more rude and independent: "That I"--he wrote--"have reviled the Twelve
Cantons, is, honorable Lords, unjustly charged against me; but that I
would expose the practices of Faber, who can justly blame me for that?
Faber himself could not stand, if he would visit me in the place, where
we have pledged sufficient security to Eck and him. That more words of
scandalous abuse stick in me than words of Holy Writ and truth, I must
allow you to say. You, the Five Cantons, have proclaimed me a heretic
before all the conferences or disputations, which cannot be made out,
though I should not stand up to answer you. If there be real, genuine
desire to learn the Word of God in truth, we must not attempt it with
_courtesans_, the whole Papacy and such dishonest people, who like Eck
have spoken so scandalously in regard to an estimable Confederacy. That
I have often been blamed by you for lying, falsehood and deceit, I must
likewise commend to God. But I do indeed think, if this letter of your
deputies were read at home before the Twelve Cantons, the smaller
number would be pleased with it. Pardon me, dear Lords, I also know in
part how things went at the Diet."
"Since then, it is your opinion, that my Lords ought to thrust me aside
and the like, I tell you, they are too pious for that; because they
know well that you first assailed me and so often, that I was obliged
on their account to write, for the preservation of God's Word, their
honor and my own. It seems to me, that your faith is but ill kept
toward my Lords and me; (forgive me, gracious Lords) though heretical
opinions are tolerated in the pulpits of several cantons, I must keep
silence in mine, and their honest people, when they do business among
you, are often and disgracefully abused, and there is no punishment or
redress."
"Finally, you say, if my Lords do not cast me off, you will take
occasion to make known at Zurich, before the city and the canton, what
you have suffered from them and me; to which I answer: If the Articles
of Confederation would permit, I would be willing that you, my Lords,
and I should freely explain how matters have been going, not only
before the communities of my Lords, but before all the people of the
entire Confederacy. But since this may not be, do you keep to the
Articles of Confederation and your own communities, and leave the
communities of my Lords in peace; for if you were to come before them,
there is no doubt they would give you in their simplicity, in all honor
and fairness, as good and earnest answers as my Lords themselves. In
regard to these things, gracious Lords, O that for God's sake you were
willing to go into yourselves and not always act in a passion!"
Of course, language of this kind was not just calculated to calm the
minds of his opponents, and could not but wound deeply the pride of the
Five Cantons, who were implacable enough without it. It appeared the
more intolerable to them, because they regarded themselves as
conquerors, yea if they could only agree, in a certain measure, the
second authors and founders of the Old Confederacy, that held fast to
the faith and customs of their ancestors. Nearly all the Confederate
deputies in Baden happened to belong also to the friends of the Old
Order, and particularly the ambassador from Bern, Caspar von Muelinen.
Their agreement in opinion gave assurance to the cantons, who now
undertook to publish the acts of the disputation. It is probable that
this was not done without the consent of the remaining deputies, with
the exception perhaps of Adelberg Meier. Leaving Basel out of view, in
Bern, Glarus, Schaffhausen, Appenzell and partly even in Solothurn, the
confidence in the Five Cantons was not so strong as among the deputies
of these states at the Diet, and when they brought home a report of the
proceedings in Baden, a very decided feeling was manifested among the
councils and people. Our attention must now be directed chiefly to
Basel and Bern.
In Basel, the higher classes, with but few exceptions, were unfavorable
to the Reformation. The bishop and the chapter of the Cathedral
exercised considerable influence. The University also, in the greater
part of its members, was not the least inclined to the new dogmas and
forms. [OE]colampadius, who, a short time before, had become a
professor there, stood nearly isolated among his colleagues, especially
since Pellican (Conrad Kuersner), former teacher of the Hebrew
language, his tried friend and companion in the faith, had accepted
a call to Zurich. Erasmus, startled from his proud and comfortable
ease--summoned from his student's chamber, whence he was accustomed to
lord it over the learned world, to conflicts before turbulent
assemblies of the people, began to exhibit more and more dislike toward
this revolutionary agitation. When he met [OE]colampadius, to whom he
had before shown much good-will, on the street, he turned away from him
with an aversion, which he did not strive to conceal. It is true, he
disdained also to take part in the dark doings of the monks, those
heresy-hunters of the Roman See; but appears to have seen, not without
pleasure, the quarrel, then already rising between the Reformers
themselves, touching the doctrine of the Lord's Supper, and used it so,
as to decide in favor of no party, read lectures to all, and maintain
as long as possible his former superior position over against them. His
correspondence, indeed, all his connection with Zwingli had ceased. But
the latter had to experience something still more severe in the
behavior of Glareanus, the first and warmest friend of his youth. As
late as the first Religious Conference in Zurich he had expressed to
Zwingli his joy and approval of the result, and for a time took his
part with Erasmus. Now he turned away from the Reformers more decidedly
than the old theologian himself, became more and more violent in his
