Switzerland. In the countries favorable to the Reformation, the people
were more violent, excited and difficult to rule and satisfy. Freedom
of inquiry, of thought, had been applied to political as well as
theological matters. If it was boldly proclaimed from the pulpit: 'The
kingdom of the Pope is not of God, because he lays upon us unnatural
restraint, loads our consciences and makes us carry unnecessary
burdens,' the transition was easy to the question: 'Shall the rule of
the prince draw the skin over our ears at his own caprice?' Only
two remedies for this evil were available in monarchical countries;
either wisdom and moderation on the part of the princes themselves--a
paternal government, according to the demands and in the spirit of the
Gospel--or, where the rulers, as was yet frequently the case, were not
qualified or able to achieve this, a revival of the doctrine of passive
obedience--subjection in worldly things, as Luther maintained it. It is
clear, that to uphold this doctrine in a republic was a more difficult
task, and we have already shown, that Zwingli could not be numbered
among its advocates. On the political arena the difference between his
reformation and that of Luther began to grow more and more visible, and
so hateful did the former become, that the _Landgrave_ of Hesse even
was obliged to come back again toward Luther, and exhort Zwingli to
greater prudence and caution, especially after a saying of Erasmus had
found its way to the ears of the nobles, that the design was to bring
in democracy under the cloak of the Gospel.
Meanwhile the Emperor Charles had arrived in Germany and opened the
Imperial Diet at Augsburg in person, in the summer of 1530. Here they,
who were supposed to favor Zwingli's views, were in very ill repute.
"On all sides," Jacob Sturm wrote to him, "we are suspected, as though
we were hatching with foreign nations some marvellously dangerous plot
for the overthrow of the Emperor and the Empire; yea, we are regarded
as open rebels. Thou knowest how thoroughly false this is; yet there
are some who, therefore, wish also to hear nothing about our articles
of faith, because, they say, the report goes;[7] that some of us have
boasted, that we have provisions, arms and soldiers enough, not only to
repel force with force, but also to invade the territory of our
neighbors. There are those who affirm that we have already portioned
out among ourselves the ecclesiastical principalities, before the
victory, and I know not what other follies. In short, the Papists, and
even those who otherwise have declared themselves for the Gospel, act
against us here, openly and secretly, so that our destruction would be
decided on, if it only depended on them. If the Lord himself does not
pity us, does not stand by innocence and truth, then will our mighty
and raging foes yet devour us alive. No one defends us more than the
_Landgrave_, and even he does not venture to do it publicly, but only
to advocate our cause in narrower circles. To us, ears and access are
completely closed; we are crippled in all our members. From an appeal
in person, or from thy servants here, whom thou couldst entrust with
the Gospel, there is nothing to hope; should circumstances meanwhile
take a more favorable turn, I will send you word." And yet the
_Landgrave_ of Hesse, in a special conference with the Emperor, had
fearlessly defended himself and his friends, without however giving
among them the name of Zwingli, a confession of faith from whose hand
had just then reached Augsburg, and was viewed with the greatest
displeasure. The ingenious Switzer had woven into it some passages of a
political nature, which, though cautiously done, in his opinion, could
not but produce an unfavorable impression in the Imperial Court, as it
then stood. It contains among other things: "I well know that the
ruler, chosen or appointed in a lawful manner, occupies the place of
God, no less than the priest; but as the priest should be a minister of
heavenly wisdom and goodness, to defend the faith and bring errors to
light, so also should the ruler be a minister of divine goodness and
justice; goodness, in that he listens to and cares for his subjects
with fidelity and self-sacrifice, like God; justice, in that he holds
in check the impious and wicked and protects the innocent. If he does
this, then he preserves a quiet conscience, and has indeed nothing to
fear; if he does it not, and thus surrounds himself with fear and
terror, I cannot think that his conscience will be idle, only because
he has been chosen, or placed there, constitutionally. Yet, for my
part, I believe that a Christian should obey such a tyrant until the
opportunity is offered, of which Paul speaks: 'Canst thou make thyself
free? then delay not.' But this opportunity will be pointed out to him
by God alone, not by man, and that not doubtfully, but as clearly and
plainly, as when Saul was rejected and David chosen his successor." It
is easy to see, that, amid the universal excitement then prevailing,
language like this, so unusual in documents laid before the Imperial
Diet, as well as him who employed it, would be styled dangerous. More
than ever did Charles and his brother Ferdinand, King of Hungary,
withdraw their favor from the Reformed party and incline toward the
