out by Zurich. With the rest, it was only form; with her, reality. By
an embassy to Glarus she induced the _Landsgemeine_ (commons) of that
canton, with a majority, it is true, of only about thirty votes, to
adopt it as a principle, and as soon as this was accomplished, she
demanded of Wesen and the inhabitants of the Territory of Gaster,
subjects of Glarus, but at the same time also of Schwyz, to execute the
prohibition against the latter. At this, Bern was highly displeased,
and wrote to Zurich: "We beg you to consider how hard it is for a
subject to refuse provisions to his lord, and therefore to act
moderately and not be too rash, remembering how willingly you would
receive it from your own, if they were to deny you saleable
commodities; think well over the matter." This remonstrance had little
effect upon Zurich, and henceforth the hateful features of a measure,
which she had originally opposed with all her power, and only adopted,
because no other way of escape stood open, became more and more
visible.
At this juncture, envoys from Freiburg, Solothurn and Appenzell, along
with the two ambassadors of France, appeared again in Zurich with
offers of aid in new negotiations for peace. The Frenchmen declared,
that the people of the Five Cantons had asked for their intercession,
and although their statement before the Council was ill-received, on
account of certain allusions to the passionate behavior of Zurich as
not strictly evangelical, still the latter consented to attend another
General Diet of the Confederacy, to be held at Bremgarten, because
Zurich and Bern refused to appear in Baden, which they blamed for an
offensive partiality toward the Five Cantons. The meeting took place on
the 14th of June. It was attended by all the States, by deputies from
the city of Chur, from the Three Leagues (the Grisons), from Wallis
(_Valais_), from Rothweil, from the _landgraviate_ of the Thurgau and
the nobility there, and from the district of Sargan, as well as by the
French ambassadors, and those of the Duke of Milan, and the Countess of
Neuenberg. Gervasius Schuler and Henry Bullinger preached sermons in
favor of reconciliation and concord; but how could the negotiations
proceed, when the Five Cantons demanded the raising of the prohibition,
before a single word should be spoken? To own thus publicly that they
were wrong, and had acted hastily, was too much even for Bern, and
hence she united with Zurich in requiring, before any promise to raise
the prohibition could be made, a declaration on the part of the Five
Cantons, that they would abide by the _Landfriede_, so interpreted,
that the free preaching of the Gospel would be secure not merely in the
Territories, but in districts also immediately under the rule of its
adversaries. By this means the breach became yet wider, and the humor
in which the deputies of the Five Cantons took their leave, led those
of the burgher-cities to look for speedy and dangerous results. Before
parting they consulted over the most urgent measures. Zurich affirmed,
there were certain indications, that the Five Cantons were arming and
would appear on the frontiers under pretext of carrying away grain, but
at the same time with the determined purpose of making a formal
invasion. It would be prudent to anticipate them; at any rate to
appoint leaders and a place of rendezvous for soldiers at once, and to
agree upon a plan for a campaign in case of necessity. The deputies,
with the exception of those from Basel and St. Gall, said that they had
no authority for going so far. If Zurich were attacked, the Bernese
thought she should "not be too ardent, and overshoot the mark, but wait
for an advantage and not make assault, until well assured, though
obliged to restrain one hamlet, or two or three together, and then she
should hasten to inform us and the other Christian co-burghers of it,
and then we of Bern will send quickly such a number of people as we
think advisable, and with the rest, because we have to keep an eye on
the Wallisers, will press against the Luzerners and Unterwaldners, so
that the Five Cantons will be compelled to keep themselves apart."
Meanwhile the advocates for peace were unwearied in their efforts.
Already a second meeting in Bremgarten was appointed, and the French
ambassadors, on the 4th of July, addressed Zurich and Bern once more.
