in which the prohibition of such marriages, the punishment of those who
broke their monastic vows, as well as a severer watchfulness against
innovating teachers, were strongly enjoined; but it was all in vain.
The Council decided, against the wish of the Bishop, that this
"mandate" should neither be complied with, nor even acknowledged, and
wrote to him; "in the city of Zurich, its courts and its territories,
the Gospel and the Divine Word shall be truly proclaimed, but if any
one thinks that heretical matters and articles are preached, let him
point them out, whereupon fitting action will be taken in the case."
Just in proportion as Zwingli's position became more secure, his views
were transferred to the system of government, and the Reformation
taking hold thus of political life, new embarrassments were prepared
for him by the very men, who originally supported him, and the first
traces of dangerous movements from below upward began already to
appear.
The time was ripe for his great work. Boldness only was needed, to give
the first utterance to that of which the majority were more or less
conscious: The deceit, the abuses that have poisoned our civil as well
as our religious life must be put down. In such moments, the feeling of
deliverance was awakened in every heart: nobler powers, intellectual
activities were stirred up; but mingled at the same time with
hereditary weakness, seductive vices and passions, whose charms he, who
is born of earth, can not wholly resist; and the brave man, who called
the movement into life, had soon to contend less with old enemies,
already half conquered, than with the new ones rising up on all sides.
This was the prospect which unfolded itself to the Reformer, as early
as the year 1523, soon after the first Religious Conference. William
R[oe]ubli, the above-mentioned preacher at Wytikon, Simon Stumpf,
pastor at H[oe]ngg, and even Zwingli's former scholar, friend and
admirer, Conrad Grebel, are known as the first by whom the
congregations were disturbed and seduced into dangerous measures. Among
several points, based on the Gospel as they pretended, none was more
readily seized on by the people than these--that the tithe, according
to the Divine Word, should go exclusively to the benefit of the poor,
and that the taking of interest for money loaned was forbidden. In
fact, deputies from several congregations in the neighborhood of the
city appeared before the Council, on June 22d, with the petition, that,
since the tithe was eleemosynary under the Gospel, and theirs was
uselessly squandered by the canons of the Great Minster, they might be
released from the burden. They were plainly rebuked by the Council in a
scaled letter. It was not right in the government to support error. But
the flame was not in the least smothered by this act; the bait was too
tempting---to free themselves, under the shield of religion, from
a tax, which often before had been resisted. Rude sermons, for and
against the justice of the thing, were multiplied. A book, called
"Chief Articles of Christian doctrine against unchristian Usury,"
written by a Doctor Strauss, and another, entitled "Balaam's
Little Ass," were circulated. It was also asserted that Zwingli
rejected tithes and interest. Grebel even ventured to write to his
brother-in-law, Vadianus, in St. Gall: "You wish for news about the
tithe-business. I can say nothing in accordance with sincerity and the
Gospel, if I do not say, that the people in our world of Zurich defraud
in this matter like tyrants and Turks. 'People of this world' I style
the tyrants of our fatherland, who go by the name of 'the assembled
fathers,' Decimating fathers they ought to be called. Thou art not
perhaps willing to believe me, and yet T see it with my own eyes. _Only
ask Zwingli, who can tell thee everything better than I can._"
Such assertions as this, which were echoing already through the whole
Confederacy, the prayers of his friends and the wishes of the
government induced Zwingli to declare himself publicly on the subject.
This was done in a sermon, which was given to the press under the
title: "On Divine and Human Righteousness."
In earlier moments of enthusiasm over the rich fruits of his struggle,
from a feeling of the wide difference between evangelical freedom and
the pressure of the numerous burdens imposed by a degenerate church, a
word may have escaped him, which, joyfully laid hold of, distorted and
magnified, gave some color to the reproach, that he wished also to
attack civil order and guaranteed rights. This sermon, prepared with
mature deliberation and assured confidence, shows how safe his
standpoint here was, and that his system did not rest on fragments of
knowledge, dark feelings and a mere negative spirit of contradiction,
but was based on a profound understanding of the Holy Scriptures, in
their entire connection.