Catholics. But just in proportion as Zwingli was convinced, that the
number and hatred of his enemies in the German Empire were increasing,
his own earlier dislike to France and fear of an alliance with her,
appear to have essentially diminished. Already, in the secret political
conferences held at Marburg, he directed his attention to that country,
and it may indeed have been through a French channel, that a portion of
the news concerning the transactions of the Emperor in Spain and Italy,
especially with the Roman See, reached there. Still the French monarch,
Francis I., was not at all friendly to the Reformation. In his own
kingdom he tried to keep it down by force. His queen, a sister of
Charles V., did much to strengthen this feeling. Just at that time
letters from her brother at Augsburg, full of bitter complaints against
the spirit of the Protestants, so hostile to all civil and
ecclesiastical rule, were received in France. But what the King was not
willing to suffer in his own dominions, he beheld not without secret
pleasure in those of his envied and hated rival, for so he always
considered the Emperor, in spite of all ties of relationship. Out of
policy, therefore, in order to weaken the power of Austria, he
supported the German Protestants; and out of policy his envoys in
Switzerland, Dangerant, _seigneur de Boisrigault_ and Maigret,
_seigneur de Villequoy_, sought access even to Zwingli. With Maigret it
appears to have been equally a matter of spiritual interest; for he was
inclined to the Gospel and in after life became a decided Huguenot.
We have seen how Zurich, as well as the other cantons, was formerly
kept back from entering into a closer alliance with France chiefly
through Zwingli's efforts. It is remarkable to observe now a total
change in his views. Let us not condemn him unjustly, but hear him once
more tell his own story. The true picture of the event will show that
apparent inconsistency only sprang from an abiding enthusiasm, in
behalf of the one great idea, to which he had consecrated his life.
"The ambassadors of the King of France," he writes to Jacob Sturm,
"have asked me for an opinion, as to how the power of the Emperor might
be broken, or circumscribed, which I have written out in Latin; I had
refused it twice, and only when they applied the third time, sent it to
them with the knowledge of the Privy Council. It is now (Feb. 28th,
1530) the seventh day since Collin was despatched with it to the French
embassy. I cannot tell whether my paper will be sent along with the
messenger to the King or not." This document was in the form of a
letter, addressed to the cities of the Christian _Buergerrecht_. "It is
a known fact," so it begins, "that in former centuries no kings and no
people offered a more steady resistance to the overgrown power and
tyranny of the Roman Emperor than the most Christian kings of France
and the people of Helvetia. Through them, not only their own liberties,
but those also of other princes, nations and cities have been
maintained. Hence this alliance of powers--the greater one of France
and the lesser of the Confederates (which latter are not able by
themselves to sustain so great a war) cannot be dissolved without
injury to the cause of universal freedom. This the kings of France have
always kept in view. And, although at present the Five Cantons continue
to stand aloof from the cities of the Christian _Buergerrecht_, and
this in fact does not the less grieve the King of France, than if (God
forbid!) his two sons were at variance, still he preserves the feelings
and the policy of his ancestors, who valued the friendship and
attachment of no people more than that of the Confederates. Hence, if
he cannot effect a treaty with all Switzerland, on account of the
above-mentioned schism, he is yet at least willing to conclude one with
the cities of the Christian _Buergerrecht_, as well as those cantons,
which are not distant in their views, namely, with Glarus, Solothurn,
Appenzel and the Toggenburgers; and it shall be of such a character,
that even the Zurichers, who would not join the one concluded several
years ago, can no longer have any reason to stand aloof, because it
contains no articles contrary to the Divine law. For this purpose it
shall also be submitted beforehand to the theologians and preachers of
the Gospel in the Confederacy, since it is the dearest wish of the most
Christian King himself, that the Gospel shall be maintained in its
purity." The chief articles proposed by Zwingli are the following:
Twenty years for the duration of this alliance, whose special duty it
shall be to defend the Christian religion, and that against every man
who may assail it, without exception. If one of the two parties is
disturbed, because it has received the Gospel or for other reasons,
then the other shall send aid at the first call; should it, on the
contrary, make the attack, then authority is given, to help only, if
the reasons of the attack be found lawful. The troops of the cities in
the service of the king shall be paid by him. If they desire help, then
the king shall send whatever of cavalry and guns the treaty calls for,
at his own cost. The articles of the Perpetual Peace, already existing
with France, are to continue likewise in full force.
