"Item, because the common people have been greatly disturbed in their

faith by the printers, and the books published by Luther or Zwingli and

their followers, it is our will, that no one shall print or keep such

books for sale in our cities, cantons and territories; and, when they

are seized on a colporteur, he shall be heavily punished; and whoever

has such books for sale and takes them to a merchant, the merchant

shall tear them to pieces, or throw them into the mire, and not be

accountable therefor. But such works as the Old and New Testament, the

Holy Gospels, the Bible and other Christian books of the twelve

Apostles and Saints, their lives and doctrines, may be bought and sold.

Item, whereas it is very plain that the poor common man who has been

everywhere subjected to restrictions of a hard and severe character, by

clerical prelates and convents, as well as by noble and plebeian

judges, in their restraints on marriage, their lowering of prices,

their rents and other feudal claims and privileges, and especially

among our bailiwicks and dependencies, which now highly grieves and

surprises us Confederates, and because, according to the terms of the

federal compact no one canton can break off from the others in its

rights, claims and privileges, and as in our bailiwicks collectively

abuses and grievances have been very much practised against the common

people, by the monasteries, nobles and judges, therefore, be it hereby

resolved, that we take measures to alleviate and pass judgment therein,

so that the poor common man may not be burdened by the lowering of

prices, and heavy ground-rents, and so severely bound, but that favor

and a remedy may be discovered. Item, in regard to the restraints on

marriage, that is, when a man takes a wife, and a woman a husband,

beyond the jurisdiction of his feudal lord, and the lord undertakes to

punish him therefor, it is our will and ordinance, that no one be so

punished, seeing that marriage is a sacrament, and every one should be

free in such a case. But whoever desires a partner, and is able to pay

a ransom, and procure his or her liberty, it shall not be refused, but

granted for a reasonable sum of money. Should the lord be too severe,

it shall be the duty of the magistrate, in every place and corner,

where it occurs, to mediate therein and settle it according to

equitable principles. Item, it shall be the bounden duty of every

convent to hand in to the authorities a faithful account of its

revenue, outlay, possessions and all its business. Item, although the

clergy have hitherto been free and exempt from all burdens and

incumbrances, and have so overawed the secular authorities with the ban

of excommunication, that they never dared to lay upon them taxes,

fines, school-money, customs, tolls, licenses, fees and other burdens,

yet as there is no foundation for this custom in the Holy Scriptures,

it having been introduced among simple Christian people by spiritual

laws of their own invention, so that they might not be loaded with the

same burdens; therefore, it is the will and purpose of our Lords and

rulers, that all priests, whether secular or belonging to the monastic

orders, shall share in all these, so that the common people may

continue obedient to the civil authorities, according to the Christian

rule; none of them shall oppose this, and it shall also be sent

everywhere in the city and canton. And, finally, we Confederates

reserve the right to add to, to take from, and to alter the articles

here drawn up, if, in the meantime, anything better be discovered, even

as our Confederacy stands responsible toward God and the world, and may

be praiseworthy, useful and honorable."

This long document, which Bullinger alone has preserved entire, we here

present with slight abbreviation, because it exhibits, in a manner more

lively than any description could, the position in the state then held

by the church, wherever the Reformation had not yet taken deep root.

Great defects were acknowledged by all the governments, and the will

was at hand to apply the remedy. But points of faith must be left

untouched. Hence, these were summed up in the introduction. On the

contrary, no special reverence is shown for the Pope and the higher

position assumed by the clergy; indeed, in several essential

particulars, a decided purpose is expressed to hold them in check, and

if necessary even to resist them. There is room to conjecture, that if

these articles had been carried into practice, they would have exerted

a powerful influence against the Reformation, so far, perhaps, as to

have confined it to Zurich, and even in the end to have suppressed it

here.

But the impossibility of this soon appeared. The Great Councils of

Bern, Solothurn and especially Basel durst no longer venture to enforce

the general enactments against the married clergy, for the maintenance

of rules of fasting and for the preservation of purgatory among the

doctrines of faith, whilst on the other side, wherever they still had

firm footing, the priesthood opposed all the articles, which would set

limits to their greediness and love of power. Hence the general

resolutions were not carried out, and only showed the more strongly the

inward weakness of the Papacy.

