had ever been known within the memory
of the oldest inhabitant. He believed that if the present Free-trade
policy were persisted in they would no longer have any of those
fine exhibitions of cattle for which that county had hitherto been
so famous. An hon. gentleman who preceded him had told them of the
distress which at present prevailed in Ireland. But for his part,
he believed that England was now being Ireland-ised as fast as
possible. (Hear, hear.) And for whom had they (the tenant-farmers)
been victimised? Who were reaping the harvest of their ruin? Why, the
foreigner, the drone, and the millocrat. (Hear, hear.) It was not the
industrious classes, as asserted by Mr Villiers, that had effected a
saying of L.90,000,000 a-year by the repeal of the corn laws; for the
greater portion of that sum went into the pocket of the foreigner.
He told the Government that the industrious classes in this country
would not stand that much longer. He warned the Government against
driving these classes to desperation, and he told them that it was
their firmness and loyalty which had at all times mainly contributed
to keep the country in peace and quietness. But when a man lost his
property he became reckless of consequences: for, in the scramble
that might take place, he had everything to gain and nothing to lose.
He would address one word to the landlords of England. He would tell
them that they had not done their duty. (Hear, hear.) But he would
further tell them, not to be misled by the delusion that they could
derive from extra production a compensation for the depreciation
of prices. He would call on the Legislature of this country to
redress the wrongs of the agricultural classes, unless they intended
to excite those classes to exercise the strength which they still
retained in their hands. If they could not obtain justice by rational
means--if they could not succeed by moral force--he for one was
prepared to do anything in defence of his own. (Hear, hear.)
The Right Hon. the Earl of EGLINTON then came forward, amidst loud
cheers, to move the following resolutions:--"That the cordial thanks
of this meeting be respectfully offered to his Grace the Duke of
Richmond, K.G., for his manly and consistent maintenance of the cause
of Protection on all occasions, and especially for the able and
impartial manner in which he has presided over the proceedings of
this day." The noble earl said, that meeting had been characterised
by more unanimity than any meeting, perhaps, at which he had ever
assisted; but he felt certain that whatever might be the unanimity,
and whatever might be the enthusiasm with which they had received
the preceding resolutions, the one which he had then to propose
would be received with still more unanimity, and with still greater
enthusiasm. He had to propose the thanks of the meeting to their
noble chairman. (Loud and long continued cheers.) Many censures
had that day been unsparingly, but he should confess most justly,
showered down upon that class to which he belonged. He was, however,
proud to say, that he, in common with hundreds of others, had escaped
from that censure. He was also proud to say that the class to which
he more especially belonged--he meant the peerage of Scotland--had
been particularly exempt from that vacillation and apathy which had
distinguished too many of the nobility of the empire. (Hear, hear.)
When he told them that out of 16 representative peers who sat in the
House of Lords for Scotland, on the great division which took place
with respect to the repeal of the corn laws, 10 had voted against
the measure, 2 had not voted at all, one of whom was now as stanch
a Protectionist as any present, and only 4 had recorded their votes
against the principle of Protection--one of these being thousands
of miles off, and perhaps incapable of forming any decision of his
own upon the subject--when he told them those facts, he thought they
would admit that the peerage of Scotland had not as a body been
deficient in their duty upon that occasion. One of the most eloquent
speakers who had addressed them that day, Professor Aytoun, had told
them of some bad articles which came from Scotland in the shape
of political economists. But he (the Earl of Eglinton) could not
refrain from saying one word in favour of "Auld Scotland" upon that
occasion, and he would ask them whether they had not seen one good
article come from that country in the shape of the Professor himself?