"Some days ago," they wrote, "several respectable men from the Five
Cantons were with us, not, it is true, in an official capacity. They
gave us a lively picture of the distress in their country, and exhorted
us to beg you to exercise that charity toward them, which is due from
one Christian to another. They assured us, that by a voluntary raising
of the prohibition, you would so win upon the heart of the Five
Cantons, that any reasonable demand of yours would readily be granted,
and the most obstinate even would be obliged to give way. Therefore,
mighty lords, we have consented, for the honor of God, for the sake of
the King, and in obedience to that precept of the Gospel, which you
profess: 'Love not your friends only, but your enemies also', urgently
to beseech you: Do away with this misery! Remember, that they are your
Christian brethren, your neighbors; that they speak your own language;
that you are one nation, friends, kinsmen--were united in old times,
and must be again in the future. Show love and mercy toward them, as
you would wish them to do toward you. Withhold not from them that
blessing, which God has bestowed on you. Regard not the words of abuse,
nor anything else, by which they have injured you. Thousands among them
are innocent of these things; as was indeed abundantly shown in
Bremgarten. Truly you will follow the command of God, you will act as
the Gospel teaches; in future generations it will bring you honor. Wise
and beloved lords, we write in haste before the Diet meets again. We
wish to put an end to the famine as speedily as possible. Fulfil our
prayers, and we pledge you our King will remember the favor and repay
it gladly, as far as in him lies."
It is not surprising, that upon a portion of the councils at least,
some effect should be produced by such appeals, and no less by the
reports concerning the disposition of their own people, which reached
them from time to time. One of these was communicated to Zurich by the
commander of Hitzkirch, Albert von Muelinen. It related to an event,
that occurred in a popular assembly at Lenzburg. The government of Bern
had called it together, partly to correct false rumors by a special
deputation, and partly to explain the reasons of the prohibition and
exhort the people to perform their duty in case of need. When now they
were formally enjoined so to do, one cried out: "Where is it written in
the Gospel that we must deny food to our neighbor?" another: "We will
have no war for religions' sake; if they are not willing to believe in
God, let them stick to the devil!" Another wished a delegate to be sent
to Bremgarten, and others still referred to a declaration of the
government made at the opening of the Reformation, that it should begin
and end in peace. The resolute behavior of the Bernese deputies was
scarcely able to prevent an actual outbreak on the part of the
malcontents.
Under such circumstances, the inactivity of some, the perplexity of
others, and the ill-humor of a third class, rendered Zwingli's
situation more difficult from day to day, as the number of those, who
blamed him with all the evil, and pointed him out as an unceasing
author of mischief, continued to increase even in Zurich. Fierce was
the anger of the Nobles' Guild, because six of its members, accused of
hostility to the Reformation, had been obliged, chiefly through his
exertions, to withdraw, part from the Great and part from the Small
Council. The majority of the millers and bakers also opposed him,
because they attributed the fact, that the authorities had of late
become far more strict in their supervision, to his preaching. "For,
from the most ancient times," Bullinger, who narrates this, adds,
"preachers have had to bear the blame, when obliged to preach against
anything done contrary to the Word of God." To the burgher of the town,
it was pretended by his enemies, that he was seeking the favor of the
country-people, in order by their aid to keep down the cities; to the
country-man, who, in the present condition of things, saw his cottage,
his undefended property, the life and fortune of his family in
continual peril, that he alone stood in the way of peace with the Five
Cantons. Intrigue, mistrust, disunion reigned in the Council itself. It
became more and more difficult to find suitable persons to execute
important missions. Several of the most experienced statesmen
endeavored to withdraw. The well-meaning sighed over the inextricable
confusion.
Matters had already come to such a pass, that a feeling of his own
forsaken condition took hold of the Reformer himself. "Hence he came,"
as Bullinger informs us, "before the Council and burghers, on the 26th
of July, and told how he had now preached the Gospel for eleven years,
and warned them with the fidelity of a father, and thoroughly and often
and abundantly pointed out, amongst other things, what evil would ensue
to them and the Common Confederacy, if the Five Cantons, _i.e. the crew
of pensioners_, should get the upper hand. All this had no effect upon
them. It could easily be seen that there were yet those in the Council,
who did not disdain the wages of blood, and were the best friends of
the Five Cantons and enemies to the Gospel. Further, the city had
managed ill and could expect little good to come of it. And because she
would not follow him and the truth, and he was continually blamed for
every disaster that happened, he would now bid them farewell." He said
this with tears, according to the testimony of Werner Steiner, one of
his friends, and then left the council-house.
