=============+=======
District. |Number.
~~~~~~~~~~~~~+~~~~~~~
Bulandshahr | 25
Mathura | 1
Agra | 15
Farrukhâbâd | 58
Etâwah | 6
Etah | 4
Shâhjahânpur | 29
Cawnpur | 2
Fatehpur | 43
Hamîrpur | 618
Allahâbâd | 114
Jhânsi | 1,942
Jâlaun | 189
Lalitpur | 6,152
Gorakhpur | 2
Basti | 96
Lucknow | 2
Faizâbâd | 2
Partâbgarh | 7
+~~~~~~~
Total | 9,307
=============+=======
Burhela.—A sept of Râjputs in Râê Bareli, [181] who are not separately
entered in the Census Returns. Their sons many girls from the
Raghubansi and Bais septs; their girls marry Amethiya and with
difficulty Bais boys.
C
Châi, [182] Châin, Châini.—A cultivating, fishing, and thieving caste
found in Oudh and the Eastern Districts. Nothing certain is known as to
the origin of the name. It has been suggested that they are the
representatives of the Chârya, [183] a degraded Vaisya class, or that
the word is totemistic (meaning the seed of a tamarind; Sanskrit,
chârmika, “leather”). Mr. Risley [184] writes of them:—“They are
probably an offshoot from some non-Aryan tribe. They are found in Oudh,
where Mr. Nesfield connects them with the Thâru, Râji, Nat, and other
broken and gypsy-like tribes inhabiting the base of the Himâlayas, and
traces in their physiognomy features peculiar to Mongolian races. Mr.
Sherring, again, in one place speaks of them as a sub-caste of Mallâhs;
in another as a class of jugglers, thimble-riggers, and adventurers,
who attend fairs and other festivals like men of the same profession in
England. A sub-caste of the Nuniyas bears the name Châin, but the
Nuniyas do not admit any affinity. Mr. C. F. Magrath, in his Memorandum
on the Tribes and Castes of Bihâr, published in the Bengal Census
Report of 1872, says they closely resemble Binds in their occupation,
being chiefly boatmen, who also engage in fishing. Châins are thickest
south of the Ganges, while Binds are most numerous in North Bihâr. Mr.
Magrath adds that their reputation as thieves, impostors, and
swindlers, is in his experience not altogether deserved, as the men
whom the common people, and even the police of Bihâr, describe as
Châins, usually turn out on enquiry to be Maghaiya Doms, Nats, or
Rajwârs.” Their customs, according to Mr. Risley’s account, do not
differ from those of Mallâhs.
2. In Oudh, according to Mr. Carnegy, [185] they live chiefly by
fishing, cultivation, and making reed mats. They smoke with but do not
eat with Mallâhs. They frequent the neighbourhood of lakes and rivers,
and are divided into the Eastern and Western branches, which do not
intermarry.
In January they go to the hills to collect catechu (khair). They
worship the monkey-god Mahâbîr, Satnârâyan, and Devi Pâtan: to the
first they offer rice-milk (khîr) in October; to the second a mixture
of cooked rice and vetch (urad), called phâra; to the third, cakes
(pûri) and new rice, coriander, and molasses to Mahâbîr. They eat pork
and drink spirits. A woman who sins with one of her own tribe may be
absolved by feeding the brethren; but not so if her paramour is of
another caste. They are thimble-riggers, ornament-snatchers, swindlers,
and impostors. According to Mr. Risley they rank with Binds, Nuniyas,
and Pâsis, but nowhere do they rise to the distinction which Binds and
Nuniyas sometimes attain, of giving water and certain kinds of
sweetmeats to Brâhmans.
3. In Kheri the rule of exogamy bars the line of the maternal uncle and
father’s sister. They can marry two sisters in succession, but polygamy
is forbidden. Infidelity, even intertribal, is reprobated. Marriage
takes place at the age of ten or twelve, and is settled by the caste
Chaudhari. No money is paid by the relations of either party.
Widow-marriage is prohibited; but they can live with a man of the
tribe, the phrase used being ghar-baithna. The children of such
connections are recognised as legitimate, but they are not admitted to
full caste privileges. The levirate on the usual terms is permitted.