(Cheers.) It might not be so well known to the body of the meeting
as it was to him, how deeply the Protectionist cause was indebted to
that gentleman (hear); but he knew that the most powerful, the most
eloquent, and the most convincing statements in favour of Protection
had come from his pen. (Cheers.) He should also call to their
recollection the honest specimen of a Scotch tenant-farmer--namely,
Mr Watson, whom they had heard that day, and of whom he confessed he,
as a countryman, felt proud, (hear, hear;) but, above all, he begged
to state, that Scotland owned one-half of their noble chairman. The
noble duke was one-half a Scotchman by birth, by property, and by
feeling. (Hear, hear.) He knew that that was not a time of the day to
go on descanting on all that they owed to the noble duke, and still
more did he know that the presence of the noble duke did not afford
the fitting opportunity for adopting such a course. He should say,
however, that he well knew that there was not in that room, or in the
country, a sincere well-wisher to the British empire, who did not
look upon the noble duke as one of the most straightforward, one of
the most gallant, and one of the most useful men whom this country
ever possessed. (Cheers.) He should not detain them longer; but would
content himself with leaving the resolution in their hands. (Great
cheering.)
Lord JOHN MANNERS, M.P., came forward, amidst very loud and
general cheering, to second the resolution. The noble lord said
that in terminating the proceedings of that most remarkable
meeting--remarkable not only for the ability of the speeches which
they had heard, and the unanimity that had characterised their
proceedings, but also for the presence of so many delegates,
representing, and representing so truly, every suffering interest
in this great community--he felt that he had a task at once most
difficult and most gratifying to perform. Most truly had Lord
Eglinton said that in the presence of the noble duke a certain
reserve was necessary in speaking of those qualities which commanded
their admiration; but still they should not be doing justice to their
feelings if they permitted that opportunity to pass without saying
that they did not know in the whole peerage one man who more justly
commanded the respect, the admiration, and the affection of the
industrious classes of this country. (Cheers.) Lord Eglinton had said
some thing in favour of that house to which the noble duke belonged;
and he (Lord J. Manners) hoped he might be allowed for one moment to
say something in favour of that house to which he had so recently
been returned. He could not, like some of the gentlemen who had that
day addressed them, despair even of the present graceless House of
Commons. (Hear, hear, and laughter.) If they asked him his reason, he
should tell them that he found one in the fact, that, when that House
of Commons had first met, the majority then against those principles
which that meeting had assembled to enforce, and which they intended
to carry into successful operation, amounted to not less than 100;
while at the present moment that majority could not, he believed,
be estimated at more than a score of votes. Another reason why he
did not despair of the present House of Commons was derived from the
recent election of the hon. and gallant colonel the member for Cork,
who was then assisting at their proceedings. (Hear, hear.) He had no
doubt but that at future elections they would continue further to
increase the number of members ready to advocate and support their
cause. If he might be permitted to give one word of advice, he would
suggest that, while they took every precaution for returning, for the
future, members who were prepared to vindicate the great principle
of protection to native industry, they ought not to discourage,
but to aid, those members in the present House of Commons who
zealously sought to put down that system which they believed in their
consciences to be working the destruction of this mighty empire.
(Hear.) He should further say, that he found a fresh justification
for a return of their somewhat waning confidence in the House of
Lords, in the presence among them that day of the noble duke to whom
they were going to offer by acclamation the vote of their unbounded
confidence and admiration. (Cheers.) When they saw the noble duke
supporting the dignity of the peerage with so much gallantry, so
much honesty, and such unswerving onwardness of purpose, they might,
he thought, well take courage; and believe that both Houses of
Parliament would yet faithfully represent, and faithfully carry out,
the principles on which the Constitution of this country had so long
depended, and on which it must continue to depend if it was still to
remain the Constitution of the greatest empire of the known world.
(Hear, hear.) He called on them to vote by acclamation the resolution
which he had the honour to second. He called upon them to rise as one
man and give three lusty cheers for their noble chairman the Duke
of Richmond. (The call was responded to with enthusiasm, the whole
meeting rising as one man.)