In seeking to bring the sense of human justice into harmony with the
fulfillment of religious duty, the lower position was assigned to the
citizen, in his relations to the state, where, in order to escape just
punishment, he is obliged to obey; and the higher to the Christian, in
the spiritual kingdom of his Lord and Master, where he is bound to
aspire after the noblest things, in a spirit of faith, love and
freedom. This will be plain from several passages, taken out of this
sermon.
"There are two laws, as well as two kinds of righteousness; a human and
a divine. One part of the law regards the inner man alone, for we must
love God and our neighbor. But no one can fulfill this command; hence
no one is righteous, because God only and He by grace, the pledge of
which is Christ, can make us righteous through faith. The other part of
the law regards the external man alone, and hence we may be outwardly
pious and righteous, and still none the less wicked within. For
example: 'Thou shalt not steal,' is a command for external life and
piety. 'Thou shalt not covet the property of thy neighbor,' is a
command for inward, divine life and righteousness; yet both have
respect to one thing, _taking_. So, if one only does not steal, he is
pious in the eyes of men, but may at the same time be unjust before
God; for he has a stronger desire and temptation perhaps to seize
foreign property, than one who has stolen. He, who does not practise
usury, is pious before men; for he may be restrained by force from
doing it; but nevertheless he is not pious before God; for he must sell
all his goods and give to the poor. Indeed, the rich man is bound to
give to the poor, that is, to God. But, though no man can ever fully
attain this divine righteousness, yet believers have special delight in
conforming to it more and more, and the desire is greater in one than
in another, according as God has kindled his fire in our hearts; for he
works all things in us. Therefore, the divine righteousness ought to be
made known and preached to all men without ceasing, else godliness will
vanish, and all men content themselves with lame, human righteousness,
and all righteousness be turned into an allegory; for then no one would
respect God, but look out only as to how he might be shielded from
punishment before men, as for some time back we have grieved to see
happen in many cases.[8]
"We have now seen, as I hope, how widely the divine righteousness
differs from what is merely human. Although this human righteousness is
not worthy to be called a righteousness, yet we examine it in
comparison with that which is divine; yet has God also commanded it,
because he has seen in our fallen estate, that our temptations and
desires could not follow or do his will. Christ tells us to be obedient
to this human righteousness; for he says: Render unto Cæsar the things
that are Cæsar's. He does not mean to say that the whole world should
obey Cæsar, but only that portion of mankind, which was subject to him.
Had he found the Jewish nation under the king of Babylon, he would have
spoken: Render unto the king of Babylon what is due to the king of
Babylon. We must understand this of every several government. If you
live under the king of France, then render to him what is due to him;
and so on, through the whole catalogue."
After this strict separation of the kingdom of God, revealing itself
only in freedom and love; and national life, founded on law, order and
obedience, he refers interest and tithes to the province of severe
human righteousness. Beyond dispute, it would aid the government in
disposing of this matter; but just as resolutely did he warn against
misuse in the application, against the encouragement of usury, and
against the sanction of unfair contracts by sign and seal; for though
written guarantees must be kept inviolate according to human order, yet
durst you as little forget that the law of kindness and Christian love
toward men is written by God himself in the soul. If wantonly violated,
they are waked up in the end, and help themselves, in spite of records
and parchments. Then you have the decree and your own folly to thank
for it. "This brief opinion"--he adds--"I am ready to maintain by the
Holy Scripture."
"In short"--he concludes--"the Divine Word ought to rule over all men,
be set before them and truly made known; for we are bound to follow it.
