INTELLECTUAL LIFE
The relations between the development of language and social
evolution--An enigmatic system of writing--Knotted cords,
knotches in sticks, and their accessories--The evolution of
literature among primitive races--Length of memory among races
that have no written records--Historical value of legends
transmitted by oral tradition--Nature of the more usual
alterations to be met with in documentary folklore--The most
general legends, fables and proverbs of the Moï.
The main fact which differentiates primitive groups among themselves
is diversity of language. To this rule the Moï present no exception,
for they offer the choice of a considerable number of dialects. There
are very nearly as many dialects as tribes, and, what at first seems
even more extraordinary, the dialect of one village is usually
unintelligible to the inhabitants of any other. But this singularity
vanishes when we investigate more closely, and for these reasons.
The development of a language is intimately connected with the
simultaneous intellectual and social evolution of the race which
employs it. Now the civilization of the Moï has been stationary, if
not actually retrogressive, for a prolonged period, and accordingly
it is to be expected that their language, far from consolidating
itself, should be subject to all the influences which flow from
contact with neighbouring populations.
The learned philologist Cabaton has classified the Moï dialects into
three broad divisions, according to the degree in which they have been
modified by the tongues spoken by neighbouring peoples who have
advanced to a higher stage of civilization. These three divisions
comprise:
(_a_) Dialects of Malayo-Polynesian origin.
(_b_) Dialects of Kmer origin.
(_c_) Dialects of Thibeto-Birman, Taî or Chinese origin.
This diversity of dialects is responsible for the fact that the word
"Moï" has no ethnical sense at all and that it is a mere generic term
which, as I have explained before, can conveniently be used to
describe the whole complex of barbarous groups which dwell in the
mountain uplands of Indo-China. The word does not signify an
autonomous entity with clearly defined characteristics, but merely a
medley of various elements, of which many have lost all trace of
common origin.
It is even more difficult to catalogue the different races which go to
make up the inhabitants of Indo-China than to catalogue the dialects.
At first sight some of them seem to be pure, but closer inquiry soon
dispels the illusion. There are many reasons to account for this,
among which may be cited the prevalence of polygamy and the perpetual
inter-tribal conflicts in the course of which the vanquished, after a
short period, are absorbed by the victors, to the evident advantage of
the latter.
If the dialects are innumerable, there is virtually only one method,
employed by all the groups, of communicating ideas or transmitting
thought. It consists of the use of certain conventional signs. The
more common of these are triangular or hexagonal figures of bamboo or
rattan, measuring one foot eight inches in their greater dimension and
hung in some conspicuous place. These geometrical forms warn the
traveller of impending danger or notify a prohibition to cross the
boundary of a "taboo" village.
Another method of communication is by means of a string with a series
of knots. This practice recalls the _quipos_ which were in use among
the Peruvians and Mexicans to record important events and as a medium
for the transmission of thought.
Suppose two friends want to arrange an appointment to meet in several
days' time. They present each other with threads which have the same
number of knots and as many knots as there are days to elapse before
the meeting. Every day at sunrise each of them unties one of the
knots. When at length there are no knots left they know that the
appointed day has arrived.
It is very curious that the Moï, whose recollection of facts is almost
infallible, are unable to recall either figures or dates without the
assistance of mechanical aids to memory.
Doctor Noël Bernard, of the Colonial Forces, tells a very interesting
story in his exhaustive monograph on the Kha.
"In a village situated in the plateau of Boloven I found the
inhabitants stricken with terror. They informed me that a
malevolent Genius had been enraged with them for more than a
year and was decimating the population. To remedy their
ill-fortune they rebuilt the village in a new place, and the
death-rate decreased. I happened to ask them the number of the
victims in that fatal year. They could not tell me. I renewed
the question and the village chief gave me the figures in a
highly novel manner. As he called out each victim by name he
laid a small stick down at his feet. When the counting was
completed the old man summed up as follows: 'Two died during
seed time, three during harvest, four at the beginning of the
rains,' and so on, concluding with a tragic, 'What a number!'
But not a single native present could calculate that number,
though there were only thirteen sticks at the feet of the
incompetent arithmeticians!"
M. A. Gaultier de Claubry, when he was Director of Public Instruction
in Indo-China, had opportunities of making observations which throw
light on the incident just related. He used to teach French to
twenty-two natives between the ages of twelve and twenty and wished to
follow the ordinary rational method of explaining the meaning of a
lesson first and asking his pupils to learn it by heart only after
that meaning had become clear in their minds.
After a period devoted to repeated attempts along these lines he had
to confess himself beaten and that the method was impracticable so far
as these particular scholars were concerned, for the more clearly they
grasped the meaning of the words the greater was their difficulty in
committing them to memory.
Contrary to all the recognized precepts of sound teaching, the
Professor resolved to reverse the process, make his pupils first learn
the lesson by heart and only proceed to its translation and
explanation when they could recite the words without a slip. The
results were even more unexpected, for the more quick and certain
their memories became the greater was their difficulty in
understanding the meaning of the words.
The Professor repeated this experiment from time to time and the same
phenomena always recurred.
It seems, therefore, clearly arguable that in certain individual cases
connection between the thinking and memorizing faculties is either
missing or only imperfectly established. They seem unable to perform
their functions simultaneously. The memory cannot work properly unless
all other mental processes are suspended.
But to return to arithmetic, the custom of employing pieces of wood to
assist calculation is to be found everywhere in the savage world. Our
coolies were collected from many different quarters, but they all
carried a bamboo in which each evening they cut a notch to reckon up
the number of days of service. On pay days they lined up solemnly side
by side and each produced his stick from his loin-cloth and presented
it for inspection. It was very rarely that our accountants found any
error in the number of the notches.
As will have been gathered from the answers of the Moï chief to Doctor
Bernard, the estimation of time by years of twelve months is unknown
in these regions. Savages date all the events of their lives by their
relation to the occurrences which affect them most, that is to say,
the variations of the monsoon and the forward or backward condition of
the crops.
No one knows his age, for no practical benefit accrues from the
attainment of that piece of knowledge.
The use of sticks is not limited to the purpose I have mentioned but
extends to the transmission of orders or information. In the last case
notches are cut on both sides of the stick and of various forms and
depths. Also they will be separated by spaces of varying lengths. Each
of these details has thus a special significance.
This is the method employed by one village to convey a declaration of
war to another. Its general terms will be much as follows:
"Twelve days hence we shall seize any man who crosses our
boundary. We will not release him except or ransom, four
strong oxen which have already worked in the ricefields, or,
failing them, two sets of gongs at least ten years in the
making. Our tribe counts more than thirty young warriors
trained to the bow, and a great number of old men, women and
children."
Before being entrusted to the messenger charged with delivering it to
the foe this ultimatum-stick is decorated, according to immemorial
usage, with some egret's feathers, a burnt bamboo, and red pimento.
The symbolical significance of these accessories is as follows:
"Messenger! Thou must be as swift as the bird whose feather you
bear. Thou shalt not stop by day or night, and this bamboo will
point thy pathway in the hours of darkness. Thou shalt not fear
if thou neglectest not to eat some pimento such as this."
I have often met women or old men with these notched laths hung round
their necks. On inquiry they informed me that each notch represented a
goat or chicken promised to the Pi of the forest in return for
protection from the Tiger. As their slender means did not unable them
to make a sacrifice in advance they were postponing the redemption of
the promise until the next harvest.
I was indiscreet enough to inquire what would become of them if by any
chance the vow was never fulfilled, but they looked at me in blank
astonishment and indignantly denied that there could be any compromise
with conscience. One of them, however, took me into his confidence.
"I was unable to fulfil a certain vow during the last harvest, which
was a particularly bad one, so instead of the five chickens which I
first promised the Pi I now owe them one goat. If the next harvest is
not better than the last, the goat will have to be replaced by a pig."
It sometimes happened that when we had broken up our encampment and
were advancing to a new site some particularly well-inclined Chief
dispatched a warrior-herald before us to announce our arrival by means
of a notched stick. The contents of the message were such that before
we had appeared the rice necessary for our escort and the paddy for
our horses had all been prepared.
I must add that I speak of exceptional occurrences. The rule was that
no herald preceded us, or if he did his message was of very different
tenor. In such cases, the great majority, we could do nothing but
seize by force of arms what ought to have been conceded with good
grace.
The Moï regarded our written characters as a species of magical
invention. Accordingly the powers thus attributed to the letters
themselves were speedily extended to the paper on which they were
written. They began to furnish themselves with a "Sra," or sheet of
paper, whenever they set out on a journey, in the belief that it would
guarantee them against delay or mishap _en route_. A courier would
always carry an envelope, generally empty and unaddressed. Armed with
this talisman he was secured against the attacks of tigers and evil
spirits and freed from all anxiety as regards what La Fontaine has
described as "bon souper, bon gîte, et ... le reste."
This use of notches as written symbols is also found among certain
peoples of southern China. Father Crabouillet tells us something of
this in his writings. In the course of his missionary work he
discovered that the natives are able to represent by these means not
only concrete objects but also abstract ideas. They were familiar with
the ideographic characters of the Chinese, yet they preferred to use
their own enigmatic system for the transaction of business.
We can only conclude that their object is to keep their affairs
private from their neighbours the Celestials, whom they have
particular reason to distrust.