enmity to them and their cause, and like Erasmus, though two months
earlier, left Basel, which had become hateful to him, in order to
settle as an academical teacher in the still Catholic University at
Freiburg, in the Breisgau.[7] In the Small Council there was a
minority, few in numbers, with Adelberg Meier at their head, in favor
of reform; in the Great Council the number was larger, but also a
minority. Among the burghers, on the other hand, the party of
[OE]colampadius increased daily. To this, his behavior at Baden, which
drew praises even from his opponents, contributed no little. The
fluctuating opinions, in regard to the doctrine of the Lord's Supper,
had caused him, previous to the Conference at Baden, to make known his
view on the subject in a special work. The Council forbade its
publication, because nothing so stirred up the passions of men like
this. But now, since the matter had been publicly handled by him, in
the Religious Conference, there was no longer any reason to keep it
back from the press. Sent forth by one of the most famous professors in
the University, contradicted by none of his colleagues,[8] it came to
be looked upon in a certain measure as a confession of faith on the
part of the faculty. At the same time, also, [OE]colampadius, to the
great annoyance of his adversaries, succeeded in obtaining the
introduction of church-singing in German; for the government, in
accordance with the feeble advice of Erasmus, in answer to the question
as to how it should act amid the zeal for innovation breaking out on
all sides, adopted vacillating measures; to-day it suffered the
departure of individual monks and nuns from their cloisters; to-morrow,
in order to make such cases less frequent, it denied the rights of
citizenship to those who had gone out, and rendered the practice of any
worldly calling difficult; now it ratified episcopal laws, and then
arbitrarily abolished festival-days; in one church it supported the
celebration of the mass, in another allowed it to be abolished, so that
Basel was as good as given up by the Five Cantons. They refused the
Council there permission to examine the acts of the Religious
Conference at Baden before their publication, and on the 13th of July,
1526, resolved, in connection with Freiburg and Solothurn, to keep the
oath of confederation as little with Basel as with Zurich and St. Gall.
So determined were the Five Cantons, especially since the Conference
at Baden, only to acknowledge in the future those of their
Confederate-sisters as such, who would adhere along with them to the
former doctrines of the church. What authority they arrogated to
themselves in this respect over the others, is plainly visible in their
behavior toward Bern. Notwithstanding her repeated requests, the acts
of the Baden Conference were not communicated to her; her conduct was
subjected to severe censure, and it was resolved to send thither a
delegation to confirm the alliance by an oath; but only after the Great
Council and the consulting deputies of the districts had declared
solemnly beforehand, that Bern would not desert the Five Cantons in
matters of faith, yea, would even recall her former grant in favor of
the free interpretation of the Scriptures. Indeed, she was obliged to
draw up a sealed declaration to this effect. But with that even the
Five Cantons were not satisfied. "A command"--so it is enjoined in the
letters of their Conference at Luzern--"shall be given to our envoys at
the swearing of the treaty as to what more shall be said to our
Confederates at Bern, _which they shall indeed hear_." What this may
have been will become intelligible to us, when we have taken a nearer
view of the religious and political condition of Bern, as it then was.
From the earliest period of the Confederacy down, a mutual friendship
had existed between Bern and Zurich. In the old wars against Zurich,
when all the Confederates appeared in hostile array against her, Bern
had stood out for a long time; and at great sacrifice, had endeavored
to bring about a reconciliation, and was the first to reach out again
the hand of peace. She thankfully acknowledged the true help, which
Zurich had afforded her in the Burgundian wars. Not seldom was she
solicited to act as mediator, in disputes, which Zurich had with her
own subjects, and always discharged her commission with kindness and
honor. In the quarrels also with other states, arising in consequence
of the reforms in Zurich, she took no part in the hostile measures
contrived against her, and the insults offered to her ambassadors; on
the contrary, did all she could to preserve peace. But a short time
before the Conference at Baden, she had publicly declared: "Though our
dear Confederates of Zurich should not be willing to accept the
proposals of compromise drawn up by us, we have still unanimously
resolved neither to separate from them nor from our other allies, but
faithfully to adhere to all sworn treaties." This was the disposition
of the canton; this the policy of the government, which, among all the
Swiss states, was the least inclined perhaps to enter into religious
polemics and ecclesiastical movements. Political and warlike interests
prevailed with it; with the people, those of a material nature. Become
wealthy by agriculture, rejoicing in ease and prosperity, they felt
little need of subjecting their faith to trial, and had just as little
occasion to defend it at any great sacrifice. In spiritual matters they
stuck to their leaders, whose contrary views, especially since the
Conference at Baden, began to show a bolder antagonism. And yet it was
rather the external form than the inward substance, which they
regarded; the usages of the church, rather than the dogmas, which they
assailed; the dominion rather than the teachings of the priests,
against which they rose up. The mode of conflict was also different.