But in this, the grace of God through our Lord Jesus Christ alone can
aid our weakness. For the more we discover our guilt, the more we
discover the beauty and the almightiness of God, and the love and
assurance of his grace, which makes us more pious than we can be in any
other way. Besides, though some will be found, who do not release the
ungodly and unbelievers from the duty of living according to God's
Word, yet God has given us also as the lowest command, not that,
living only therein, we may be pious, but that human society may be
upheld and protected, and guardians appointed, who may earnestly look
to it, that the last vestige of human righteousness also be not swept
away. Such guardians are the powers that be, who are no other than they
that bear the sword, whom we call worldly authorities. These
authorities must not indeed trample on the Word of God; for they punish
outward transgressions only, but cannot make righteous or unrighteous
inwardly; for that God alone does in the hearts of men."
The weight of such language, uttered from the pulpit and spread abroad
by the press, bore heavily on those, who derived advantage from the
burdens, which prevailing abuses heaped upon the people. And the canons
of the Great Minster were especially concerned in this. Indeed, some
were found among them, who not only led a life of idleness, but of
debauchery and wanton dissipation, and instead of attending to divine
worship, wont out hunting with falcons, leaping over the hedges of the
farmers, or dared even to hold carousals in the sacristy itself.[9] It
is true, that, since Zwingli's arrival, they had been obliged to
change, in so far as scarcely ever to venture on such things in public,
and, that the number of those, who clearly perceived the need of a
remedy, was increasing; and at last they induced Zwingli, as he had
given advice, before it would be too late, to stretch out a powerful
hand for their reformation.
The result was, a resolution of the monastery to bring the matter to
the notice of the government. The latter met them with joy; and by a
commission from both parties, a revised order was prepared, in
conformity with the progress of religious knowledge and theological
science, as it certainly agreed also with the original spirit of the
foundation, and that of its most distinguished patron, Charlemagne.
In the introduction of a document relating to this subject, drawn up on
the 29th of September, 1523, it runs thus: "The reverend Clergy,
Provost and Chapter of the Monastery of St. Felix and Regula make
known; since, from a good motive, encouraged thereto by the Divine
Word, which lays open everything, they see and acknowledge the
abuses, of which they are not the authors, having received them by
tradition--with the help of God they will exchange them for the better
rules of a good Christian life, and cause them to be practised in
another and better fashion than heretofore. Besides, they find that the
common people, rich and poor, who support them by their toilsome labor,
be it by interest or tithes, have had indeed no pleasure in their
prevailing customs and misusages, but felt great discontent at the
manifold burdens laid upon them." The improvement consisted in the
remission of a considerable sum of dues, which were hitherto drawn for
ecclesiastical purposes; in the establishment of professorships for the
better education of the clergy; in the greater demands made on those,
who wished to come forth as preachers; and in the anxiety manifested
for suitable religious instruction among congregations under the care
of the Canonical Chapter. Among the present canons and chaplains, whose
number, exclusive of the people's priest and his assistants, amounted
to 60, whoever was fitted for such purposes, him they would commission,
but suffered the others, under pledge, of course, to lead a retired
life and attend preaching regularly, to retain their benefices till
death, when their revenues were to be transferred to the hospital and
the poor of that congregation, which paid the tithe to the Chapter.
But affairs had already come to such a pass, that even well-meant and
judicious changes, if not immediately carried out, no longer gave
satisfaction. A wild zeal for innovation also found vent in frequent
brutish expressions and disorderly scenes. If unpopular canons or
chaplains appeared at mass in the church, they were publicly derided;
their chronicles were stolen; leaves were torn from a guide-book for
the celebration of festivals put up in the choir, and then scattered at
the door of the provost's house; and one night the stocks and gallows,
emblems of the temporal jurisdiction of the monastery were partly
destroyed and partly erected in a different place. By others the lamps
in the Church of the Virgin were broken, and the oil spilled, whilst
they mutually sprinkled themselves with the holy water. Similar things
happened in St. Peter's Church. In the country, a priest even ventured
to read mass in slippers and red breeches. They began to call pictures
idols, and the examples of the kings and prophets of the East, who
contended against the idolatry of their age in every possible way, were
arrayed as worthy of imitation before the imaginations of fanatics, who
grew more excited, especially as they became acquainted with the Old
Testament. A production, composed in this spirit by Lewis Hætzer, under
the title of "Decree of God, as to how we ought to deal with Images,"
was at that time widely circulated.