The alarm was general; much was said here and there. At last the two
burgomasters and several of the most prominent members were
commissioned to persuade him to retract his resolution. The meeting
took place about noon of the same day. Zwingli asked time for
reflection; and on the 29th of July appeared again before the Council
to say that he would not abandon the post, in which the city had placed
him until death. The effect of this declaration was soon manifest in
the reviving spirit of the Council. None of its members were permitted
to resign, and on the 6th of August the following ordinance was
published: "That for some time past manifold discord, anger and
contrariety have arisen in the Councils and among the burghers, so that
certain individuals have frequently refused to execute the business and
commands imposed upon them, and thereby encouraged others to purpose
the same, is well known to us; and we desire that every one, be he of
the Small or of the Great Council, when entrusted with an embassy, on
horseback or otherwise, will dutifully perform it, unless he make oath
that he could not do so, without the sacrifice of his life. If any fail
in this duty, he shall be arraigned, and an inquiry held as to the
proper punishment."
Zwingli, seeing the chief danger in the vacillation of Bern and her
lack of energy, resolved, since, just at that time, another meeting in
Bremgarten had been brought about by the advocates of peace, to use all
his personal influence with Jacob von Wattenwyl and Peter im Haag, the
Bernese deputies there. He entered the city at night-fall, accompanied
by Peter Collin and Werner Steiner. The consultation took place
immediately, in the house of Bullinger and in his presence. They all
agreed that it was now too late to recall the prohibition, except the
Five Cantons would first yield. Such a step of weakness would only
render them more overbearing. But to carry it out, and yet remain at
peace, was still more doubtful. The oppressed would rise up, and then
all the injury, resulting from the invasion, and every kind of
reproach, would be heaped upon them. Whether Zwingli gave any further
counsel, is not stated in Bullinger's narrative. He simply adds, "the
Bernese promised to do their best." At all events, the Reformer
departed with a heavy heart. As if conscious that he would never meet
again on earth the friend, who went with him as far as the city-gate,
he took leave of him with weeping eyes, repeating three times the
words: "God keep thee, dear Henry, and be thou faithful to the Lord
Christ!"
This scene occurred on the night of St. Laurence's day, and just at
that time, according to Bullinger, the famous comet of 1531 first
became visible. Zwingli gazed at it from the churchyard of the Great
Minster. "What can it portend?" was the question put to him by the
abbot George Mueller of Wettingen, in accordance with the belief of the
age. "It will cost me, my George, me and many an honorable man his
life. The truth and the Church will suffer calamity, but God will not
forsake them!" In the pulpit he spake in a similar strain: "Thou wilt
not punish pride, Zurich. Well then! thou wilt be punished thyself; a
hedge of thorns will bristle about thy head. The chain is forged, which
will twist my neck and that of many a pious Zuricher. Still, God will
maintain His Word, and pride will have its fall."
It seems that he was already familiar with the thought of an early
death. Indeed, who knows if he did not desire it? What could vindicate
him in the face of his accusers and enemies raging on all sides, like
perseverance to the end, like death in defence of his cause, the
freedom of that Gospel, from which alone he could hope for a better
future, the regeneration of his fatherland, of humanity? He may indeed
at this crisis have glanced back over his past life, and examined
himself, whether he was as blameless as he was steadfast, whether the
good spirit had not forsaken him. A clear conscience could bear witness
that he had never sought anything, save the truth and the welfare and
honor of his country. Perhaps in solitary moments the question may have
come up before him: "Art thou equally content with all the means which
thou hast employed?"