The literary evolution of primitive peoples follows soon after their
musical evolution, to which I have already referred. In the first
stages, poetry, song and dance are inextricably associated. The spoken
word plays a quite subordinate part in this æsthetic trinity. It
serves to explain the meaning of the rhythmical movements but cannot
be dissociated from them. The form of this rudimentary poetry is
frequently a simple exclamation, a cry or imitative call. The
interjectional refrains which we find to-day among savage tribes are
only the relics of those wordless romances which preceded spoken verse
in the first stage.
Metre is none other than the outcome of man's natural leaning to
measured sounds. The verse of primitive folk is accordingly
distinguished by the shortness of its lines. There is no rhyme except
that which results from the combination of assonances. The length of a
line may be used as a test of the standard of civilization to which a
people has attained, for it only reaches appreciable dimensions when
rules of metre and prosody have been formulated and enforced.
In China there is a mass of documentary evidence which throws light on
this process of evolution. The line in that country was originally of
four feet only, and did not attain to seven feet for a very
considerable period. In India the Sanscrit line is very short in the
Rig-Veda and gradually lengthens in the Epics, concluding with the
dimensions of fifteen syllables divided by a hemistich, the relic of
an earlier period in which the line was very short.
At the peril of seeming paradoxical I have lingered over the sense of
rhythm among primitive peoples because so many travellers have
expressed surprise at the immense impression which can be produced on
a savage by uttering a poetic phrase or merely inserting a line of
verse in ordinary conversation.
One of our party, a poet in his own way, frequently took advantage of
the impression thus produced. He always addressed our coolies in
verse, and though his knowledge of the language was only elementary,
he was better understood and more speedily obeyed than others of us
who spoke the dialects fluently. He united with this gift of rhyme a
facility of metaphor which was remarkable. His conversation was sown
thick with images, many of them quite ridiculous, but yet not so
absurd as to prevent even our appreciation of them.
I have already remarked that in the infancy of society æsthetic
manifestations were confined to choral dances representing simple
subjects of an impersonal character, and no more than the reflection
of the current life and thought of the group. But in course of time
that way of life and thought became profoundly modified by new
influences and movements, resulting from conflicts between rich and
poor, master and slave. A new literature arose which expressed other
feelings and aspirations, a literature which found voice in the
popular artists who invented a new profession in all countries. The
rhapsodists of Greece, the scalds of Scandinavia, and the Celtic
bards, furnish familiar examples.
Everywhere these wandering minstrels presented the vague popular
traditions in set forms. Their works reflect quite faithfully the
movements and aspirations of their own day, and being transmitted by
oral tradition, they form to-day a body of material which is virtually
our only source of information as to the folklore of primitive races.
Accordingly, no study of a group can be complete which takes no
account of its legends, myths and fables; if a group has no written
records they form our only historical evidence. It has often been
remarked that the non-existence of such records has served the purpose
of improving the memories of those who have only oral tradition to
rely on.
Recent research among primitive peoples in this very subject has
demonstrated that the average duration of the recollection of an event
is six generations, or about one hundred and fifty years. During that
period, if the event is one of importance but yet in the natural order
of things such as an earthquake or a flood, or even a political
occurrence, such as a change of dynasty or a revolution, its memories
will remain practically unmodified. Of course this applies only to
groups among which the use of writing is unknown. Otherwise, the
absence of any necessity for oral tradition greatly diminishes the
length of its life. During our expedition we had many occasions to
observe the ease with which the Moï Chiefs recollected events long
since past and generally forgotten. Father Durand made the same
discovery during his long residence in Annam. He told me of historical
events in the eighteenth century of which the Moï had spoken to him
with the most circumstantial detail. For example, they remembered the
revolt of Thang Khoi in 1834 as if it had been an occurrence of only
yesterday, and recounted an exploit, long since forgotten, of two
Cochin-Chinese adventurers.
[Illustration: A Court of Trial on an Annamese Stage.]
[Illustration:
_By the courtesy of_] [_Mme Vassalle._
A Group of Amateur Actors in Annam.]
[Illustration: A Mandarin of Annam.]
These pirates, some years before the capture of Saigon, managed to
force the barrier and enter the Imperial palace under fire from the
guns of the citadel of Hué, while the Emperor Tu Duc fled in terror.
The Annamites have a great regard for this retentiveness of memory and
their consistent hostility towards all their neighbours robs that
regard of all taint of partiality. However, once the fact is
established, it follows that many legends founded on actual
occurrences but transmitted orally from generation to generation in
default of any written record may have as much authority for
ethnography as if their authenticity had been established by
documentary proof. But it cannot be denied that the imagination of the
Moï has equally played a part in the composition of some of the
current stories which were originally true statements of fact. Like
all other peoples they have been subject to those influences which
silently introduce elements of the apocryphal into the well of truth.
Their folklore exhibits the same phenomena which can be studied at all
times in similar groups. For example they transform the hero of some
particular locality into a hero of the whole group, or, in other
words, make a national property of what is strictly a local
possession. To the same end they substitute the name of their country
for the name of the place where great events have taken place. In
these ways all get credit for what only the few deserve, and in the
end they have a fine collection of heroes and adventures filched from
every source. But in spite of these alterations, the motive of which
seems to be the ambition to have more great men and stirring deeds
than their neighbours, it is patent that these legends faithfully
reflect the principal conceptions of these primitive folk.
As the prevalent superstitions vary in different localities it would
be absurd to suppose that all the legends, myths and fables which I am
about to speak of enjoy universal currency. On the contrary, some
circulate in one part of the country, others elsewhere. But I have
attempted in making a selection to confine myself to those which are
most widely known. Some of them originated among the Laotians or
Annamites. Very few are of native origin, for the imagination of this
group has always been undeveloped.
The biblical account of the early history of the world has been
curiously adapted and transformed. The great deluge, for example,
appears under the following guise.
In the beginning a Genius incarnated in a kite disputed with one of
his colleagues incarnated in a crab, and a lively quarrel ensued, in
the course of which the latter had his shell broken by the beak of the
bird, an insult of which he bears the mark to-day. Casting about for
some means of revenge, the Crab-Genius conceived the idea of raising
the waters of the sea until they covered the high mountain on which
the Kite-Genius was perched. Every human being perished with the
exception of a young couple, brother and sister, who saved their lives
by taking refuge in a huge pumpkin. This original boat deposited them
safe and sound on the top of the highest mountain. The rescued couple
at once sought far and wide for any other survivors of the human race,
but all in vain. Their fellow beings had all perished. A tortoise
which they met with advised them to marry to ensure the continuance of
the race. The young man, horrified at the suggestion, cut the creature
in pieces as a punishment, but the pieces quickly reunited, a marvel
of which the tortoise has ever since borne the traces. The couple then
renewed their wanderings and soon met a bamboo which offered the same
advice, and was treated in the same way. Again the pieces reunited,
and from that day to this the bamboo has always had knots. Finally, a
Spirit descended to earth to terminate so embarrassing a situation. He
offered the girl eight beans, promising her that if she ate one each
year she would conceive on each occasion. In delight at the gift and
the prospective fulfilment of all her hopes, she hastened to put the
beans in her mouth, and, forgetting her instructions, swallowed them
all at once! What the Spirit foretold then came to pass. She produced
eight children at a birth and these founded the principal human
families.
The tradition of the dispersion of the human race is also perpetuated.
The Djarai Moï, for example, give the following description of the
event.
"Our own land was the centre of the earth where the peoples of
mankind, having outgrown their resources, built the Tower of
Separation before scattering over the surface of the globe. The
tower was so lofty that the topmost story could only be secured
by bands of strong fibre which the workmen fastened by clinging
to them with all their weight. Perched on the very top was one
who thus surveyed the whole expanse of earth spread out before
him. His duty was to indicate to those below the paths which
led to the most fertile portions. After a short survey he
called out to the workmen who were holding the ropes: 'To the
Eastward I see a wondrous plain washed by the ocean, to the
Westward a rich valley watered by a great river.' Before he
could continue, however, an ominous rumbling was heard, the
tower trembled for the space of a moment, and then fell to the
earth with a crash, burying him under its ruins. The Annamites
and Laotians were the unkind workmen who had all let go in
their frantic haste to find the prosperous regions so
eloquently described! As for the Moï, they were far too lazy to
enter into an exhausting competition, so they remained on the
forest-clad mountains which no one envied them."
The story of Joshua stopping the sun is replaced by that of a Spirit
exhibiting the same powers.
"In the beginning there dwelt in the land of the Moï-Bahnar a
valiant chieftain named Diong, whom the gods themselves were
unable to subdue. So great was the fame of his exploits that
women frequently deserted their husbands in order to follow
him. One of these offenders was the wife of the chief of the
Moï-Djarai, who resolved to punish the author of his wrong, and
declared war on him. The two tribes composed of equal numbers
of skilled warriors fought with the utmost desperation, but
fortune finally favoured Diong, who ended the day by slaying
the injured husband with his own hand. Firmly convinced that
his triumph was only due to celestial intervention, the victor
begged the Spirits to put back the course of the sun in order
to allow him time to annihilate his foes. His prayer was
answered, for the gods drew back the sun and started it again
at midday."
Most of these legends have been collected by the Catholic
missionaries, whose work among the people of Bahnar has met with a
large measure of success. It is possible that the higher standard of
education to which the people of this region have attained has made
possible the investigation of these biblical stories. Other groups,
when questioned on the subject, can give no account of their legends
whatever. I ought to say, however, that the story of the pumpkin
saving the human race at the time of the deluge is well known among
all the semi-savage peoples of Indo-China.