There is no custom of adoption or initiation into caste. Betrothals are
made in infancy, and the marriage ceremony is of the standard type, the
bhanwari or walking round the sacred fire being the binding portion of
it. They worship Mahâdeva, Sûrajnârâyan, and Kâli, who receive
sacrifices of goats and rams on a Monday. They will not take any food
or water from, or smoke with, any other caste. They have given up their
occupation of mat-making, and now live by fishing and thieving at
fairs.
4. In the returns of the last Census they are classed as a sub-caste of
Mallâh. The Châin is what is known as an Uchakka, Uthaigîra, or
Jebkatra—one who picks pockets and cuts with a little knife or sharp
piece of glass the knots in their sheets in which natives tie up their
valuables. They frequent fairs and bathing places, and the boys are put
on to steal, while the men act as “fences” and engage the attention of
the victim, or facilitate the escape of the thief.
Chamâr. [186]—The caste of curriers, tanners, and day-labourers found
throughout Upper India. Their name is derived from the Sanskrit
charma-kâra, a “worker in leather.” Traditionally the Chamâr is the
offspring of a Chandâla woman by a man of the fisherman caste. The
Kârâvara of Manu, [187] “who cuts leather,” is descended from a Nishâda
father and Vaideha mother. The Nishâda, again, is said to be the child
of a Brâhman and a Sûdra woman, and the Vaideha of a Vaisya father and
a Brâhman mother. On this Mr. Sherring [188] remarks:—“If the workers
in leather of the present day are lineal descendants of the workers in
leather in Manu’s time, the Chamârs may fairly consider themselves as
of no mean degree and may hold up their heads boldly in the presence of
the higher castes.” Mr. Sherring appears to have been impressed with
the high-bred appearance of some Chamârs. This may, perhaps, be to some
extent accounted for by liaisons with some of the higher castes; but
most observers will agree that Mr. Risley [189] is right in his
opinion, that “the average Chamâr is hardly distinguishable in point of
features, stature, or complexion from the members of those non-Aryan
races from whose ranks we should primâ facie expect the profession of
leather-dressers to be recruited.” Mr. Nesfield believes the Chamâr to
have sprung out of several different tribes, like the Dom, Kanjar,
Hâbûra, Chero, etc., the last remains of which are still outside the
pale of Hindu society. “Originally he seems to have been an impressed
labourer (begâr) who was made to hold the plough for his master, and
received in return space to build his mud hut near the village, a fixed
allowance of grain for every working day, the free use of wood and
grass on the village lands, and the skins and bodies of the animals
that died. This is very much the status of the Chamâr at the present
day. He is still the field slave, the grass-cutter, and the
carrion-eater of the Indian village.” But it is, perhaps at present,
until the existing evidence from anthropometry is largely increased,
premature to express a decided opinion of their origin further than
this, that the tribe is in all probability occupational, and largely
recruited from non-Aryan elements. Among all the Indo-Aryan races the
use of hides for clothing prevailed in primitive times. [190] The
Vishnu Purâna [191] enjoins all who wish to protect their persons never
to be without leather shoes; and Manu [192] warns the Brâhmans never to
use shoes that have been worn by another. In the Râmâyana Bharata
places on the vacant throne of Ajudhya a pair of Râma’s slippers, and
worships them during his exile. The Charmae of Pliny’s list have been
identified with the inhabitants of Charma Mandala, a district of the
West, mentioned in the Mahâbhârata, and also in the Vishnu Purâna under
the title of Charma-Khanda. [193]
[Traditions of origin.] 2. One curious legend of the origin of the
tribe has been referred to in connection with the Agarwâla Banyas:—Once
upon a time a certain Râja had two daughters, Châmu and Bâmu. These
married, and each gave birth to a son who was a prodigy of strength
(pahlwân). An elephant happened to die in the Râja’s palace, and being
unwilling that it should be cut up, he searched for a man strong enough
to take it out whole and bury it. Châmu undertook and performed the
task. Bâmu pronounced him an outcast; so the Banyas are sprung from
Bâmu, and the Chamârs from Châmu. Another legend tells how five Brâhman
brothers were passing along together. They saw a carcass of a cow lying
on the way. Four of them turned aside; but the fifth removed the dead
body. His brethren excommunicated him, and since then it has been the
business of his descendants to remove the carcasses of cattle. Another
tradition makes them out to be the descendants of Nona or Lona
Chamârin, who is a deified witch much dreaded in the eastern part of
the Province. Her legend tells how Dhanwantari, the physician of the
gods, was bitten by Takshaka, the king of the snakes, and knowing that
death approached he ordered his son to cook and eat his body after his
death, so that they might thereby inherit his skill in medicine. [194]
They accordingly cooked his body in a cauldron, and were about to eat
it, when Takshaka appeared to them in the form of a Brâhman, and warned
them against this act of cannibalism. So they let the cauldron float
down the Ganges, and as it floated down, Lona, the Chamârin, who was
washing on the bank of the river, not knowing that the vessel contained
human flesh, took it out and partook of the ghastly food. She at once
obtained power to cure diseases, and especially snake-bite. One day all
the women were transplanting rice, and it was found that Lona could do
as much work as all her companions put together. So they watched her,
and when she thought she was alone she stripped off all her clothes
(nudity being an essential element in all magic), muttered some spells,
and throwing the plants into the air they all settled down in their
proper places. Finding she was observed she tried to escape, and as she
ran the earth opened, and all the water of the rice fields followed
her, and thus was formed the channel of the Loni river in the Unâo
District.