Teachers were closely watched; great caution enjoined on the preachers;
attacks on points of faith not suffered either in the pulpit or in
disputations; and yet, on the other hand, fully as much freedom of
speech prevailed in private life as in Zurich: the nuns of gentle birth
in K[oe]nigsfeld left their convent and married without hindrance, and
even the head of the priestly order, Provost Nicholas von Wattenweil,
had taken to wife Clara Mai, a Dominican sister of the Convent in the
Island. Amid storms of applause, the Banneret Manuel had allowed a play
to be performed publicly in the Street of the Cross by a young burgher,
in which the church authorities, the cardinals, the traffic of
indulgences and various ceremonies were held up to ridicule. The powers
then ruling had no special esteem for the Pope, and would not tolerate
the supremacy of any bishops, but just as little also the commanding
influence of a reformer. Such a state of things could not last long in
any case, but the very means, by which the Five Cantons hoped to
prevent the breach, led directly to it. These were their assumptions of
guardianship; their legations; their letters and strictures, on every
ordinance of the Council in Bern, which they did not like; the conduct
of their envoys at the swearing of the treaty in that place; their
request that the deputies of Zurich sent for this purpose might not be
admitted to witness the ceremony; their private conferences, to which
Bern also was not invited; their incessant appeals to that sealed
promise, which had been extorted only under the protests of many and to
the dissatisfaction of a large portion of the people, and lastly, their
threats to appear before the Bernese districts. Yet it was Thomas
Murner, who finally brought the matter to an issue. If Eck and Faber
were undoubtedly fitted by their noble external appearance--their
scientific and worldly training, to gain influence among the higher
classes, so was the barefooted monk not less the man, to work upon the
multitude: to inspire some with enthusiasm and rouse up others to
anger. We have seen with what dogmatical, cunning and rude language he
assailed, at Baden, not only Zwingli, but the Zurichers, and all the
adherents of the Reformer, to the great displeasure of many, especially
the Bernese. The publication of the Acts of the Disputation was now
committed to this man, by the government at Luzern. In compliance with
truth, it must be said, that he was guilty of no falsification; for the
printed copy agrees accurately with the manuscripts of the four
secretaries, which are still extant; but they would not believe this in
Basel or Bern, without comparing the documents, on account of the
violent assertions contained in other writings which he then published.
Among these, everything else was eclipsed by the so-called Libel
Almanac, whose appearance, with its vulgar wit, its coarse language and
its blood-thirsty spirit, was demanded by party-hatred. The almanac of
the Zurichers gave rise to its publication, because they had omitted
the names of the saints. Instead of these, those of the Reformers and
their most prominent adherents were now introduced under opprobrious
epithets, with printed caricatures alongside. It was issued in
Luzern--tinder the eyes of the government--and widely circulated. And
as the preachers and other respectable men of Bern were not spared in
it, the government demanded satisfaction--indeed united with that of
Zurich for this purpose. These two states were thus drawn nearer and
nearer together. The former appeared at the conferences instituted by
the latter in opposition to those of the Five Cantons, and when, on
Easter Tuesday of the year 1527, the election for the Councils arrived,
the friends of reform carried the day by a decisive victory. Some of
the most violent of their opponents were ousted from both Councils, and
several others, among whom was Caspar von Muelinen, before mentioned as
deputy at Baden, were obliged to go back from the Small to the Great
Council; but the question was put to all the districts of the Canton,
whether, in order to please the Five Cantons, they would adhere to that
forced resolution to alter nothing in matters of religion, which would
only lead to difficulty, and since it had been published, had produced
nothing but hate and discord? The number of persons in city and canton,
who were decidedly in favor of it, was small, and hence the ordinance
was issued by both Councils, that the free preaching of the Gospel
should be restored, exercised and protected, but that no changes should
be allowed in the use of the sacraments and churchly customs, except by
general consent and approbation.