Sometimes the individual characteristics of a group are illuminated by
a legend or fable which explains their origin. For example, the origin
of the Moï practice of filing the teeth may be sought in a Cambodian
fable.
When Buddha dwelt among men he was fed by each of his faithful
disciples in turn. He visited the Moï and after them the Cambodians
and asserted that the meats offered him by the former were much
inferior to those of the latter. The reason for the difference was
then made clear to him. The Moï were too lazy to pound the rice and
contented themselves with grinding it in their teeth. The Master was
greatly incensed at this lack of respect towards himself and condemned
them to file their teeth in such a way that a repetition of the
offence would be impossible. Further they were compelled to wear in
their hair the small sticks which served for cooking utensils and, to
add to their shame, he pierced their ears and forbade them to wear
anything but the plainest clothing. The Moï found these restrictions
more than they could bear and they fled to the mountains, leaving the
plains to the Cambodians who dwell there to this day.
The extraordinary configuration of the regions inhabited by the Moï
was bound to give birth to many legends which would furnish them with
some satisfactory explanation of the phenomenon. The chief
characteristics of these stories will be illustrated by the following
examples, which I have selected at random.
The highest point of the great Annamite chain is a lofty mountain with
a curious needle-shaped peak. The summit is inaccessible, and our
surveyors had to be content with establishing their geodetical
station at its foot. The peak is a well-known landmark and, according
to the Moï, none other than the wife of a Spirit, who turned her into
stone. In the beginning of creation a company of demigods dwelt on
this spot. One day the husband went to get food, leaving his wife at
home. She took advantage of his absence to deceive him, and in the
fulness of time became pregnant. On his return the Spirit learned of
the injury he had suffered and turned on the accomplice who took to
flight. The husband gave chase, came up with his rival as he was on
the point of casting himself into a river, seized him, cut off his
head and turned his corpse into a stone.
Unsatisfied with this act of vengeance the murderer retraced his steps
and likewise turned into stone everyone who had assisted the flight of
his rival. On entering his palace he observed a crowd gathering round
his wife who, in the throes of childbirth, had summoned a midwife and
all her friends. The sight maddened him, and with a wave of his hand
he transformed every living creature within reach into a mountain.
Even the elephants, which in this country serve as transport animals,
did not escape his vengeance. That is why this massive group of peaks
is known as "The Mother and Child," a name preserved even by our
cartographers.
Even more general than legends are ballads, fables and popular songs.
Some of the chants which approximate to liturgical psalms are only
known to a few select spirits who sing them together on special
occasions.
Henri Maître, the commissioner, has translated one of these rhapsodies
which he discovered in the course of his ethnographical researches. A
few extracts will illustrate the halting simplicity which
characterizes these compositions.
"The Gods created the Earth and the trees. That is why men know
how to make gongs and tom-toms with which they accompany their
sacrifices to the Spirits....
"Men create jars for spirits and the hollow bamboo tubes
through which they suck up the liquid....
"Parents bring children into the world and feed them until they
are able to look after themselves....
"Thanks to the protecting care of the Spirits, the children
grow up hardy and splendid like a tall tree or a great
river....
"Later, they too will marry."...
By the side of such outpourings with their sprinkling of archaic words
and their more or less religious flavour there are also numbers of
jovial popular songs which the young men hum at work or sing to the
girls who catch their fancy. If the lady deigns to reply these songs
develop into a kind of choral repartee. This practice is confined to
the Laotians and their immediate neighbours.
The Laotians also still preserve the Court of Love, which has many
features in common with the celebrated European institution of the
Middle Ages.
At the period of the year when the rice harvest has been gathered in
and work in the fields is temporarily suspended the chief occupation
of the young men is to court the girls. Stages are erected on which
the Laotian ladies in search of a husband assemble. At their feet burn
lamps, by the light of which every detail of form or costume is
discreetly brought to the notice of the swains. A plate of betel and a
bamboo spittoon pass from hand to hand. Squatting in a row before
their lady-loves the young men compose verses in their honour, and the
ladies reply according to the burden of their hearts. Each couple
keeps up the interchange of vocal repartee before a public only too
ready to record its approval when one party or the other scores a
point. The couples are not allowed to touch each other. If the burden
of a song requires the performance of this act the singer symbolically
touches himself. Both the singing and acting are accompanied by
measured music, which adds to their charm.
The Malays also frequently improvise rhapsodical poems called
"Pantouns," in which two persons converse together. The Malayan
literary tournaments have acquired a widespread reputation.
The following is an excellent example of a love-poem sung by a Moï man
and girl:
"Hallo, pretty girl. You smell sweeter than an orchid!...
"Your legs and bosom are like ivory!
"Your body is so white that it might have been shaved!...
"Your figure is as sinuous as that of a serpent!...
"If you walked in the forest to gather moss and batatas, I
should wish to meet you alone to offer you some betel! (That
being the emblem of accepted love.)
"If you will marry me I can give you a large rice-bowl, a warm
coverlet for the cold nights, and an ox from my stables!...
"At night we will lie on the same mat as close together as the
legs of a shackled elephant!"...
The girl's answer is cruel:
"If you could give me ten silver necklaces and five ropes of
white pearls I would have none of you or your offerings, but
tell your brother, the swift hunter, that he can have me for a
green banana!"...
I have already dwelt on some of the superstitions which have gathered
round certain animals, and it only remains to say that there is hardly
a creature which is not the subject of a legend, a fable, or, at
least, a popular saying. From a comparison of the relative importance
of these legends or fables, it is plain that the Moï believe in a
regular hierarchy in which each species has its place. This belief is
shared by the Annamites, and its existence was clearly demonstrated by
the following tragic incident.
One morning one of our engineers, a man named Petaud, was found
crushed to death by elephants while engaged in tachymetrical
operations. He was quite unrecognizable and it was plain that one of
the infuriated monsters had flung him to the ground and the whole herd
had then stamped his body into dust. We were quite unable to assign a
cause for this terrible catastrophe. The only plausible explanation
was that the unfortunate victim had been so preoccupied with his
observations that he had stumbled into the midst of a sleeping herd
and had taken them for rocks. The part of the forest in which he was
found was, in fact, studded with huge granite boulders, many of which
resembled elephants in colour and form. Without loss of time we set to
work to clear the neighbourhood of the dangerous foe. Many of the
monsters fell beneath our bullets and it occurred to us to send the
feet to one of our countrymen on the coast, with a request to send
them by an Annamite junk to Saigon. We knew of a naturalist in that
town who makes elephants' feet into stands for flower-pots. Our
discomfiture was complete when we were informed that no one would
undertake the carriage of the booty to the coast at any figure we
named. The following reason was advanced for this refusal.
"The elephant is the highest of the animals which reign on
earth, but his powers can only be exercised on land. At sea the
whale is mistress and she is very jealous of any encroachment
on her prerogative. Accordingly, if we took any part of an
elephant into her domain she would manifest her displeasure by
capsizing our vessel."
Our prospective flower-pot stands had to wait for the arrival of a
European ship!
Wild beasts and, in fact, all animals which may be harmful to man are
given high-sounding titles by the Moï in the hope of tickling their
vanity and thus earning their gratitude. On the other hand, harmless
creatures, especially those which cannot be used for food and are
therefore useless to mankind, are given names of derision or contempt.
Further, certain species whose wiles defy all attempts at capture are
considered as being emanations of the spirits themselves. Suppose a
rat has the impertinence not merely to avoid all the traps, but also
to defy the Chief of the tribe and watch from a beam while a jar is
being opened. Its ordinary name is immediately transformed.
Henceforth, everyone refers to it as "the gentleman with magic
powers." The same title is extended to the termite ants who succeed in
making a home in cooking utensils in spite of all efforts to keep them
out.
Other insects, such as the spider, are considered by their presence to
incite married persons to infidelity. Accordingly a wife never goes to
bed without making a thorough search for the malignant creature. If a
spider fell from the ceiling between husband and wife the lady would
know for a certainty that her spouse had torn up the marriage
contract.
Popular fancy has also fastened on certain products of the vegetable
kingdom. When the millet or rice is in flower no one is allowed to
pass by who carries a truss of hay, for these plants are very
sensitive and would invariably follow the example of the hay, which
bears no grain.
If a pregnant woman were stupid enough to eat a double banana she
would infallibly give birth to twins whose fingers would be knotted
together.
There are numbers of nursery tales for children, many of which bear
strong traces of Hindu influence. The following are good specimens:
* * * * *
THE RABBIT, THE TIGER AND THE ELEPHANT
One day the Rabbit met the Elephant, who looked very distressed. The
small quadruped asked the big one the cause of his trouble.
The Elephant, grateful for the sympathetic inquiry, made reply:
"I have wagered my life with the Tiger and lost the wager. To-morrow I
must put myself at his disposal and he will eat me, but he has given
me one day in which to bid farewell to my children."
The Rabbit thought a moment and then told his friend to take heart for
he had frequently found a way out of much more formidable
complications. The Elephant believed in the assurances of his friend,
and they separated after fixing a rendezvous for the next day.
The monster turned up punctually to the moment and found the Rabbit
already waiting for him. The Rabbit told him to lie at full length on
the ground. When the Tiger was heard bounding through the forest the
Rabbit jumped on the Elephant's back and began to cry out at the top
of his voice:
"I have just had an elephant for my dinner but I really don't feel
equal to a tiger for dessert."