In a private letter sent to his near acquaintance, Maigret, along with
this scheme, Zwingli also proposed, if the King would consent, to open
the alliance to the _Landgrave_ of Hesse, who, though "a young man, was
yet prudent far beyond his years, magnanimous and resolute," and said
there would be no reason either to regret the admission of the Duke of
Wuertemburg, "who, though driven from his country, was living in exile,
but with a stout heart, and possessed of uncommon abilities, in union
with ripe experience; and I may do much also among other cities near
the borders of Switzerland. This I now say to thee, only in
confidence."
It is evident that the Reformer had made himself familiar with the idea
that his scheme would not be presented to the King in such a form.
Indeed, how could the ambassadors have dared even to send it? The very
form of the scheme--Zwingli venturing to speak in the name of the King,
and demand, moreover that the public act, to be issued by him and the
council of his own canton, should be first subjected to the censorship
of certain preachers--would very probably have appeared to Francis
extremely arrogant. For the Gospel he cared nothing. His heart was set
upon Lombardy, for the possession of which he had already waged two
wars with Charles. But to carry out his plans there, he needed the aid
of the Swiss, and hence the allusion to a division amongst them in the
scheme would have ensured it an unfavorable reception. Some days
afterward, Zwingli received written notice from both the ambassadors,
that the time had not yet come to entertain propositions of this
nature. Dangerant used such ambiguous language as to leave it doubtful
whether he anticipated similar communications in the future, or wished
to ridicule the whole affair. Maigret, who was well-disposed, remained
in constant intercourse with the Reformer, and, at a later period,
seems to have made a generous use of a sojourn of several months in
France, to kindle there a more friendly feeling on his behalf, of which
indeed there was great need.[8] He it was, who, after his return to
Switzerland, exhorted Zwingli to develope the substance of his
religious doctrines in a personal letter to the French King, in the
hope, that by this means much of the prejudice of that monarch against
them might be removed. The Reformer consented. In June of the last year
of his life, the writing was finished and sent to Paris, where it is
still extant in the Royal Library, a striking monument of firm faith,
as well as noble candor. As before, against the Emperor, he also speaks
against the French King in regard to political matters. Here we can
only quote the beautiful passage, which, though little apprehended in
that age, and even violently censured by Luther, shows in the most
vivid manner, how for he stood above his century, and how thoroughly he
was penetrated by the conviction that Christianity is designed to be
the universal religion--the kingdom of God, which must embrace all, who
have an honest will. "I believe," says he, "that the souls of the
faithful in Christ, as soon as they have torn themselves loose from the
earthly hull, rise to heaven, enter into closer union with the Godhead
and enjoy an eternal happiness. Here, most Christian King, thou durst
hope, if only like a David, a Hezekiah, a Josiah, thou hast made a wise
use of the power, which God has entrusted to thee, to see Him in his
essence, his form, in his almightiness and goodness, to become the
partaker of the fruits of his blessing, not scantily, but to full
satisfaction; yet not to that satiety which produces disgust, but that
which, in blissful fulness, like the streams that roll everlastingly
down to the sea and out of the pores of the earth renew themselves
again, water the landscape, cover it with smiles and adorn it with a
rich growth of flowers. The happiness, which we enjoy, will be without
end, can never be exhausted, for no weariness comes there; it is ever