[Internal structure.] 3. The Census Returns show eleven hundred and
fifty-six sub-divisions of Chamârs: of these the most important locally
are—
Sahâranpur—Ajmar, Baliyân, Dharaun, Mochi, Sagahiya, Sirswâl.
Bulandshahr—Bharwariya, Chandauliya or Chandauriya, Lâlman.
Aligarh—Chandauliya, Harphor, Kathiyâra, Mochi, Ojha.
Mathura—Chaurasiya, Kadam, Tingar.
Mainpuri—Loniyân, Pajhasiya, Suji.
Etâwah—Amrutiya, Bisaili, Nakchhikna.
Etah—Nagar, Nunera.
Bareilly—Bardwâri, Bhusiya, Chandauliya, Nona.
Bijnor—Sakt.
Budâun—Baharwâr, Chauhân, Kokapâsi, Uriya.
Morâdâbâd—Bhayâr, Râmanandi.
Cawnpur—Gangapâri, Rangiya.
Fatehpur—Desi, Dhuman, Domar, Panwâr, Rangiya, Turkatwa.
Bânda—Barjatwa, Dhaman, Dhûndhiya, Dhindhor, Janwâr, Rangiya, Seth,
Sorahiya, Ujjain.
Hamîrpur—Dhindhor, Rangiya, Umrê.
Allahâbâd—Autarbedi, Chand Râê, Ghatiya, Kahâr, Turkiya.
Lalitpur—Bhadauriya.
Benares—Dhuriya.
Mirzapur—Turkiya.
Jaunpur—Banaudhiya, Turkiya.
Ghâzipur—Kanaujiya.
Ballia—Kanaujiya.
Gorakhpur—Bamhaniya, Belbhariya, Birhariya, Dakkhinâha, Desi,
Ghorcharha, Ghosiya, Kanaujiya, Mohahar, Râjkumâri, Sarwariya,
Siudas, Tatwa, Uttarâha.
Basti—Birhariya, Chhagoriya, Chamarmangta, Dakkhinâha, Desi,
Mohahar, Sarwariya, Tanbuna, Uttarâha.
Azamgarh—Guâl, Kanaujiya.
Lucknow—Chauhân, Dusâdh.
Unâo—Chauhân.
Râê Bareli—Chandel, Dhaman, Dhundhar, Dhuriya, Ghorcharha, Gorait,
Harphor, Khalkatiya, Kulha, Nona, Tanbuna.
Sîtapur—Chauhân, Pachhwâhân.
Sultânpur—Banaudhiya, Dhaman, Nona, Tanbuna.
Partâbgarh—Banaudhiya, Chandel, Dhaman, Dhingariya, Jogeya, Nona,
Surahiya, Tanbuna, Turkiya.
Bârabanki—Jogiya, Pachhwâhân.