But already, before this time, the first inconsistency, to which

Zwingli himself was obliged to submit, came to the aid of his

opponents. He had declared that the Gospel was able to endure any

trial; that to prove the right and utter the results of his examination

should be free to every one, and as he claimed this right in full

measure for himself, he, for his part, denied it to no other man. Yet

the State did this, and Zwingli fell in with the measure. As early as

January, 1523, the following ordinance was published: "Masters Ulric

Zwingli and Henry Utiger of the Canons, and Master Henry Walder and

Master Binder of the Councils, are appointed to inspect everything

which shall be printed in the city of Zurich, and the printer shall be

informed and command given him, to undertake to print nothing without

their knowledge and approval." Thus, the censorship of the press,

which, till now, had only been exercised by the bishops and the Pope,

was introduced by the State, by a republican state, and at a time when

this state was subjecting the exclusive, established faith, to every

kind of investigation. Whence this inconsistency? It did not spring

from the Reformer, but only from the unavoidable necessity of his age,

in which the capability of judging had not yet penetrated the mass of

the people.[6]

This was immediately perceived and made use of by the Papacy. Her

skillful orators did not in the least blame the censorship of the press

in Zurich, but thought it very judicious; but, "why then," asked they,

"do you attack us for restrictions and watchfulness, when you

yourselves cannot do without them? To-day you declare faith shall be

free, that it can sustain any trial, and to-morrow suppress the

writings of those who will not prove it in your way. Truly, like us,

you need an authoritative creed. Only with us the old Church gives the

command, with you the new Zwingli. This is very far from being a

sufficient reason to induce us to go over to your party." What adequate

reply can be made? In fact the time had not yet come, when the

Reformation could stand by its own strength; the distinguished man

alone sustained it. In this, lies the reason why Zwingli was

indispensable to Zurich--in this the secret of his power in the State

as well as the Church.

Also aware of this, the defenders of the Old Order were more and more

convinced, that its maintenance or new establishment in the

Confederacy, could only become possible, if they succeeded in putting

Zwingli to silence, and for the attainment of this end they mustered

all their powers. Hence, an offer from Doctor Eck, of Ingolstadt, known

through his earlier famous disputation with Luther, and mentioned

before in the beginning of this work, to come personally to Switzerland

and do battle with the Reformer, was very welcome to the leaders of

this party. As soon as Zwingli heard of it, he wrote to this champion

and invited him to Zurich: here he could attack him and point out to

his hearers, who needed it most, the errors of their teacher. "It is

time," he concludes, "for me to leave off, if I have been a false

prophet. But rather would I find out a way, if there be time, to

prevent thee from deceiving the poor people with thy imposture. May God

have pity on thee, take away thy stony heart and give thee one so warm,

that one can write to thee with joy!" The Council of Zurich also sent

an invitation to Eck, along with a letter of safe-conduct, pledging him

a safe passage through the canton, coming and going. Eck declined it

with the remark, that he must appear wherever the diet would appoint.

The latter, after manifold negotiations with the bishops, after a final

weighing of the different views of the governments themselves,

resolved, in March of the year 1526, to accept the offer of Eck, to

whom the general-vicar Faber had joined himself, and assemble a

religious conference at Baden, in the middle of October. To these

preparatory consultations and to the sessions of the diet Zurich had

not been invited for a long time. In vain had she complained of it. But

now she received a cold letter, almost hostile in its tone, from her

sister-confederates, of which the following are the essential contents:

"It cannot be concealed from you, that for a good while there has been

much talk of a disputation. Transactions of this sort have not at all

been displeasing and repugnant to your feelings heretofore. Well! Now

we are to act for a final restoration of peace. Require Zwingli and his

associates to appear here along with your deputies, and thus show

yourselves as those, who would willingly suffer discord, ill-will and

disturbance to be put away, and themselves be taught what is better."

It is easy to imagine, that, on such an invitation, Zurich found the

matter worthy of more mature consideration before she could accept.

The government had undoubtedly begun and proceeded, without heeding the

frequent prayers and warnings of her Confederates, in a thorough work

of reformation within the limits of her own canton; beyond these she

had neither exercised, nor sought to exercise, a direct ecclesiastical

influence. What she had done, was in strict accordance with her rights;

no law of the Confederation had been violated by her. And yet the

confederates continued to assume more and more the attitude of judges

over her. When the deputies from the Zurich Council appeared in the

midst of the diet, at the close of the discussion in regard to the

conference at Baden, they were excluded, called in again, if they

thought fit to come, not asked for their opinion, and simply informed

of what had been determined without their assistance, and what they

were now expected to carry into execution. In the same form, a

knowledge of these decrees was a second time communicated to the

government. The doctrines of Zwingli were styled heretical beforehand,

and he was charged with being the author of sedition; then it was

resolved: "It is not our will that any changes be made in the faith,

and, as dutiful members, we have no thought of sundering ourselves from

the Holy Church; but in order that Zwingli may be obliged to leave off

his seditious teachings in our Confederacy, and the common people in

some measure redeemed from error and rendered peaceful, we make

arrangements for the disputation."