Terrified at such a miracle the King of the Jungle covered eight yards
at a bound and vanished in a twinkling into the depths of the forest.
* * * * *
THE TIGER AND THE TORTOISE
One evening when the Tortoise was slowly walking up a mountain path
she was brusquely ordered out of the way by a Tiger who wished to
drink at the river.
"Out of my way, Tortoise! You are only hindering me and you know I can
run faster than you!"
"Run faster than I!" exclaimed the Tortoise indignantly; "it's a lie!"
"Will you bet on it?" queried the Tiger.
"Certainly. You see these twelve hills. I bet you I will climb them
all before you."
"Done!"
As it was then getting late they agreed to postpone the trial of speed
to the next day. The Tortoise, however, was not idle during the night,
but called together twelve of her sisters, to whom she gave
instructions to take up their stations on the top of each of the
twelve hills and to pretend to the Tiger that it was his rival whom he
found waiting for him.
Her instructions were carried out to the letter and daybreak found
each of the tortoises at her post.
The race began at once. The Tiger started off, covering yards at each
bound. When he reached the top of the first hill he looked back in
contempt for the Tortoise.
"Where are you, Tortoise?"
"Here I am," replied the first Tortoise. "Don't waste time chattering
but get on your way."
Astounded that his competitor had displayed such a fine turn of speed
the Tiger resumed the race without a moment's delay. In a few bounds
he had reached the next hill, only to find (as he thought) the
Tortoise waiting for him with a few mocking words for his
slothfulness.
The Tiger lost heart and leapt forward in desperation, but the effort
was too much for him. He was soon out of breath and collapsed in a
heap long before his goal was in sight.
* * * * *
The fable of the Tiger and the Toad is very similar to the foregoing.
One day the Toad said to the Tiger:
"Will you run a race with me?"
"Don't be a fool," replied the Tiger.
"Come on all the same. I feel myself possessed by an invisible force
and I am sure I can beat you."
"Very well then, but what's to be the stake?"
They agreed that the winner should eat the loser. A tortoise who
chanced to pass by was selected as judge and performed the office of
starter. The Tiger, with his customary astuteness, claimed that he
need only touch the starting-post with the end of his tail. The Toad
was up to this and promptly caught hold of his rival's tail and
refused to be shaken off during the race. When within a few paces of
the goal the Tiger suddenly stopped short and the Toad shot over his
head. He was greatly chagrined to see the Toad thus arrive before him
and complained bitterly to a monkey who had witnessed the contest.
"I saw it all," the monkey said. "The Toad owes his success to a
trick. He caught hold of your tail and it was your sudden stop that
precipitated him in front of you. Try to get him to run another race
with you, and this time be careful to tie a stone to your tail to
prevent a repetition of his underhand behaviour."
The Tiger was delighted with this advice and invited the Toad to a
second trial of speed, offering his wife as an additional prize.
The monkey induced the Toad to agree and both watched the Tiger start
off. He had not gone far, however, before he plunged into a stream
which crossed the course. The weight of the stone dragged him down,
and in spite of his struggles he perished miserably.
The monkey, tortoise and Toad were highly delighted.
* * * * *
THE TOAD AND THE KING OF WATER
In the beginning of things a drought of several months completely
dried up a marsh in which a Toad dwelt. By reason of this catastrophe
the Toad could not bring up his young, so he decided to make a
complaint in person to the King of Water.
To give greater weight to his plea he begged the Fox, the Bear and the
Tiger to go with him.
The journey was long and wearisome, but at length the four animals,
marching in single file, left behind them the narrow path which leads
to heaven, and reached the gate.
A tom-tom was hung there, and the Toad banged it vigorously to
announce his presence, while his companions discreetly drew aside.
Hearing the noise, the King of Water sent a genius to find out who the
new-comer was.
"It is only a miserable toad," the messenger reported. "What must I do
with him?"
The King ordered the cocks to put the intruders to flight, but the Fox
flew at them and made a mouthful of them.
The King ordered the dogs to seize and punish the Fox, but then it was
the Bear's turn to give them his deadly embrace. The King became more
and more angry and ordered his archers to shoot the Bear with poisoned
arrows.
With one bound the Tiger laid low the warriors before they could even
stretch their bows, and torn by his fangs and claws they soon took to
their heels.
The King, seeing himself thus at the end of his resources and tired of
war, had the Toad brought into his presence, and inquired the object
of his visit.
"I salute thee humbly, Sire," said the Toad, "and would make an urgent
supplication before thee. The great heat hath turned the ground to
stone, since thou hast forgotten to send rain for many weary months. I
can no longer feed my children who are on the point of death through
thy neglect."
Touched at the story, the King acknowledged his remissness and at his
command a refreshing shower immediately fell upon the earth, which
soon revived.
Since that fortunate interview, whenever there is a drought men hear
the toad croaking his petition and rain falls without further delay.
* * * * *
It will be noticed in these fables how careful the Moï is to give the
Tiger, his dreaded foe, the rôle of the vanquished. They also show
signs of education in the habits of the animal world. It is just
because the croaking of the toad coincides with a change in the
atmosphere that the Moï attributes to that plaintive sound the power
to bring down rain.
Is it not equally true that the illustrious chanticleer had only to
utter his morning call to cause the sun to rise?
BOOK II
THE CHAM
CHAPTER I
THE CHAM
General characteristics of the Cham--A Mohammedan group--Its
place among ancient civilizations--Social life--Dress and
ornaments--The calendar--Rites accompanying the construction of
a house, a cart, and a junk--Agriculture and
industry--Medicines--The use of narcotics by criminals to
stupefy their victims.
I have now concluded my investigation of the complex of barbarous
peoples who, in spite of the proximity of civilized races, have
preserved almost intact the rudimentary instincts and ferocious
customs of primitive man. No account of these regions, however, would
be complete which omitted all references to the Cham,[2] a curious
Mohammedan people, formerly very powerful, whose conversion to that
faith took place during the zenith of their power and prosperity. The
traces of this one-time pre-eminence and the Cham themselves are fast
disappearing.
The group belongs to the Malayo-Polynesian race, of which the parent
stock seems to have inhabited the region of Annam. The Cham were
formerly the rulers of the powerful Empire of Champa, which occupied,
as far as we can judge from the somewhat conflicting and
unsatisfactory evidence, the eastern coast-line of Indo-China proper.
Marco Polo tells us of the fertility of this region in the thirteenth
century. It may even be that this country is the self-same Zabai of
which Ptolemy speaks.
Nominally Islam is the official religion of this people who seem to
have passed through previous stages of Animism and Brahminism. The
ancient faiths were too well established to be uprooted by the Moslem
conquerors and the outcome is a strange conglomeration in which the
ancestral superstitions frequently profit at the expense of the
precepts of the Koran.
The last survivors of this once flourishing empire (in all perhaps
130,000 souls), are now confined to the province of Binh-Thuan in
Annam. At the time of its downfall before the rising power of the
Annamites many of the conquered preferred exile in Cambodia and Siam
rather than humiliation and servitude in the land of their birth.
The opportunity of observing and noting the customs, beliefs, and
institutions of the Cham was furnished by the preliminary survey which
preceded the construction of the railway from Phantiet to Phanrang.
During the whole of this time our party was quartered among this
interesting people and had many opportunities of developing friendly,
and even intimate, relations.
We cannot pretend to have been the first to do so, for previous to our
arrival two eminent philologists, MM. Aymonier and Cabaton, had made a
searching examination of the manuscripts in the possession of the
priests and published two singularly exhaustive studies on the
subject.[3]
The Cham have preserved almost unmodified their physical and moral
characteristics, largely by means of their law which prohibits
intermarriage with any other people. For this reason they exhibit a
marked contrast to the Annamites.
The average height of a man is about five feet six inches, that of a
woman five feet. The skin is somewhat coarse and varies between a dark
brown and a shade of reddish brown such as a European acquires after
long exposure in a tropical climate. The auburn or black hair is fine
and brittle, while the growth of beard and moustache is more generous
than among the Annamites. Partial, or even total, albinism is not
uncommon.
The lips and facial outline offer resemblances to those of the
European. This is not remarkable, for of all Asiatics the Cham and the
Malays exhibit the nearest approach to the Western type.
In spite of a certain tendency to be hollow-backed the women are of
fine presence, elegant, and graceful in their movements. Their
carriage in walking is particularly remarkable and can be compared
with that of the Egyptians. The women of both these races habitually
carry heavy objects either on their shoulders or heads and can only
maintain them in equilibrium thanks to the most perfect ease in their
movements.
If the vigour of this race has not deteriorated during the last
centuries it is certain that their fertility has diminished. For some
time the birthrate has remained stationary. Retrogression is exhibited
in other ways also, for although their ancient civilization must have
been highly advanced, little trace of it remains in their present low
level of intellect. All ambition to renew the glories of the past has
long since evaporated. The ruins of many monuments tell of the ancient
splendours, but the living representatives are quite content to
recount the triumphs without any desire to emulate them. Is it
incapacity or merely universal apathy? The indolence of the Cham is
notorious. Even the building of their houses they leave to their
neighbours the Annamites.
The first time I entered a Cham village I was amazed at the absence of
all vegetation. Shade is one of the prime necessities of life in this
country, where the fierce rays of the sun pour down pitilessly all day
and make it painful, and even dangerous, for a man to be exposed to
them without cover. My colleagues, who had been established in the
place for some time, soon explained that as long as we remained among
the Cham we might as well relinquish vain hopes of finding a house
which would not be exposed to the sun.