4. In the detailed lists we find the Chamârs of the Province classified
into sixteen main sub-castes. Aharwâr (principally found in the
Allahâbâd Division), Chamâr (chiefly in Meerut); Chamkatiyas (mostly in
Bareilly); Dhusiyas (in Meerut and Benares); Dohars (in Agra,
Rohilkhand, Allahâbâd, Lucknow); Golê (in Etâwah); Jaiswâras (strongest
in Benares, Allahâbâd, Gorakhpur, and Faizâbâd); Jatwas (in Meerut,
Agra and Rohilkhand); Koris (in Faizâbâd, and Gorakhpur); Korchamras
(in Lucknow); Kurils (in Lucknow and Allahâbâd); Nigoti (a small
sub-caste chiefly in Mainpuri); Patthargotis (in Agra); Purabiyas (in
Lucknow and Faizâbâd); Râêdâsis (tolerably evenly distributed
throughout the Province), and Sakarwârs (in Agra and Allahâbâd). But
there is hardly a District which does not possess, or pretend to
possess, the sevenfold division which is so characteristic of castes of
this social standing. Thus, in Ballia, we find Dhusiyas, Jaiswâras,
Kanaujiyas, Jhojhiyas, Jatuas, Chamartantos, and Nonas; in Agra,
Mathuriya, Jadua, Domara, Sakarwâr, Batariya, Guliya, and Chandauriya.
Some of these sub-castes are of local origin, some are occupational,
and some take their name from their eponymous founder. Thus the Aharwâr
are connected with the old town of Ahâr, in the Bulandshahr District,
or with the Ahar tribe; the Chamkatiyas take their name from their
trade of cutting hides (châm kâtna). This sub-caste claims to have
produced the saints Râê Dâs and Lona Chamârin. The Jatua or Jatiya
have, it is said, some unexplained connection with the tribe of Jâts.
The Kaiyân is also a sub-caste of the Bohras, and is said to be derived
from their habit of always saying kahê, “what?” “when?” The Jaiswâras
trace their origin to the old town of Jais, though some have a
ridiculous story that it is a corruption of Jinswâr, in the sense that
they are agriculturists and grow various crops (jins). The Koli or
Kori, a term usually applied to the Hindu weaver, as contrasted with
the Julâha or Muhammadan weaver, are connected by some with the Kols;
by others with the Sanskrit Kaulika, in the sense of “ancestral” or a
“weaver.” They say themselves that they take their name from their
custom of wearing unbleached (kora) clothes. The Jhusiya, and also
perhaps the Dhusiyas, have traditions connecting them with the old town
of Jhûsi, near Allahâbâd. There are again the Azamgarhiya of Azamgarh;
the Jatlot of Rohilkhand, who like the Jatiya say they are kinsfolk of
the Jâts; the Sakarwâr connect themselves with Fatehpur Sikri; in the
Central Duâb are the Saksena, who say they come from Sankisa, and the
Chanderiya from Chanderi. In Mirzapur we find the Jaiswâra, Jhusiya,
Kanaujiya, Kurla, Dusâdhu, kinsmen of the Dusâdhs, the Kori, the Mangta
or “beggars,” the Dolidhauwa or “palanquin carriers,” the Azamgarhiya,
and the Banaudhiya, who are residents of Banaudha,—a term which
includes the western parts of Jaunpur, Azamgarh and Benares, and the
south of Oudh. To these Mr. Sherring adds:—In Benares the Rangua (rang,
“colour”) who are dyers; the Katua or “cutters,” (kâtna) of leather;
and the Tantua, who manufacture strips or strings of leather known as
tânt. According to the same authority some of these sub-castes are
differentiated by function. Thus, many of the Jaiswâra are servants;
the Dhusiya or Jhusiya, who trace their origin to Sayyidpur, in
Ghâzipur, are shoe-makers and harness makers; the Kori, weavers,
grooms, and field labourers; the Kuril, workers in leather; and the
Jatua or Jatiya, labourers. The Jaiswâras will not carry burdens on
their shoulders, but on their heads, and are liable to excommunication
if they violate this rule. They supply most of our syces, and are
liable to be expelled if they tie up a dog with a halter, which they
worship. Any one who offends in this way is fined five rupees and a
dinner to the brethren. The Mangatiyas or Mangtas live on alms, which
they take only from the Jaiswârs. In Mirzapur they describe these
functions somewhat differently. There the Jaiswâras make shoes and work
as day labourers; the Jhusiyas are labourers and keep pigs, which is
also the occupation of the Dusâdhu; the Koris make shoes and weave
cloth; the Dolidhauwas carry palanquins, the Azamgarhiyas are menial
servants of Europeans, and tend swine. The Banaudhiyas tend swine and
are day labourers. There is again another local division of the Eastern
Chamârs into Uttarâhas or “Northerners,” and Dakkinâha or
“Southerners,” who live respectively north and south of the River
Sarju, and do not intermarry. The Chandaur or Chandauriya, of the
Central Duâb, claim to be descended from Chânûra, the famous wrestler
of Kansa, who was killed by Krishna.