After such a declaration, what was the part demanded of the free state

of Zurich? That she should appear in the circle of her confederate

sisters in the attitude of a poor sinner; take back whatever she had

established after mature trial; seize the Reformer and arraign him

before an inquisition, by which he had already been prejudged as a

heretic. And then what anxiety, what memories connected themselves with

Baden, the place of the conference? It stood in close dependence on the

most embittered cantons. The majority of its own citizens were hostile

to the Reformation. Here, a short time before, the blood of the men of

Stammheim and Burkhard Ruetiman had been shed by an unrighteous

sentence, out of mere religious hatred and in violation of pledges;

from thence, the same year, Nicolas Hottinger, of whom we have already

spoken, had been delivered up to Luzern, to fall by the sword, in spite

of all the intercessions of the Zurich government. The principles of

the Romish Church in regard to those, whom she esteemed heretics, were

well known. It had been openly declared by several, and believed by

many, that they were not bound to keep faith with such persons. Just

about this time, (December 11, A. D. 1525), Pope Clement VII., to whom

the Zurichers had sent the Secretary Am Gruet, to collect the arrears

due for military services, wrote thus: "If you do not forsake your new,

ungodly errors, how can you expect us to satisfy these claims, lawful

as they may be, without going counter to righteousness and the fear of

God, since that cannot be justly allowed to heretics, which they have

inherited from their forefathers?" In Freiburg, Zwingli's writings were

burnt, and his effigy in Luzern. Several states had given orders to

seize him, wherever he could be found. His brother-in-law, Leonard

Tremp, wrote to him from Bern: "As you value your life, take care you

go not to Baden; for no safe-conduct will be observed in your case;

that I know." Can the government of Zurich be blamed for not wantonly

exposing the man, in whose existence the entire development of its

political and religious life was closely bound up?

And yet, when we see how the Messiah, whose Gospel the Reformer

proclaimed, delivered himself up to the unjust judges; when we read his

declaration: "Whoso loveth his life shall lose it;" when we hear Martin

Luther say, as he began his journey to Worms; "And, if there were

as many devils there, as tiles on the houses, I will yet go," and

see him step forth courageously before the wrathful monarch and the

empire;--indeed we might almost wish that Zwingli had not declined the

challenge to battle, nor given his enemies occasion to triumph, and cry

out to all the world that he did not dare to defend his own cause.

[OE]colampadius, who, sent by his government, had appeared there with

unflinching courage, wrote to him from Baden: "Elsewhere than here, on

the field of battle, we cannot meet these our opponents with befitting

energy. Mere writing is not sufficient. Thou wilt expose thyself to

danger, as is the case with us all. Yet perhaps thou knowest more than

I. Do as thou thinkest best for the Gospel of Christ, to whom our life,

as much or as little of it as still remains, alone belongs."

Not for one moment did Zwingli falter in the path, which he had marked

out for himself. Though his faith continued firm and strong till the

hour of his death, still there lay also in his character a spirit of

worldly prudence, which rendered intolerable the thought of becoming a

sacrifice to the craft of his opponents, who, instead of honoring his

courage, would rather perhaps have laughed at him as a credulous dupe,

in their joy over the success of their unworthy plan. The author of

this work will neither justify, nor blame him on this account. His duty

is, to present a faithful picture of the great man, leaving the reader

to form his own judgment. But let us hear a few passages touching this

point, from a long letter of his to the government of Bern, which had

urged Zurich to accept the invitation to take part in the Conference:

"I beseech you, wise and pious Lords, in the most pressing manner, to

have my answer to your letter, which was sent to my Lords, but had

reference to myself, read aloud and weighed with earnest and mature

consideration; for I am not all opposed to, but in favor of a

disputation. It is only the place that I cannot abide, and these are my

reasons: No place stands open to me, since the cantons of Luzern, Uri,

Schwytz, Unterwalden and Zug have the supremacy; for the aforenamed

cantons have called me a heretic, summoned me to appear before them,

rejected my doctrines, burnt my books and reviled me without any

hearing whatever. It is a manifest pre-judgment. They themselves

confess, that the disputation was only planned, in order to silence

Zwingli. This is also a pre-judgment. As the aforenamed cantons have

commanded me to be taken prisoner, how could I trust their

safe-conduct? In the safe-conduct itself there is a proviso, that every

one must behave agreeably to that safe-conduct; a common article where

there is no danger; but it would not be enough for me at Baden; for

just as soon as I would say: 'The Pope is Antichrist'--just so soon

would they cry out against me, that I had forfeited my safe-conduct.