new and ever the same. Then durst thou also hope to be taken yonder
into the communion, the society, the confidence of all, who, from the
beginning of the world, have led holy, wise, believing, steadfast,
brave and righteous lives. There wilt thou find the two Adams, the
saved and the Savior, Abel, Enoch, Noah, Abraham, Isaac, Jacob, Judah,
Moses, Joshua, Gideon, Samuel, Phineas, Elijah, Elisha, Isaiah, and the
God-bearing Virgin of whom he prophesied, David, Hezekiah, Josiah, John
the Baptist, Peter and Paul; there also Hercules, Theseus, Socrates,
Aristides, Antigonus, Numa, Camillus, the Catos and the Scipios; there
Louis the Pious, and thy forefathers, the Louises, Philips, Pepins, as
many of whom as walked by faith. In fine, never has there been a noble
man, never has there existed a pure spirit, a true heart from the
beginning of the world till its end, whom thou wilt not find there,
enjoying communion with the Father."
Let us now turn back to the Five Cantons. The _Landfriede_ had operated
to their prejudice, as compared with their Reformed Confederates. Still
they strove in general to enforce its provisions, but according to that
interpretation, which, at the conclusion of the treaty, they had put
upon certain ambiguous articles. Special conferences among themselves,
and with other co-religionists were not at all abandoned; but neither
was this the case on the side of the Reformed. Yet when they met for
the transaction of private business, the voice of moderation,
especially in the beginning, was not seldom heard. Thus, at a meeting
in Altorf, toward the end of August, 1529, Uri declared with warmth,
"that, if any one of the Five Cantons were attacked contrary to the
Peace, she would pledge life and property for its defence, but that in
several cantons unbecoming language was used, and sundry markings done
with badges (fir-twigs upon their hats), which was improper and a
violation of the _Landfriede_; this they wished to maintain, and hence
did not approve of such things, and it is their friendly request,
that every canton will see it put away from among its people, though
they have done it; for if war should come on account of such reasons
above-named, she would promise nothing, and would feel bound to render
no aid; the Emperor in the meantime should not be written to." A month
later, at a another conference in Brunnen, Zug, in whose midst vehement
passions were still alive, was warned in a similar strain, and "the
deputy told of the unbecoming words which they used, that they should
be put away, lest confusion might arise therefrom;" and again at
Brunnen, in the beginning of the year following, it was resolved, that
"words of reviling and abuse be put away, since they can lead to
nothing good." They, who were guilty of these offences, were, for the
most part, proud, insolent partisan leaders, dreaded on account of
their lawless character and warlike propensities, or else, head-strong
young men, sons of politicians and distinguished councillors, and hence
it was the more difficult to apply a remedy. The Zurichers declared
themselves little satisfied with fines, or the imprisonment of some
poor fellow or obscure hot-head, dragged out of an ale-house, when, on
the other hand, in a large company, in presence of distinguished
members of the Reformed party, a man like Captain Sh[oe]nbrunner of Zug
was allowed to read, with ill-concealed malice, a dirty libel in which
Zwingli was accused of unnatural excesses and a loathsome disease; but,
on complaining bitterly of this, they only received the answer: "Our
Lords have told Henry Sh[oe]nbrunner, that his conduct does not please
them." It was not the abusive language of an obscure individual, which
created such a stir, but that of an influential man, one who, a short
time before, had been sent to the Imperial Diet at Augsburg and there
honored with a personal interview by King Ferdinand, the Emperor's
brother.