This inconvenient defect is the outcome of a popular superstition that
the shade of a tree exerts a baneful influence over the house beneath
it. A somewhat similar belief prevails in Cambodia, where, however,
the minister of evil is alleged to be not the shade but the roots of
trees which penetrate below a house.
However, the lack of shade was by no means the greatest discomfort we
were called on to face. There were many others.
A native habitation comprises as many miniature houses as there are
households (and almost even members) in the family. Every girl of
marriageable age has a special room. The married members have another,
while a third is reserved for the boys who have attained puberty.
Naturally, the larger the family the smaller are the separate rooms,
and so the apartment assigned to us was usually little more than a box
with space for only a small folding-bed, the solitary piece of
furniture. These low, thatched huts were scattered about a kind of
compound bounded on each side by a flimsy palisade of bamboos secured
together by thongs of cane.
The costume of the men consists of a skirt and a very long robe. The
women wear a large piece of cloth wrapped round to form a rude skirt.
Gay colours are somewhat restricted, white and white striped with red
and green being the most popular. For bodice they have a clinging
dark-green tunic open at the throat.
Their taste in jewellery is remarkably restrained. The rich wear
silver or gold buttons in their ears. Of the poorer classes some
confine their personal embellishment to copper nails and others wear a
plait made of coloured threads which falls over their shoulders. We
sometimes noticed bracelets on the wrists of some of the girls. This
ornament serves to remind its wearer of the temporary vow of chastity
which she has taken to guard her against some danger or cure an
illness.
Others again wear a necklace of large amber beads from which hangs the
Tamrak, a kind of amulet which wards off the powers of evil. This
indispensable talisman consists of a small cylinder of lead on which a
priest has traced mystic characters with a sharp-pointed instrument.
Both sexes keep their hair long and, like the Annamites, twist it into
a knot at the back. The men wear as head-dress either a large turban
or sometimes merely a kerchief. Pockets are unknown, but two purses
hung from a long girdle provide an excellent substitute.
In early times the Cham princes set up their royal residence and the
seat of government in Phanrang. In the seventeenth century their
office was still hereditary, but the Court of Hué reserved the right
of investiture. In the nineteenth century successive invasions
undermined the authority of those potentates and all appointments to
administrative offices were made by the Annamite conquerors, who made
their selection among the local aristocracy.
The Cham of Cambodia are all Mohammedans, but of those of Annam about
two-thirds have remained Brahmins. Their countrymen of the later faith
call them "Kaphirs" (infidels), and reserve to themselves the title of
"Bani" (sons of the faith). Nevertheless, there is perfect toleration
between the followers of the two religions. The priests honour with
their presence the ritual ceremonies of the group whose beliefs they
do not share and neither party attempts to make converts of the
adherents of the other.
The calendar of the Cham is partly lunar and partly solar. The
beginning and end of each month coincides with a new moon. As in the
Hindu calendar, this lunar month has a light half which culminates in
the full moon and a dark half which is terminated by the new moon. The
duodenary cycle is employed for the purpose of measuring time. This
system was invented by the Turks, but the Chinese have been mainly
instrumental in securing its adoption throughout the Far East. Each of
the twelve years of which it is composed is called by the name of some
animal--Rat, Buffalo, Tiger, Hare, Dragon, Snake, Horse, Goat, Monkey,
Cock, Dog, Boar.
The year begins in April-May and comprises twelve lunar months of
thirty and twenty-nine days alternatively. They are numbered from one
up to ten, but the eleventh and twelfth have special names. Every
three years a month is added, and it may well be imagined to what
difficulties and disputes this proceeding gives rise in the absence of
agreement between the villages.
There are seven days in the week. Their names are borrowed from the
Sanscrit and, like ours, represent a planet. Each day has twelve
hours, twice the length of ours, of which the first begins at
cockcrow. The night consists of five watches.
These are the component parts of the system in which it is quite
simple to calculate any date. For example, a document may be dated
thus: "Signed, Monday the fourth day of the light half of the fifth
month of the year of the Dragon."
It is probable that in early times the Cham computed time by a system
similar to that of the ancient Javanese, a people with whom they
maintained close political and commercial relations, as witness
several alliances between members of the two reigning houses. The
Javanese calendar comprised a week of five days, a month of six weeks,
a year of ten months, each with its special tutelary deity.
Life among the Cham is greatly complicated by rules of etiquette, of
which the most stringent regulate the relations between those of
different age and rank. Age is regarded with special reverence and an
old man, whatever his social condition, is always addressed as Uncle
or Grandfather by his juniors in years. An inferior addresses his
superior as Elder Brother.
As in Cambodia methods of greeting are various. If a man meets a
friend of superior station a due and proper sign of deference is to
adjust his girdle or cross the cloth which fulfils the functions of
trousers. If he is carrying an umbrella he will hold it forward
towards the person he thus wishes to honour. Then a conversation will
take place. During the whole time he will take the greatest care to
avoid swinging his arms, the most flagrant act of disrespect. To guard
against even an unwitting breach of this regulation a well-bred Cham
will clasp his hands together, a precaution which prevents any
movement of the arms. If a woman desires to address a request to a
Mandarin or a European, her preliminary salutation is a complicated
manœuvre which recalls the Andjali of the Hindus and cannot be
executed without preparation. She takes off the turban which keeps her
hair in position, wraps it round her like a shawl, drops on her knees
and finally prostrates herself three times in succession at full
length on the ground. In the interval between each prostration she
rubs her face with her hands.
In India, where etiquette takes a different form, no one should appear
in public without an ornament of some kind in the hair; if the head is
completely unadorned it signifies either mourning or absolute
retirement from the world. This rule seems to be of very ancient
origin and to have been kept alive largely by sculpture. It is
remarkable that all the statues of divinities in the temples have an
ornament of some kind in the hair.
It is not merely the number and variety of the rules of etiquette
which distinguish the Cham from other groups of similar culture. They
are equally remarkable for the multiplicity of the rites which
accompany each act, however insignificant, of their daily life. I can
only recount here some of the more important ones which present
features of their own.
An accidental fire destroyed the native house which a village chief
had placed at our disposal, during the survey in that neighbourhood.
We offered to rebuild it on our own lines, with the latest
improvements. Far from expressing any gratification at the suggestion
he showed the greatest surprise and displeasure and was more than
contented with the very modest sum we gave him with which to do the
work himself. Little did we imagine the trials in store for us. We
were provided with temporary accommodation in a barn, without shade of
any sort. The ill-fitting planks let in as much sun as rain and wind,
and we were all impatience to see the completion of our future
dwelling. Time, however, counts for next to nothing in the Far East,
and for nothing at all among the Cham. Within a few days it was patent
that a long delay was inevitable and we were soon resigned to the
prospect of waiting indefinitely while the rebuilding, impeded by
innumerable daily ceremonies, proceeded from stage to stage.
First of all, a place which is to be hallowed by the performance of so
many rites must be enclosed within a light palisade as holy ground.
For this purpose dead wood is chosen, for it must never be forgotten
that the shade cast by foliage forbodes evil. In this enclosing wall
an opening is made to give passage to the divinities of the five
cardinal points. Without their help it would be vain for man to enter
upon so grave an undertaking.
The area having thus been marked out, the next step is to determine
its centre. For this purpose a cord is requisitioned. The spot thus
fixed serves as a point by which to find the positions for the columns
which are to support the building. A hole is dug to furnish a
foundation for the north-east column. Into this the owner throws a
magic amulet with the most elaborate precaution. The talisman consists
of a sheet of lead on which certain mystic characters are engraved.
Only after this solemn consecration is the column fixed in position.
The day's work is then concluded. Next day a similar performance
accompanies the establishment of a second column. One day one column
is more than we can stand, and after every form of persuasion and
argument the easy-going architect consents to consecrate the remaining
columns on the same day.
Alas! When the framework of the roof is complete religious observance
requires that an amulet shall be inserted at every point of contact
with the beams of the walls! Then again there is a prolonged and
bitter controversy over the choice of thatch. Our Annamite coolies
have been foolish enough to collect a supply of bulrushes which are
considered to exert a malignant influence! The offending material is
immediately burnt and a new delay begins. At length the work is
completed and the house stands ready for immediate occupation. Nothing
seems to prevent our entry into possession and at daybreak we move
across with our baggage and establish ourselves each in his diminutive
cabin. Hardly has the unpacking begun than the owner rushes in with
hands upraised in horror. In our haste we have unwittingly committed
almost every conceivable act of sacrilege!
A cat should have been the first to enter the new abode, and after it
the Master, and he alone may declare the building open. There is no
help for it. We hastily put back our belongings and tumble the boxes
out into the yard. We remain as unwilling spectators of a ceremony
which we are assured is positively the last. Our host prostrates
himself on the ground at the exact spot which he selects for his own
bed. He then rises and intones a chant proper to the occasion, which
consists of the recital of all the places to be avoided when selecting
a site for a new dwelling.
"I will flee far," says the Holy Canticle, "from the haunts of the
White Ant. I will turn aside from the dwelling-places of demons and
evil spirits. Sloping places I will shun. I will sound clayey soil.
In short I will never be found where evil is to be apprehended."
And the pious architect concludes the last of the rites and leaves us
to the place.
Irritated though we were by the interminable proceedings which had
postponed our occupation of the promised land, it is only fair to say
that at all times we displayed the greatest interest in other ritual
ceremonies which involved no personal disadvantages to ourselves. Each
day provided us with new matter for investigation and speculation.