The NOBLE DUKE proceeded to acknowledge the compliment as follows:--I
rise, as you may well conceive that I must, impressed with a deep
feeling of gratitude to you, the delegates from nearly every county
in England and Scotland, for the very kind and flattering manner
in which you have been pleased to pass the present resolution. I
claim no merit for myself for what I have done in Parliament and
out of Parliament, with the view of preventing the adoption of the
Free-trade policy, or with a view of regaining protection to native
industry. I claim no merit to myself for the course I have pursued,
because I think that course is absolutely necessary, not only for the
welfare and the prosperity of the landed interest of the country, but
for the welfare of all classes of our fellow-subjects. (Hear, hear.)
I never advocated protection to the farmer without also advocating
protection to the silk weaver and to the manufacturer. (Hear, hear.)
I am called on in Parliament not to legislate for one class, but to
legislate for all classes, and I therefore have not pledged myself
to the maintenance of the principle of protection without an earnest
inquiry into the whole subject. I have, however, thought it my duty
to give a pledge, and, with God's help, I will never violate it.
(Cheers.) I am not made of that stuff which would permit me to veer
about like the wind, and to flatter every popular demagogue. (Hear,
hear.) I have one English quality in me, which is, that I will not
be bullied into any course of which my judgment disapproves. (Hear,
hear.) I will not allow a knot of Manchester Free-traders to dictate
to the good sense of the community at large. (Hear, hear.) I will
not consent to lose the colonies of this great empire. (Hear, hear.)
I will not help to carry out a system which is bringing ruin to our
shipping interest, (cheers,) and which forces to emigration those
honest and industrious mechanics, who, by their skill, their energy,
and their good conduct, have, up to the time of the repeal of the
Navigation Laws, been able to get a fair day's wages for a fair
day's work. (Cheers.) Neither will I consent to have the honour and
glory of this great country dependent upon Mr Cobden and his party.
(Cheers.) I am for English ships, manned by English hearts of oak.
(Renewed cheers.) I am for protecting domestic industry in all its
branches. (Hear, hear.) I feel, however, that at this time of the
evening I ought not to trespass at any length on your attention;
but cordially agreeing with all the resolutions that have been put
here to-day, and carried unanimously, and agreeing with much that
has fallen from the different eloquent gentlemen who have addressed
you, I must speak out my own mind; and I hope that you, the farmers
of England, will not respect me the less for doing so. (Hear.) Well,
then, I must say that I only recommend constitutional means, (hear,
hear,) and I certainly do not recommend the adoption of any threats
of violence or force, and still less do I recommend that we should
band ourselves together not to pay taxes, (Hear, hear.) We are the
representatives of a truly loyal people. By constitutional means we
shall gain a victory of which we shall afterwards have reason to
be proud; but if we descend to the miserable and degrading tricks
of the Anti-Corn Law League, (hear, hear,) we cannot be respected,
because we cannot respect ourselves. I thank you for the confidence
you have shown towards me. I thank you, in my own name, and in the
name of many Protectionists who have not been able to be present
here to-day, for the unanimous manner in which you have carried the
resolutions, and the patience with which you have listened to him
who is now addressing you, who is so little worthy of attention.
But as long as I shall continue to have health, I shall take every
opportunity of meeting the tenant-farmers of this country, (hear,
hear,) notwithstanding that I may be told in the House of Lords, in a
majority of whose members I have no confidence, (hear, hear,) that by
presiding at meetings of this description I am creating a panic among
the tenantry. That, gentlemen, is the last attack that has been made
on me and on my noble friends around me. I was told the other night,
in the House of Lords, by a noble lord who is a disciple of Sir R.
Peel, that it was to myself and to those who pursued a similar course
to mine that the lowness in the price of corn is to be attributed.
(Hear, hear, and laughter.) His assertion was, "That the speeches
delivered in this country found their way into the German newspapers,
and that the German farmers, believing that shortly a duty on the
import of foreign corn would be imposed, sent over their corn to this
country and sold it here at a loss." In reply I stated that, if this
statement was correct, I could not regret that I had contributed
to the foreigners losing money, if they choose to send their corn
here. I have no bad feeling to the foreigner; but I may say that,
if we are exposed to taxes from which he is exempt, I could feel no
pity for any loss that he might sustain in his competition with the
agriculturists of this country. (Cheers.) One word on the subject
of the income tax, which is now so oppressive to the tenant-farmer.