Then, the Five Cantons, along _with Faber and Eck_, have made

arrangements beforehand, behind our backs, in regard to the

disputation, which ought to be impartial; and they have permitted the

most scandalous writings of Faber and Eck against me to be sold freely,

nay, to be hawked about at the Diet, whilst they would neither hear nor

look at my answers. For these and other reasons, I would give a

friendly caution to my gracious, loving Lords, to believe no one, who

pretends that I wish to avoid the disputation. I do not; but only the

place. Besides, there are three most excellent articles altogether

omitted in the safe-conduct, viz: that the Bible alone should be the

source and ground of argument; that no judge should be placed over

God's Word; and finally, that the controversy should be carried on

freely, and without interruption, on all points in dispute. But,

indeed, there is no need to speak of safe-conduct or articles, whilst

they will hold the disputation at Baden. I will not _baden_ (bathe)."

[OE]colampadius now headed the Reformed party at the Conference, in

Zwingli's stead. Berchthold Haller, preacher at Bern, joined him. They

two, and several others of like mind, kept up the battle for sixteen

days, against Eck, Faber, the not unlearned but extremely passionate

Doctor Murner of Strassburg, preacher at Luzern, and their friends, who

were present in great numbers. Meanwhile Zwingli was not idle. Every

evening a report of the proceedings was brought to him from Baden, for

inspection, counsel and advice. According to his own statement, he did

not see his bed for nearly three weeks. [OE]colampadius and his friends

had to contend with no despicable antagonists, in the presence of

hearers, the majority of whom were prejudiced against them. And the

difficulty was increased by the fact that Eck and Faber, to whom it was

assigned to draw up theses for dispute, cunningly enough passed over

the perplexing points touching the Church, the power of the Pope, the

celibacy of the clergy, the rules of fasting and the like, but pushed

into the foreground, on the contrary, as the most important, those

touching the Muss, because they could assail the view of Zwingli and

[OE]colampadius on the Lord's Supper in part with Luther's own

arguments. A letter from Erasmus against this view also came to their

aid, which was, according to a report, extant in the university of

Paris, read at Baden with great applause, and did the more injury to

the Reformers, the higher the opinion of Erasmus was prized by liberal

theologians.

Amid all this, [OE]colampadius knew how to keep his ground manfully.

His quiet demeanor and moderation served him no less than his learning,

in which he was scarcely inferior to Zwingli himself. One of the

Catholic party is said to have cried out, whilst he was speaking: "O if

the long, yellow man were only on our side!" His external appearance,

as, clad in simple clothing, he appeared in a rough-hewn, unadorned

pulpit, was only the more dignified in contrast with the richly carved

throne on which Eck, Faber and their distinguished friends sat in

silken robes, puffed up, and hung around with golden chains and

crosses. At the close of the Conference, the latter declared the

victory theirs. This decision was likewise ratified by the four

presidents, the majority of the deputies of the Diet and by far the

greater number of the attendant scholars and clergymen. Only ten of the

latter came out, over their own signatures, in favor of

[OE]colampadius, and with him against the justness of the theses put

forth by Eck and Faber. Berchthold Haller, along with several others,

retired before the termination of the Conference. Before the assembly

broke up, Thomas Murner appeared, by permission of the presidents, and

read aloud forty propositions, which he had posted up as the errors and

blasphemous assertions of Zwingli, on the church-doors at Baden, and

declared himself ready publicly to prove as such against him; but since

the challenged party had staid away in a cowardly fashion, he could, in

accordance with all law, human and divine, proclaim him, this tyrant of

Zurich, and his followers, dishonorable, perjured, sacrilegious and

God-forsaken people, of whose company every honest man ought to be

ashamed, and shun them as persons unclean and ripe for damnation.

Zurich had to endure this, which was reported to her, and a haughty

letter from the deputies of the Twelve Cantons besides. Much was said

in it about Zwingli's lies; he was accused of ridiculing the

Confederates, of making seditious speeches, and of a never-ceasing

hostility. They were now tired of this disorder, and if the government

of Zurich would not banish the everlasting disturber, they then would

be compelled to make known to their subjects in city and canton the

injury they suffered,--to appear before the bailiwicks, so that the

honest people might become acquainted, not with Zwingli's little book

and slanderous invectives alone, but the reply of their Confederates

also. What would come out of this, the Council of Zurich might consider

in their wisdom.