Undoubtedly one of the most curious proceedings is the consecration of
a cart before its entry into active service. The manufacture of these
vehicles is, perhaps, the most flourishing industry of the Cham. Their
reputation is almost world-wide and thoroughly deserved. The industry
dates from a very early period and was brought into prominence during
the fourteenth century by the demand of the Hindu princes for
beautiful cars for wedding gifts to their brides. The dedication takes
place with the greatest pomp and is not complete without a sacrifice.
First the wheelwright sprinkles his new material with holy water, then
takes it to the river bank. There he subjects it to a severe scouring,
after which it is considered as purified. Next coloured tapers are
fixed on the uprights and finally he draws his knife and cuts out the
framework.
"Cart," he cries, "woe betide you if ever the fancy take you not to
roll your best."
The Cham prefer the banks of a river or the shores of a lake as a site
for their settlements. They frequently build whole villages on huge
floating rafts, but the staple industry of these lake-dwelling groups
is the building of light boats and racing skiffs. These are made from
trees and, as long narrow trunks are indispensable, the favourite
medium is the dipterocarpus, which is plentiful in these regions. The
tree is felled and then hollowed to its full length, the ends being
shaped to a tapering point. To obtain the necessary elasticity the
parts are exposed to a wood fire before the moulding process is
commenced. Every stage of the proceedings is accompanied by prayers
and sacrifices such as we have seen marking the dedication of the
wagon.
It is general knowledge that in Cambodia and the region of Laos canoe
races figure in all public festivals of importance. These regattas
attract a large number of spectators of all nations and the Cham
naturally take a conspicuous part.
The boats display quite a high standard of artistic skill. On the
inside they are decorated with red lacquer. On the outside they are
black and gold. Some idea of the size appears in the fact that they
are sometimes built to accommodate fifty paddlers.
Every king, prince, bonze and noble has, or should have, his private
boat and liveried crew, for the races proper are preceded by an
aquatic procession, when each boat passes before the dais on which is
seated the President of the Festivities. Nothing could be more
elating than the sight of the beautiful rhythmical movements of the
paddlers swinging forward with mechanical precision until their
foreheads almost touch their knees. These voluntary sailors furnish an
example of discipline which might well be followed in high places.
Agriculture among the Cham is limited to the cultivation of a few
ricefields and the growth of tobacco, cotton and pea-nuts.
Cattle-raising does not include that of cows and pigs, the flesh of
which is forbidden by religion. Other industries are bee-keeping, the
export of the wax for religious purposes, and the manufacture of
torches of resin which find a ready market among the Annamites. I have
already mentioned other specialities.
Agriculture, commerce and industry show not the least sign of
expansion. The Cham is not ambitious, much less inventive and exhibits
no trace of envy of his progressive Annamite conquerors, whose
industrious activity is a vivid contrast to the proverbial lethargy of
Orientals. Unhappily the indifference of the Cham to material
prosperity is a recent development. In the great days of Empire they
must have been a very active and intelligent race and even to-day we
find relics of their inventive skill among their Medicine Men.
These specialists jealously guard the secret, which has been handed
down by tradition, of certain medicines to which Europeans have had
recourse on occasion. More than once during our expedition we were
glad to invite the good offices of the native herbalists when,
prostrated by dysentery, shivering with fever or weakened by anæmia,
we had exhausted the resources of our own pharmaceutical arsenal. The
native doctors are as skilful as the Chinese in utilizing various
simples and are quite familiar with the medicinal properties of
certain animal products.
We have known cases in which an unnameable brew, of which the
principal constituents were the shells of beetles, the scales of
snakes, and the parings of stags' antlers and bullocks' hooves,
effected a quicker cure than all our European drugs, for all their
scientific names. The pharmacopœia of the Cham is certainly an
offshoot of that of the Chinese. It comprises a list of all manner of
remedies for moral as well as physical disorders.
Camphor, a substance universally appreciated, appears also among the
medicines of the Cham. They use a certain oil which, when impregnated
with camphor, acts as an anæsthetic by evaporating and producing a
freezing sensation. It forms a kind of liniment and is kept in a
small, brightly coloured glass flask, which is stoppered with a cork
of wax to prevent evaporation.
Wax is also used to make capsules, about the size of a pigeon's egg,
to hold drugs and other medicinal substances which must be kept from
contact with the air.
Cholera, which is endemic throughout this region, is treated by taking
pills made up of a mixture of sandalwood, the bark of the mangostan,
and eagle-wood. Eagle-wood, of which I shall have much to say later
on, is well known as an excellent tonic. Popular superstition endows
it with powers so remarkable that a single piece could effect an
immediate cure.
Most of the brews or broths are prepared by decoction rather than by
infusion and the operation should take place over a slow fire, which
makes them more potent. Their effect is extremely violent, and in
Europe we should unhesitatingly classify them with the group of
remedies popularly known as "horse pills."
Among the most potent I might mention the gall of animals which is
often used to produce the effect of an emetic.
At one time the Cham sorcerers used human bile as well as that of
animals. This human bile was useless unless taken from a living
subject, and consequently murders without number were committed for
the purpose of obtaining it. Its reputation as a talisman was
universal. It was said that any man who rubbed himself with it became
invulnerable. Of course it was inevitable that a warrior should become
invincible when he was certain that his victory, thanks to his
supernatural protection, was a foregone conclusion. The King himself
had no doubts as to the efficacy of this talisman and before going
into battle ordered his elephants to be sprayed with it. His special
emissaries, who enjoyed the name of _Jalavoi_ ("Stealers of human
bile"), drew their host of victims from every quarter, and even to-day
the memories of their horrid activities evoke a shudder.
Happily those evil days have departed. Human bile is no longer used
either for protective or medicinal purposes. It remains only as the
subject of legend.
Besides this special and curious emetic the Cham produce the same
effect by certain mechanical processes the originality of which merits
detailed description.
When a sick man's stomach seems overladen with bile and the medicine
man wishes to empty it completely, he stuffs a rag soaked in urine and
other evil-smelling substances into the patient's mouth. He rams it
down as far as it will go and then quickly withdraws it. Physical
aversion and the irritation of the glottis produced by a foreign body
immediately provoke a spasm of sickness. No doubt some milder emetic
would have been equally successful.
I frequently doctored the Cham and I can bear witness that they make
the best of patients. They took ipecacuanha, castor-oil, or sulphate
of soda, as if they enjoyed them. When they came again they often
brought me a present of a little candle in a curious candlestick made
from the banana-plant. I learnt later that it was the custom to bring
an offering of some kind in lieu of fee to the native doctors.
Suicide is very uncommon in these regions, where the means of life
are within the reach of all, passions easily mastered, and an
easy-going philosophy is practised from the cradle. The few who find
life not worth living leave it with the help of opium which they mix
with vinegar.
At present the native authorities throughout Indo-China have taken no
steps to regulate the manufacture and sale of poisons. It is quite
usual for the most virulent of these to be sold publicly in the open
market, and it must be admitted that any regulations would probably be
ineffective to stop the trade. Nature in Asia has always been lavish
with toxic substances. Even if the sale of these were prohibited,
anyone could find as many as he wished in the nearest forest. This
abundance is undoubtedly responsible for the large and increasing
number of murders by poison which distinguish the regions inhabited by
the Cham. We ourselves, isolated in the bush, had to take the most
elaborate precautions to prevent fatalities of this kind.
On our arrival in the country we were forewarned of the danger by the
French resident magistrate of the province. He laid special stress on
the risks run by young bachelors who attempted any intimacies with the
native girls. The seducer, it appears, is marked out for destruction,
even if he has only yielded to the blandishments of the woman.
Further, many of the Cham poisons only work slowly and the mischief
they cause in the system is frequently taken for disorders which
follow anæmia and other illnesses, to which foreigners in this
climate are peculiarly liable. One of my colleagues died from an
attack of what we believed to be malaria. We all feel now that if an
autopsy had been made we should probably have discovered that what we
thought was cachexia was the effect of poison.
Besides being familiar with the nature and use of poisons the Cham are
also expert in concocting stupefying drugs and narcotics of all kinds.
They often poison the air of a room in which a patient is lying by
blowing stupefying vapours through hollow canes inserted in the
wattled walls. The effect of these fumes is to make the victim sleep
more heavily and the criminals take advantage of this circumstance to
rob him at their leisure.
I had a vivid personal experience of this diabolical procedure. One
evening I arrived with my escort at a house which our coolies had
built specially for us and where we were to stay several weeks. The
furniture consisted of nothing more than a bamboo bedstead supporting
a mattress of cotton wadding. My room was very narrow and the seven
cases which contained my instruments and cooking utensils were all the
furniture I needed in addition. I told my boy to push two of these
cases under the bed in order to save space. We had been marching all
day under a tropical sun and I flung myself on the mattress and fell
asleep at once. I awoke, according to habit, at about four in the
morning and was surprised to feel myself so cramped that I could
hardly move. To add to my astonishment I could not find my matches
which I always kept within reach. The case which I had placed to serve
as a bedside table had likewise disappeared.