From this disposition of mind proceeded an event, which attracted
attention and aroused indignation throughout the Confederacy, and
prepared trouble for the government in Zurich. Directly before the
city, in Stadelhofen, there stood on a pedestal of stone, an immense
image of the Savior on the Cross, carved out of wood. It was put up by
one family, as a monument of devotion, and was now under the care of a
miller dwelling in the neighborhood. Many passers-by still did
reverence to it. This was a source of great provocation to a number of
enthusiasts, who afterwards went over to the Anabaptists, and
especially to Nicholas Hottinger, a shoemaker by trade, a man not
without culture, possessed of some property, versed in the Scriptures
and of a decided character, which, in connection with his natural
eloquence, gave him great influence over his associates. It is told of
him, that he offered a bucket of wine to the hospital, if he would be
allowed to destroy the images and votive paintings in the Water Church;
and that he intended to give a banquet in honor of Zwingli at
Lindenhof, amid a large assembly of country-people. He had often
rebuked the possessor of the crucifix for not casting away the object
of idolatry; he had even done it in presence of members of the Council,
so that the man at last declared he was tired of the business, and
though he would never do such a thing himself, Hottinger had the
privilege of doing it, as soon as he had made over to him his right to
the image. This was effected, and on a clear day Hottinger came with
his companions. They threw down the crucifix, and even digged out the
pedestal. The wood, they declared should go to the poor.
Although the actors in this scene appealed to the express command of
God; although many approved of the deed, and even a portion of the
preachers spoke in their favor from the pulpit, it was still in the
eyes of others, perhaps of the majority, especially beyond the canton,
an act as rebellious as horrible, yea worthy of death; and they
threatened, in case the perpetrators were not dealt with in this way,
according to their will and confused ideas, such dangerous
consequences, that the government was obliged to cast the so-called
"Idol Stormers" into prison for a while. The result of an
investigation, conducted in common with the three people's priests,
convinced the Council, that the quieting of the people, and the
introduction of rules of law for the abrogation of customs, which were
no longer tenable, could only be looked for, in the way of a
conference, as public and thorough as possible, on the doctrine of
Scripture concerning images and the mass also, as connected with this
subject.
Hence the collective clergy and laity of the canton were invited, in
case they were ready to throw any light on the subject, to appear at
the council-house on the 26th of October. Similar invitations were sent
to the bishops of Constance, Chur and Basel, as well as to the
University at the latter place, to the twelve Cantons of the
Confederacy, and to the city and abbot of St. Gall.
The call of Zurich for the first religious conference, nine months
before, had scarcely been heeded by her sisters of the Confederacy. But
now this actual invitation was received in a different manner. With the
exception of Schaffhausen, no canton, it is true, ventured to comply
with it formally; but from the answers, yet to be quoted, it may be
gathered that, having generally deliberated over the matter, they were
decidedly averse to the proposal. Bern, and, by her advice, Solothurn
also, declined the invitation, with the prayer, that it might not be
taken ill on their part; but as injury as well benefit could grow out
of events of this kind, not to a single canton merely, but to the whole
Confederacy, the general interest ought to have induced them to confer
beforehand in common about the topics to be treated of, as well as
about those who were to be invited to the conference. The invitation
made a disagreeable impression on Luzern. "You inform us"--so runs the
letter from this city--"that quarrels and ill-will about spiritual
things are rife among you. This we are sorry to hear, and still more
sorry that you have not rooted them up long ago, for which neither
right nor might were wanting; and even ha it been so, we as pious
Christians would have willingly lent you aid. Now you invite us to a
conference; but along with our clergy, whom we think pious, we have
found in spiritual and temporal affairs, that such insignificant
assemblies are wholly unfit to deal with matters pertaining to faith.