But whilst these things were taking place in Bern, another storm was
brewing among the enemies of the Reformation at Zurich. Notwithstanding
all that had gone before, some were still found here, who secretly drew
pensions, and these in unison with the discontented clergy, formed a
dangerous party, whose hopes were newly revived by the result of the
Conference in Baden. To them Zwingli's opponents in the other cantons
silently turned, and the Reformer was threatened with a new battle. Let
us hear his own description of it, in a letter to his friends in Basel
and Strassburg: "For some time back, a great deal of movement, a
bustling and joyful assembling has been observed in the troop of our
Catilinarians,[9] as soon as the cause of the Gospel met with any
difficulty in the way. It was clear as sunlight that these people would
attempt the same thing, as those whose infamous deeds cannot be unknown
to you, who have read the writings of Cicero and Sallust. I confess,
that, when their speeches and actions more and more plainly betrayed
their plans hitherto concealed, I, on my part, began to sound the alarm
of treason. I succeeded also, in spite of the boldness and hypocrisy
with which they came out against me, in intimidating their fortress, in
undermining their walls. They believed that they had been unobserved. I
gave them to understand that this was not the case, and that I myself
could perhaps make a disclosure. It happened thus. I found myself,
without their knowledge, in possession of a certain letter, and had
gleaned besides something here and there. Hereupon the better portion
of the people, who desired to put an end to intrigues, succeeded so far
that a dictatorship was instituted, not indeed after the fashion of the
Romans, in the person of a single individual, but a commission of
twelve men, who received authority to apprehend and try. The
investigation begins. Much comes to light, some things important and
some not. Now, Grebel, the father of Conrad, the leader of the
Anabaptists, is beheaded. He, who stood in the highest consideration
amongst us, had received from the Emperor, the King of France and the
Pope more than 1000 gold-florins under pretence of benefits bestowed on
his son. Several escaped, for the gates were negligently guarded; one
on a cart, concealed under a load of rubbish and dung. Another, a
hunchbacked man, was put to the rack. The dictatorship and
investigation still continue. As for me, I exhort some to take example
from such a result, and others to aid in rooting up the evil."
The hatred of the defeated party, their friends and their followers,
may easily be imagined. But for once there was no prospect of a speedy
revenge. Several attempts on their behalf were made in the canton
without success. To Buelach, where something had been undertaken in
favor of the criminals, the government wrote: "We hear that you venture
to hold meetings on account of the punishments we have inflicted on the
disobedient and invite others thither. This sounds badly in face of
your solemn pledges, to give the go-by to all foreign lords. Cease from
such intrigues, or we will take the matter in hand for you with such
earnestness and boldness, that, with the help of God, we will become
your masters, and not you ours." Respect for the Reformer grew; his
influence began to spread widely, even, beyond the limits of the
canton.
After the narration of these events, we turn back again to the affairs
of Bern. The power of this state, the ideas, which were entertained of
the sagacity of its rulers, made it evident, that, just as the case was
decided here, so would it be in a good portion of the Confederacy. And
now, within the walls of Bern, Zurich and the Five Cantons had to fight
their next battle. They did it first by embassies; but whilst the
Zurichers deported themselves with modesty, the Five Cantons used
rough, domineering language, which found no approval even from those,
who otherwise were not well inclined toward the Reformation. But the
Bernese felt more and more sensibly the inconvenience arising from the
discord, which passed over from the sphere of religion into that of
their politics. Both parties longed for a decision. The proposal to
hold a religious conference of their own, met with growing favor. Both
parties counted on victory. The opponents of the Reformation grounded
their hopes on the issue of the Conference at Baden, and on the aid
promised them by Conrad Treger of Freiburg, Provincial of the
Augustines, who had some reputation for learning. Haller and his
friends turned their eyes to Zwingli. They did not rest until the
Council, which at first intended to restrict the invitation to the
Conference to narrower limits, had extended it to the whole
Confederacy. In the most anxious letters Haller entreated the Reformer
not to remain away. He Bent the theses drawn up by him and his
colleague, Francis Kolb, to Zwingli for revision, with the request to
have them printed in Zurich. The town-clerk of Bern did the same thing,
in the name of the Council. Zwingli promised, sent books and advice,
and spread the Bernese letters of invitation also among his friends in
Germany. "We have," Haller had written, "the wolf by the ears, but only
between door and hinge, and do not know how to deal with him.
Therefore, there is some hope among all good Christians here that thou
wilt come. Thou knowest what is now laid on Bern, and what great
scandal, scorn and shame would at once fall upon the Gospel and us, if
we should not prove sufficient for the task. The burgomaster Roist,
when he was last here, gave us to hope, that he would also come.
Have no fear of way-laying, our government will provide for your
safe-conduct. Believe me, many call for you. But others prophesy that
my Lords will not make much out of the disputation, and the last
disappointment will be greater than the first. Stand by me, or rather
undertake it thyself. I have written to [OE]colampadius, but do not
know whether he will come; he has answered that he would like Zwingli
to support us. _Summa_; He has bathed, (_gebadet_), thou shouldst lead
the bear-dance."[10]
Zurich had heard the resolution of the Bernese with great joy.
Immediately a public safe-conduct was made out for all travelers to
Bern, and attendance at the Conference recommended to all belonging to
the canton, especially to the priests, who had not yet joined in the
Reformation; but Zwingli, who had urgently begged for permission, was
commanded to go thither, and the learned Pellikan and Collin, along
with the preacher Megander, to assist him, all at the expense of the
government.