With great effort I rose from bed and stumbling at each step managed
to get out of the house. My sole garment was my pyjamas, for my
clothes had followed the matches. It was still dark and I soon
collided with an obstacle which proved on investigation to be one of
the cases. I was somewhat alarmed and called for my servants. No one
answered. A feeling of overpowering drowsiness overcame me and I had
just time to get back to my bed before I fell asleep again. When
morning came my orderly came in to announce that six out of the seven
boxes were scattered about the outskirts of our camp. Locks had been
forced and all my papers, instruments, photographic plates and prints,
and wallets ruthlessly thrown out after obvious examination. It was
plain that the burglars had been hunting for bank-notes. Fortunately I
had no money in the cash-box. I had left the few thousand piastres
which constituted our reserve with a colleague, so the total haul did
not amount to more than two silver bangles and a few gewgaws, which
together were not worth more than ten piastres.
As for the seventh case, it contained the whole of our supplies, and
its disappearance left us with nothing but the impressions of our
journey to breakfast on.
That evening, while clearing the thickets quite six kilometres from
our camp, our coolies came upon the missing case. It was almost
intact. Only one box had been opened and it bore upon its label a
sketch of the sucking-pig it contained. As swine's flesh is abhorred
by the Cham I can only conclude that we owed the recovery of our
portable larder to that happy chance.
Two years later a second attempt of the same kind and not less
audacious was perpetrated upon me. I was at Hanoi, residing in a house
situated in a narrow avenue and next to the barracks. It was at the
beginning of the rainy season and a violent storm was raging. I was
sleeping on the first floor, and one of my Tonkinese orderlies, a
hardy young bachelor, stationed himself at the bottom of the stairs to
guard me. I had allowed another to bring his family into the house and
the family, including its real members, friends and acquaintances,
turned out to comprise eleven persons. In return for this concession
they arranged to mount guard in turn. It will be acknowledged that I
was thus not alone in the desert!
It must have been about midnight and I was dozing lightly (being
prevented from sleeping by feverishness), when I suddenly noticed that
my reading-lamp outside the mosquito-net was lit. It occurred to me
that I could not have been so foolish as to leave it lit and I
distinctly remembered putting out the light when I got into bed. I sat
up to rouse my senses and heard a slight noise in the next room. I
was out of bed in a moment just in time to catch a parcel of clothing
which was evidently thrown at me to trip me up. By the light from the
reading-lamp I distinctly saw a man perfectly naked, his body shining
as if he had just had a bath in oil. I remembered in a flash that the
Annamite robber always take this precaution to make capture more
difficult. Before I could snatch my revolver the burglar had displayed
his ape-like agility by leaping through the window and vanishing in
the darkness.
I called up my men, but they only told me they had heard nothing. I
confess with shame I lost my temper. Suspecting those whom I had so
imprudently harboured of complicity in the plot I hunted from the
house all except my usual staff. I enjoyed such consolation as was
afforded by the sight of the silhouettes of the defaulting watchmen
cowering in the pelting rain. Any remorse I experienced quickly
vanished when I made inquiries later!
CHAPTER II
SOCIAL AND FAMILY LIFE
Traces of the matriarchal system in the conception of the
family--The "Karoh"--Circumcision--Precautions against
seduction--Rites incidental to betrothal, marriage, birth and
infancy.
It is well known that the ancient matriarchal system of government and
ownership still flourishes among certain peoples who inhabit the
peninsula of the Ganges and some groups of Malayo-Polynesian origin.
In this system man belongs to an inferior order of creation. All
political and social authority is exercised by woman and she alone can
possess and inherit. This veritable triumph of feminism might have
been expected to produce results far more disastrous than has been the
case. Proof that life under such circumstances can be both possible
and tolerable is furnished by the history of the Malays of the Negri
Sambilan (British Malaysia), which is little more than a monotonous
record of good fortune and prosperity.
The system is frequently accompanied by the institution of polyandry
in which the husbands cohabit in turn with the common wife who has
herself selected them.
Now the institutions of both the Cham and the Cambodians show traces
of descent from an earlier organization of which the matriarchal
system was the distinguishing feature. On no other hypothesis can we
account for some striking facts. Family is traced through the mother.
The children take her name, adopt her religion if they are the issue
of a mixed marriage, and remain her property in case of divorce.
Inheritance descends in the female line alone. A woman is the
principal figure in many of the domestic ceremonies and she retains at
all times the right to select her husband.
The time at which girls pass from infancy to puberty (when they are at
once considered of marriageable age) is celebrated by a curious
ceremony called the "Karoh," which is doubtless derived from that
precept of the Koran which prohibits a repudiated or divorced woman
from entering upon a new union until after a retirement extending over
three menstrual periods. The festival lasts two days and the
proceedings are under the personal supervision of the Ong Gru (High
Priest) himself, who is assisted by a number of acolytes.
Two huts of boughs and leaves are constructed specially for the
occasion. One is destined to serve as dormitory to the girls of the
village whose puberty is to be officially recognized. The other is to
accommodate the numerous audience which always gathers to witness the
accomplishment of the rite.
At the first sign of daybreak the young neophytes advance in a group
towards the High Priest. Each wears her gayest robes and her most
precious jewels. Her hair falling freely on her shoulders is crowned
with a mitre. One by one they bow reverentially before the officiating
minister who places on their lips a grain of salt, offers a cup of
pure water, and then cuts a piece of hair from their foreheads. This
last action signifies that the girls' reputation is unsullied. If the
contrary is demonstrated by ocular proof the piece of hair will be
taken not from the forehead but from the back of the neck. This
constitutes, both among the Cham and the Cambodians, a mark of infamy.
A one-year-old baby, carried in the arms of an old man, is the object
of the same rites.
The girls thus initiated now retire to the place assigned to them,
obviously to carry out the semblance of withdrawal from the world.
During their absence the priests take a hearty meal, the remains of
which are distributed to the faithful. About midday the girls return,
this time with their hair twisted into a knot on their necks, a patent
indication that the age of marriage has been reached. Relations and
friends join in offering them gifts to celebrate the happy event. A
generous feast follows to which are invited all who have taken any
part in the proceedings, and shortly after the girls enter into their
new sphere.
[Illustration:
_Photo by_] [_A. Cabaton._
Royal Elephants in Cambodia.]
[Illustration:
_Photo by_] [_Henri Maître._
A Buddhist Procession carrying Offerings to a Distant Pagoda.]
The High Priests say that the "Karoh" is in essence a symbol. The
moon, a feminine divinity, attains her full perfection only at the
fifteenth day. In the same way the "Karoh" must be celebrated as
nearly as possible in a girl's fifteenth year when her development is
complete.
Up to the time of her consecration in this manner a girl is "taboo,"
and all sexual relations with her are strictly prohibited.
The Cambodians have very similar rites and regulations. Before
attaining the age of marriage a girl is regarded as one of the spouses
of Indra, the King of the Gods, and in virtue of this exalted station
no man dare cultivate any intimate relations with her. Immediately on
the occurrence of her first menstruation she "enters into the shade,"
that is, takes refuge under her mosquito-net and withdraws from the
world altogether for a period which varies between five and a hundred
days. As long as the sun shines the recluse may not even leave her
couch, but occasionally an eclipse procures her a temporary release
from her gaol. No man may approach her, for she must not be exposed to
the temptation of looking at a male. Her diet is strictly prescribed,
fish and meat being prohibited, and in any case she is restricted to
one meal a day, taken between sunrise and midday, after the manner of
the bonzes.
This compulsory seclusion is a terrible hardship, for an open-air life
is almost a necessity in these tropical climates where the heat is
overpowering. It is not to be wondered at, therefore, that the
termination of the imprisonment is an occasion for great rejoicing.
"Leaving the shade," as this fête is called, is frequently marked by
the lacquering of the girl's teeth, an operation which is accompanied
with all manner of rites and is preceded by a special dedicatory
ceremony.
Regulations which seem to aim at secluding girls at the time they
attain puberty are not peculiar to Indo-China. Thus the Vaï of Liberia
cloister their girls at the age of ten in a place called "Sandy,"
which is hidden away in the depths of a great forest. The recluses are
considered dead to their family who are not allowed to see them. Their
only visitors are a few old women, their only occupations minor
domestic duties and initiation into the mysteries of marriage. If a
betrothal is arranged during this period the girl is liberated on the
appearance of the first signs of puberty.
If we are to believe legend (and legend is often worthy of belief),
both in Denmark and Siberia the same period in a girl's life is
preceded by a similar retirement. Frazer cites several instances which
dispel all doubt on the subject.
The rite of circumcision, or rather, the rite of simulated
circumcision, among the Cham Bani only takes place when the boys are
in their fifteenth year. This ceremony is, in fact, purely symbolical.
Armed with a wooden knife the officiating priest makes a pretence of
performing the act after which he gives the novice his ceremonial
name, which is always taken from the Arabic calendar and is sure to be
either Ali, Ibrahim, or Mahomet. The acquisition of this religious
surname does not prevent a boy from using his unredeemed name in
ordinary life.
The ceremony known as the "Entry into Religion" should take place at
about the age of five, but in practice it is always reserved until the
age of puberty though never delayed until after marriage. It will be
remembered that the custom of postponing circumcision characterized
the Persians also.
The Cham have a saying that you might as well leave an elephant among
the sugar canes as leave a man alone with a girl. The proposition may
be sweeping but receives enough illustration to make it plausible.