This was the serious question. The answer could be more or less
satisfactory, just as the Reformer understood the mission of his life.
"The years of our life are three score and ten, and by reason of
strength they may be four score." As a rule, the half of this period
may be devoted to active duties. He, then, who does not shrink from
laying before the world the results of honest research and conviction;
he who breaks a path and removes obstacles, that stand in the way of
others; he who wishes not only to sow but to reap, to behold the rich
fruits of his labor, can neither be idle nor reflect too long, in every
case, about the choice of means. These are often, in and of themselves,
by no means blameless, and yet the only ones by which the end can be
speedily attained; for usually adversaries are to be dealt with who are
not all scrupulous themselves. They must be beaten by their own
weapons. Such in all ages, has been the policy of men, especially those
whom history calls great. The Jesuits were neither the first, nor the
only politicians who adopted the maxim, that the end sanctifies the
means; although they perhaps have given it the most damnable
application. If a man is fully bound by his calling to act with
promptness and decision, if the present generation, or his fatherland,
suffers or gains by his action, then his task is doubly difficult, and
cases may be supposed, where he is not left free to choose between
means that are censurable and those that are praiseworthy, but only
between those that are less censurable and those that are more so. Such
is the unenviable position of the statesman; and it will thus continue,
until public life is so transformed, that fair and pure measures will
suffice for its maintenance; in other words, until the visible
revelation of the kingdom of God here below, which Christ proclaimed,
which he foresaw, and for which he himself scattered the seed in the
earth.
This kingdom of God is that of universal freedom, truth and love. It is
built only upon a faith not imposed, upon a personal conviction. Hence,
to promote it is a very different mission, one that belongs to the
preachers of the Gospel. They should employ none but the purest means,
since their aim is altogether pure and holy. Whether its coming will be
slow or rapid, is not for us here to consider. They are to seek
greatness not by ruling and domineering, but by serving and waiting,
like their Divine Exemplar. He who labors in His service, before whom
"a thousand years are as one day," full of unshaken trusty leaves it to
Him, to fix the time when His harvest shall be ripe. To-day the seed
falls among thorns; to-morrow it drops into a fertile soil, and in the
end fruit, sixty and a hundred-fold, will not be wanting. But then a
laborer in this kingdom, since it often has to do with the wants and
wishes of governments, or the peculiarities of states, will be drawn by
necessity to take part in secular affairs, to exert a direct influence
upon political life; yet he durst not swerve from those fundamental
principles, which must guide his course; he cannot sacrifice the higher
calling to the lower. That in the bosom of the Reformer, along with the
peaceful review of all his labors and sufferings for evangelical
liberty, such a consciousness may have awakened, in the last year of
his life, some regret in regard to certain events in his political
career, is quite probable from the deep seriousness and melancholy,
which we observe in him at this period, as well as from the fervor with
which he cast himself into the arms of the Supreme Disposer of all
human destinies. He was not at all angry, when reminded of the duty of
forbearance and love, whenever he perceived that the exhortation came
from a heart that wished him well. To the end of his life he continued
on friendly terms with Valentine Tschudi, his successor in Glarus, who,
though cherishing all honor toward his former beloved teacher, did not
approve of his frequent rough manner of proceeding, and without fear
reminded him of the patience and mildness required by the Gospel. At
this very time, when Zwingli was powerfully urging the use of
compulsory measures against the Five Cantons, Tschudi wrote to him:
"There is an old proverb, dearest teacher, 'So many heads, so many
minds.' If from this source discord often arises about trifles, need we
wonder, should it become yet more violent, where the most important
matters are concerned? In a time, when the most learned are at their
wits' end, I do not believe, like many others, that we should fan their
passions into a general blaze by always accusing our enemies, but that
the more care should be taken, lest we slide from the common foundation
of our faith--love. Here only can we stand firm; all else is wavering,
dependent on accidental circumstances, as all earthly things are. I
cannot understand, how, though the old building be so rotten, we can
erect a new one, solely on the foundation of the letter, without love,
without the communion of saints. How many congregations did there not
formerly flourish in Asia, in Africa, in Greece? What became of them,
when their leaders quarrelled, when under the mask of science, ambition
arose, and like Icarus, would soar with waxen pinions toward the sun?