We do not wish to attack images, far less the mass, upon which our
whole faith is founded. We wish to tread in the footsteps of our
fathers--to stand by that, which we have inherited from them and been
taught by them; for we do not regard them as seducers, but sainted and
pious people. We are willing also to have abuses put away; but by them
to whom it belongs. Therefore we send no one, and beg you to accept our
reasons in the best spirit."
Still more bitter was the refusal of Obwalden: "To serve you we are at
all times ready. But now you invite our learned men to you. Hence we
speak thus: We have no particularly learned people amongst us; only
pious, reverend priests, who expound to us the Gospel and the other
Holy Scriptures, as they were expounded to our forefathers; in which we
will trust as long as we live, unless the Pope or a Council revoke the
doctrine, and are ready to suffer death therefor. We also can not bring
ourselves to believe that the Lord God has given more grace to Zwingli,
than to the dear saints and teachers, who have suffered martyrdom and
death for the faith. We can not see that he leads such a spiritual
life, nay, that he is rather inclined to disturbance, than to peace and
quiet. Therefore we desire to send no one to him, nor to any like him.
Indeed, if we had him, and would find that true, which is told us about
him, we would give him such a reward, that he would never do it again."
Basel, where Zwingli's intimate friend [OE]colampadius (Hausschein) was
now a preacher, and in the year following became a professor, returned
no answer. The University looked with disdain on popular theological
conferences, where unlearned men even usurped the seat of judgment, and
the Council found itself embarrassed between the friends of the old
order and the new. Zurich complained of its silence.
The Bishop of Constance, in two successive letters, asked, according to
his former practice, for the reference of such an important point to a
Church Council; he would be pledged, so to speak, "for both his
superiors (the Emperor and the Pope), from the answers and commands
received from them in similar cases." In the same strain wrote the
truly venerable and aged Bishop of Basel, with the addition: "although
we are otherwise inclined with our whole heart to favor you in all
possible things (God knows), because we are not unmindful of the many
deeds of kindness shown to ourselves and our monastery," From the
Diocesan at Chur no reply was received. The Abbot of St. Gall excused
himself on account of the shortness of the time, which did permit him
to obtain instructions. From the city on the contrary, appeared, along
with Vadianus the friend of Zwingli's youth, who three years after rose
to the dignity of burgomaster there, the pastor Benedict Burgauer and
Doctor Schapeler. Doctor Sebastian Hofmeister, the people's priest
Martin Steinlin and Conrad Irmensee, trustee of the monastery of All
Saints, arrived from Schaffhausen.
Of the course, the nature and the results of the theological
investigations, during the three days devoted to this conference,
enough can be learned from church-history.[10] Our task is to describe
the carriage and behavior of the persons engaged in it. They seem to
divide themselves into two main classes of a better stamp, and one of a
worse; the most prominent speakers were Zwingli, Conrad Schmied,
commander of the Knights of St John at Kuessnacht, and Conrad Grebel. A
reckless treatment, an absolute rejection of all, that could not be
proven before the tribunal of Scripture-interpretation conducted by the
natural understanding, marked the character of one class; a sparing of
the weak, cautious progress and a horror of tearing down anything,
before it could be built up again, marked that of the second. Bolder,
springing more from the immediate wants of the age, more politic were
the views of the first; milder, more accordant with nature, better
agreeing with the spirit of Christianity, were those of the second.
Still Zwingli was not lacking in feeling, nor Schmied in understanding
Hence they, and their friends likewise, mutually comprehended each
other and united in their opposition to the third class, in which, under
Grebel's guidance, only the impure elements of stormy passions mingled.