However that may be, it must be remembered that no sexual
relationships are prohibited except those which do not sooner or later
contemplate marriage. If a girl is seduced and the consequences of her
action begin to make themselves evident she is at once put under
arrest. Her ankles are secured by thongs of buffalo hide; with these
marks of ignominy she appears before the Council of Notables. There
she is adjured to reveal the author of her undoing. If she gives the
name of the seducer he is compelled to marry her and pay a fine by way
of compensation to her parents. This fine is the "Price of Shame" and
invariably substantial. If, however, the girl refuses to divulge the
name of her seducer a sentence of fifty strokes with a cane is passed,
an extremely heavy penalty. Before the punishment is actually
inflicted a hole is dug in the ground and the sufferer made to lie at
full length with her stomach in it. This is a precaution to prevent an
abortion.
As soon as a girl has found the man of her choice her parents pay an
official visit to those of her fortunate husband-designate. They take
with them two cakes and some betel. If the young man tastes this it is
a sign that he accepts betrothal and an engagement follows.
A curious custom in this country is that the consummation of the
marriage does not coincide with its celebration. To do so would be to
court the malevolence of the powers of evil! Cohabitation is the first
step in the proceedings. In this way the new household saves all
wedding expenses and it is by no means infrequent that the children
are old enough to take part in the festivities by the day fixed for
the official celebration of the nuptials.
The marriage takes place in the evening in a hut specially built for
the occasion. Hand in hand the happy pair walk on mats from their own
dwelling to the place appointed for the fête. Indeed it is a most
important part of the rites that their feet shall not come into
contact with the bare ground. Their garments are of white cotton and
unhemmed, resembling in this respect the mourning clothes worn by the
Annamites. The girl enters the house, leaving her partner on the
threshold where stands the priest who is to bless their union.
A dialogue ensues between the minister and the man.
"Prince Ali," asks the former, "what are your gifts to the Princess
Fatima, your future spouse?"
"O Lord Mahomet, I bring her a silver ring, two talismans for her
neck, a necklace of amber, a fertile rice-field, and two bullocks
trained to the plough."
With these words the husband gives the ring to the priest who blesses
it and hands it to his two acolytes, who bear it away to place on the
finger of the bride.
She, invisible behind the door of the house, receives the two
messengers who question her on her desires. If she gives her consent
to the marriage she is immediately led to her husband who escorts her
in solemn procession to their new home. Before entering, however, the
man throws three betel leaves on the ground and crushes them one after
another with his foot.
A white cloth is thrown over the nuptial couch and the married pair
take their places side by side upon it. The deacons join their hands
and sprinkle holy water over them. Next several candles are lit, the
pair receive official benediction, and at length find themselves
alone.
The rites, however, are not yet concluded, for the woman gravely rolls
up a quid of betel which she puts into the mouth of her husband. In
return he takes off part of his clothing to make a covering for her.
They then leave the house and fall at the feet of the priests and
their parents. Their friends seize an early opportunity of proclaiming
in a loud voice the gifts they offer, while a secretary draws up the
list to prevent misunderstanding.
The proceedings terminate with a monster banquet. The man's family
provide the meat and drinks while the woman's are responsible for the
rice and cakes.
In Cambodia the Cham allow a disappointed suitor to prevail over the
opposition of his loved one's family by executing the following mock
manœuvres.
He waits until nightfall and seizing the moment when the girl's door
is open to make his entry into the house, clasps her in his arms and
throws about them both a shawl brought for the purpose.
After this elaborate pretence of rape the family have no choice but to
withdraw their opposition and allow the match to proceed. They never
fail, however, to exact vengeance from the mock ravisher in the shape
of fearful abuse and a more or less substantial fine.
The women make very faithful wives, so much so that cases of adultery
are rare. Normally this crime is punishable with death, but in
practice the sentence is always commuted to a fine, sometimes
accompanied by whipping.
Besides, every facility is afforded for the dissolution of the union
on the ground of incompatibility of temperament. Divorce is easy. The
woman's right to select her husband is paired with the right to get
rid of him at will or change him for another. In this case she herself
keeps the family dwelling and the lion's share of the property.
Although the religion of Mahomet permits the possession of four wives,
in practice the Cham have insufficient means to provide for more than
one. Accordingly, polygamy is exceptional, the expense being
prohibitive.
Certain prohibitions are too remarkable to be passed over in silence.
Both the Brahminist and the Mussulman Cham abstain from sexual
relations on Mondays, as being the day of the week on which Allah was
born.
During pregnancy the women take the greatest care to avoid a certain
kind of Javanese banana for fear of giving birth to a monster which
will one day turn and torment them.
The rites accompanying birth are materially the same as those of the
Moï. There is the same "Accouchement at the Fire," to use the
expression in vogue in the country. It means that a fire is kindled by
the woman's couch from the beginning of the accouchement to the time
she is allowed to leave her bed, seven days after the birth. This fire
is kept carefully guarded by the matrons with a "ring" of cotton
thread. They also leave a huge lighted candle at the side to ward off
evil spirits.
When the mother is about again the midwife puts out the fire and
plants an iron stake in the middle of the ashes. These she collects
with the greatest care and bears them off with religious fervour to
deposit at a fork of the nearest road in the vicinity. They form a
little heap on the top of which she places a stone. Then she lays a
quid of betel on this improvised altar.
I was extremely curious for a long time as to the meaning of these
pious erections which I saw at every cross-road, but no one dared nor
cared to give me any information. Those whom I interrogated took
refuge in evasion and turned the conversation. I might have remained
for ever in ignorance had not the Annamites proved more communicative
some time later. I then learned that in popular superstition
cross-roads are the favourite haunts of spirits, souls in torment,
ghosts, and other beings whose influence is baneful.
The Cham are extremely fond of their children and spare no pains to
keep them amused. Indeed, their affection goes the length of leaving
them in complete ignorance of soap and water, an omission for which
the babies are duly grateful. It is especially gratifying to the
benevolent spirits if the mother smears her child's face with a
mixture of flour and saffron, a substance the yellow colour of which
meets with the particular approval of the deities whose own visages
are of that colour if we are to credit tradition. On the other hand,
the mother who has been visited by a bad dream covers her baby with
soot to hide it from evil spirits.
The natural consequence of these precautions is that the young Cham,
like the young Moï, grow up in a condition of filth which is
aggravated by the onslaught of mosquitoes and the appearance of
innumerable sores. Further they are extremely liable to
gastro-enteritis due to their parents' reprehensible practice of
stuffing them with rice until their small stomachs are stretched taut
like a drum.
Throughout the Far East the kiss is replaced by a kind of snort
applied to the back of the neck just behind the ear. The children are
particularly fond of this type of demonstration for they burst into
shouts of laughter whenever their mothers relieve their maternal
feelings in this manner. If the child grows up in spite of his
parents' apprehensions, at about the age of six months he receives a
name which is considered to sum up his prospects in life. Thus a fine
chubby boy will be called Peace, Amber or Gold. A small, weakly girl
will receive the name of Discord, Pillage or Bat. But suppose this
last child survives the early years and her infantile disorders, at
about the age of twelve her name of reproach is exchanged for one of
more happy meaning for she has passed the age at which the spirits are
allowed to exercise a baneful influence. In spite of this mode of
rehabilitation, however, the parents usually forget to change the name
and her old soubriquet clings to her through life. This at all events
is some explanation for the curious fact that in searching the
historical records of the Cham we are always coming across kings
rejoicing in the unfortunate titles of "Typhus the Third," and
"Cholera the Fourth."
It will be remembered that the Aryans considered the name as forming
part of a man's nature. The Hindus, too, believe that it exercises a
profound influence over the destinies of its bearer. For example, the
Laws of Manu enjoin that a man shall not marry a woman who bears the
name of a serpent, a barbarous race, a slave, or any ugly object.
Among the Cham of Cambodia every child undergoes the operation known
as "Molot," the "Hair-cutting," a rite which has much in common with
the "Tonsuring" of the Brahminist Hindus and the non-Mussulman natives
of Cambodia. It even bears some resemblance to the ceremony of
Christian baptism as it was observed in the days of the early Church
under the name given to it by the Early Fathers of "Regeneration of
the Soul." Both centre round the rite of purification with holy water
and both show the neophyte in that same robe of spotless white which
is the symbol of the pure life on which he enters.
A Hindu legend relates that Siva himself instituted this ceremony when
he baptized his grandson, the child of Genesa. It took place on the
holy mountain of Keylasa in the centre of a marvellous island
inhabited by spirits, and secured from the intrusion of mortals by a
great lake filled with a liquid on which nothing could float.
An odd day and year is chosen for the celebration of the rite. If the
novice is of illustrious parentage a wooden erection is put up and
painted to resemble the legendary Mount Keylasa. Two paths are made
leading to the top and bordered with shrubs. The one faces to the East
and is used by the minor officials, the other facing the West is
destined for the presiding priest only.
Some of the deacons now play on archaic instruments such as castanets
of bronze, and a novel feature of the orchestra is a kettle-drum with
an ingenious contrivance by which each side is struck alternately with
a stone ball.
The child, dressed in a long white robe studded with small pieces of
metal, advances towards the priest who shaves the crown of his head
and lays the hair removed on a snow-white linen cloth. Then priest and
neophyte ascend the path to the top of the imitation Keylasa where a
large circular basin awaits them. The youth, with a cotton crown on
his head, is at once sprinkled with holy water and baptized while some
children carefully wipe his feet and march round him holding torches.
This circumambulation is repeated nineteen times in honour of the
novice's nineteen souls. Throughout the East many souls are accredited
to every human being. Of these one alone is deemed immortal. The
vital soul resides in the navel, the supreme soul in the bosom.