Human science is one thing; wisdom, kindled by the breath of God,
another; and that is love. I see this love forsaking even the most
learned, and in its stead appear indifference toward God; contempt of
authority, a trampling upon law and judgment, a life of ungovernable
passion. Exert your utmost strength, honored teacher, to prevent it
from vanishing altogether. The mere knowledge of the Word cannot
protect us, if every one is allowed to interpret it as he pleases, if
the spirit of concord, the Holy Spirit does not dwell in them, who use
it. The generosity, which breathes through your last letter, and of
which in earlier days I received so many proofs, deserves my warmest
thanks. It may easily happen, that I will yet be obliged to take refuge
with one of my friends; for some are angry at my slow progress, and
others at my slight disposition, to apologize for the old order. But I
cannot abstain from aiding the weak and comforting distressed
consciences. I will rather endure reproach for too much lenity, than
render the breach incurable by untimely violence. Little salvation as I
expect from ceremonies and external acts, I look for just as little in
science also, until the spirit of concord return to our bosoms, and its
peaceful culture be made possible. Indeed drag-chains even can become
indispensable to the wagon, when it rolls in its rushing course down
toward the abyss. God be with us! May his Spirit lead us into a secure
haven! Do all that in thee lies, to attain this end."
But what could Zwingli do in the circumstances by which he was
surrounded? To hold back the wagon, or to guide it, was no longer in
his power. A higher Hand had already seized the reins, to direct it
according to a plan, which, though dark and mysterious to the men of
that age, succeeding generations, who are able to see all the events in
their connection, have learned to admire for its wisdom. We again draw
near one of those periods in the lives of nations, when everything must
be ventured for the cause of truth and liberty, the rights of
conscience preserved by death, past errors atoned for by a glorious
expiation, and the censure of posterity disarmed by the magnitude of
the sacrifice.
The Reformer continued firm as a rock. About the end of August he wrote
to Conrad Som of Ulm, after giving some notice of the appearance of the
comet: "I stand unshaken prepared for everything, seeking my help in
God." He heard without alarm, how people in one place were terrified by
monstrous births, and how in another reports were afloat concerning
portentous signs, a shield and banner seen in the sky; ships manned by
spirit-warriors crossing Lake Luzern; and the shooting of guns by
night, that wakened from slumber the neighbors on the Reuss. Ulric
Meier, _vogt_ of Schenkenberg, wrote to him a long letter, telling how
the inhabitants of an entire parish, he himself, the preachers and a
proprietor of that district, had seen blood ooze from the earth, after
a stormy night, more dreadful than any he had ever before witnessed; he
gave him this accurate information, so that he might not believe, if
others should tell him yet worse things; and had written moreover to
the government of Bern. Whether God had spoken, or whether it was
delusion or magic, may perhaps be discovered hereafter. But why should
stories like these, which undoubtedly produced a fearful commotion in
the trembling multitude, daunt him, who was fixed in his faith, his
action, his purpose--reconciled even to the assurance of an early
death? One thing alone could cause him pain--the thought of leaving
behind his wife and children, a growing family, destined perchance to
feel the consequences of every change of fortune. He desired for them
an easier life, than he had led; that they might not sink before their
time beneath a load of trouble and toil. "Spare your young folks," he
wrote to Berchtold Haller and Megander of Bern; "they, who are now
fairer than milk, redder than roses, should not stalk along pale,
withered, bloodless, with corpselike faces, slain in their bloom by the
unnatural severity of excessive toil? My shoulders are not granted to
you all. I trust in God, such times will not last forever. Spare
yourselves also. The future needs you; for what will remain, if all the
good die?"