Meanwhile, the tidings, that a victory was gained, spread on all sides,

"We thank the Most High"--wrote the deputies of the Twelve Cantons from

Baden to Duke William of Bavaria--"that Your Princely Grace sent over

to us the highly-renowned Doctor Eck; for truly he has defended,

_according to the Holy Divine Scriptures_, his Christian theses--the

chief points, which the Lutheran or Zwinglian deluding, heretical sect

have ventured to assail and pervert--so bravely and with such skill,

that undoubtedly good will come of it; and it will be admitted by every

sensible man, possessed of a good conscience, that truth and victory

are on our side--with our old, undoubted Christian faith." Reports of

the triumph of the Catholics reached Zwingli from his friends also.

Comander, pastor in Chur, told him of letters received there, and of

the alarm of all the friends of reform. George Mangolt wrote from

Constance: "Every day letters arrive here from Baden. O how the Papists

rejoice! They say that [OE]colampadius is overthrown; that he has been

vanquished in three points already, and will be completely so in a few

days; that he is like a child--as soon as he is laid hold of with a

little more earnestness than usual he begins to tremble, yea, even to

weep." Indeed, great hopes were built on the issue of the Conference by

all the friends of the Old Order. Zurich appeared to stand alone,

deserted by all her sister-confederates. Berchthold Haller was

intimidated; [OE]colampadius, though he did not yield, looked into a

dark future, for he could number as many enemies as friends in Basel.

Under these circumstances, everything depended on Zurich, and

especially the firmness of Zwingli.

After taking earnest counsel, it was resolved to send the following

declaration to all the Twelve Cantons: "We have examined your letter

touching ourselves and our preachers, and are filled with great

surprise, grief and regret. We and our preachers are attacked therein

with haughty, sharp, and violent words, although in our own opinion we

are innocent. We had indeed thought that the many things, which he and

we have sent to you from pen and press, would have been honorably

considered and well received by you and your advisers. Nevertheless,

Master Ulric will vindicate himself. But to you, dear Confederates,

because you desire an answer from us at the next Annual Reckoning, we

send what follows: We have violated no treaty, given ear only to the

Divine Word, and invited any one to prove us in error. No one has come

to do this. It is well known how we have been excluded from the Diet,

and how, without consulting us and in the face of our protest, the

Conference was transferred to Baden. You ask us to prohibit Master

Ulric Zwingli from publishing books and writings against you, because

it is contrary to our treaties, and yet it is clear to you and all men,

that Doctor Eck and Faber, and their adherents, have issued sundry

little books and writings for the dishonor, shame and derision of us

and our preachers, which were carried, sent over and circulated at the

Diet, and in many other places, far and near, with boastful pomp and

rejoicing, and have been read and listened to with evident relish; and

truly it ought and must deeply pain and grieve us, as pious, honest,

faithful Confederates, that such strange, foreign, slanderous and

wicked people, who, beyond doubt, wish not only to lessen and obstruct

the profit, honor, piety and welfare of our glorious Confederacy, but

according to their race and nation, under a false show of good, to

obliterate and utterly destroy it, should receive almost more respect,

confidence and esteem than we. And yet, God knows, we have never had

any higher wish than to live on friendly terms with you, our dear

Confederates, and assist in all things, which might serve to the

praise, profit, honor and welfare of the United Confederacy; and as

formerly, in the pressure of war and other secular affairs, we

faithfully pledged to you our persons, honor and property, like good,

honest Confederates, and poured out our blood, so would we now do,

without looking back, as our pious forefathers, when our country calls

for it. If then, you had written, that you wished to appear before our

congregations, we indeed would have made no objections; but since it is

contrary to treaties and old, praiseworthy custom and usage to do so

without our consent, we hope you will follow them. If complaints only

were to be made, truly we would have more reason to urge them than you.

What hard and unbecoming speeches are not we and ours compelled to

hear, when we meet you and yours in market-places, for buying and

selling! And did not that foreign monk. Doctor Murner of Luzern, for

the first time, at this Diet, publish against us a little book, full of

scandal and lies, and go to the furthest lengths of malice, when out of

an envenomed, envious heart, he defamed and abused us and ours in the

highest degree, in the presence of natives and foreigners, after the

disputation held at Baden, and all with such knavery, that, amid many

pious, honest men, who heard him, there was little displeasure, and yet

no one called him to order? Indeed it were much better if we sought to

put away such people, who bring no honor or profit to either party.

Heretofore matters proceeded very differently at the Diet, when we

conversed together about that which might promote the honor, the

happiness and the welfare of our Confederacy, and lived in old

friendship, brotherly fidelity and love."

The Life and Times of Ulric Zwingli · 第 17 / 33 段