When I stated in the House of Lords, a few evenings ago, that the
farmers had no right to be called upon to pay that tax whilst they
derived no profit from their holdings, Lord Grey said that he
admitted the hardness of the case, but that he and his party had not
originally enacted the law, but that it emanated from Sir R. Peel.
(Hear, hear, and laughter.) To that I felt it my duty to say, that
although they did not originally enact the law, they had extended the
time of its operation. (Hear, hear.) At the same time, I certainly
did not attempt to justify Sir R. Peel; for I would be the last man
to undertake such a task. (Hear, hear.) I again thank you for the
confidence you have shown towards me; and if my services can ever
be of the slightest use to the tenantry of this country, or to its
domestic industry, I can only say that those services, such as they
are, will ever be at your disposal. (The noble Duke concluded amidst
enthusiastic cheering.)
The meeting immediately separated, Mr G. F. Young informing the
delegates that the National Association was anxious for their
presence at their rooms, at the South Sea House, on the following
morning, at eleven o'clock.
PRESENTATION OF THE MEMORIAL TO LORD JOHN RUSSELL.
The delegates re-assembled in considerable numbers at the South Sea
House on Saturday morning, when they agreed to the following address
to the Prime Minister, which had been prepared, in conformity with
the resolutions passed at the great aggregate meeting at the Crown
and Anchor on Tuesday last:--
"TO THE RIGHT HONOURABLE LORD JOHN RUSSELL, M.P., FIRST LORD OF THE
TREASURY, &C.
"May it please your Lordship,--We are deputed to address
you in the name and at the desire of a public meeting held
in this metropolis on the 7th inst., which, consisting of a
considerable number of members of both Houses of Parliament,
merchants, shipowners, tradesmen, and others connected with the
most important interests of the nation, and comprising nearly
500 owners and occupiers of land, specially delegated by the
agriculturists of every part of the United Kingdom, to represent
the present condition of their respective localities, and to
express their opinion on the public policy of your lordship's
administration, presents a just claim to the serious attention
of her Majesty's Government.
"On the authority of this meeting, unanimously expressed, it is
our duty to declare to your lordship that intolerable distress
now almost universally pervades the British agricultural
interest; that many branches of the colonial interest are fast
sinking into ruin; that the shipping and other great interests
of the country are involved in difficulty and deep depression;
and that large masses of the industrial population are reduced
to a state of lamentable deprivation and suffering.
"It must be obvious that such a condition of affairs is fraught
with consequences disastrous to the public welfare; and if not
speedily remedied, it is the conviction of the meeting that it
will endanger the public peace, prove fatal to the maintenance
of public credit, and may even place in peril the safety of the
State.
"It is our duty further to declare to your lordship that the
dangerous evils we have thus described are, in the deliberate
judgment of the meeting, attributable to the recent changes
made in those protective laws by which the importation of
articles of foreign production had long been regulated, which
changes it regards as most rash and impolitic. It considers
the ancient system of commercial law to have been based on
the most just principles, and dictated by the soundest views
of national policy. It cannot forget that, under that system,
Great Britain attained an unexampled state of prosperity and a
proud pre-eminence in the scale of nations; and it is its firm
conviction that if the principle of fostering and protecting
British industry and British capital be abandoned, many of
the most important interests of the State will be utterly and
cruelly sacrificed, and the national prosperity and greatness be
ruinously impaired.
"The meeting is further of opinion that no relief from
general or local taxation, which would be consistent with
the maintenance of public faith and the efficiency of public
establishments, could enable the British and colonial producer
successfully to compete with foreign productions; and that
the only hope of replacing the agricultural and other native
and colonial interests in a state of prosperity rests on the
re-establishment of a just system of import duties.