[Rules of exogamy.] 5. These sub-castes are now all, or practically
all, endogamous; but there seems reason for believing that this fissure
into endogamous groups may be comparatively recent. Thus there seems no
reason to doubt that in the east of the Province the Dhusiya and
Kanaujiya intermarry. The rule of exogamy within the sub-caste seems to
vary. Those who are more advanced say that marriage is prohibited
within seven degrees in the descending line. Others say that they do
not intermarry as long as any previous relationship between the parties
is known or ascertainable. In Ballia, a careful observer states that
they do not marry in a family from which their mother, grandmother, or
great grandmother has come; nor do they marry in the family of their
parent’s sister. A man may marry two sisters, but not a daughter of a
brother-in-law. The descendants of one common stock are called Dayâd,
and among them marriage is prohibited. Besides, this occupation plays a
very important part in marriage alliances: thus, those who remove
manure or night-soil cannot intermarry with those who practise the
cleanlier duty of horse-keeping. As a rule they marry locally within
their own neighbourhood, if a suitable match can be so arranged. If a
Chamâr entice away the wife of a clansman, in addition to the
punishment inflicted by the tribal council, he is obliged to repay her
marriage expenses. If a girl is detected in an intrigue with a
caste-fellow, her parents are fined one and-a-quarter rupees, and in
Mirzapur the same is the punishment inflicted on a man who marries
again while his first wife is alive. In fact, polygamy is discouraged
unless the first wife be barren, when a second marriage will usually be
sanctioned by the council. Among Chamârs in particular it seems to be
believed that rival wives do not get on together; and this sort of
quarreling has the special name sautya dâh—“the ill-will between the
co-wives.” Other sayings to the same purport are Kâth ki saut bhi buri
hoti hai,—“Even a co-wife of wood is an evil;” and when one wife is
being carried to the burning ground, the other says:—Mor jiya na
patiâwe; saut ka pair hilta jâwê,—“I cannot believe that she is dead; I
am sure her legs are shaking still.” In Ballia it is said that if a
Chamâr marries a second time, the first wife usually leaves him, and
that her desertion for this reason is recognised as according to tribal
custom.
[Tribal council.] 6. Chamârs have a particularly well organised and
influential tribal council or panchâyat. The head of every family is
supposed to be a member of the panchâyat, and nearly every village has
a headman (pradhân, jamadâr). In large towns there is often more than
one headman. In small matters the village council is competent to
decide; but for the settlement of weightier questions the councils of
several villages assemble under their own headman, and then a general
meeting is formed. Custom varies as to whether the headman is a
permanent official or not. The most usual rule is that, if the son of
the late headman is competent, he is generally appointed; if he be
found guilty of misconduct, the headman is as liable as any of the
members to fine and excommunication. The cases which come before the
council may be classified as (a) cases of illicit sexual relations or
violation of tribal rules concerning food, etc.; (b) matrimonial
disputes; (c) petty quarrels, which would not come under the cognizance
of a Court; (d) disputes about small money transactions; (e) cases in
connection with Jajmâni: this last is very common. Every Chamâr family
has assigned to it a certain number of families of higher caste, which
are known as its Jajmân (Sans. Yajamâna): for which its members perform
the duties of cutting the cord at births, playing the drum at marriages
and other festive occasions, removing and disposing of the carcasses of
dead cattle, and in return for these services they receive money fees,
cooked food, and sometimes grain, flour, etc. In return they sometimes
supply shoes at marriages, a certain number of shoes annually in
proportion to the hides they receive, and also do repairs to leather
articles, such as well buckets used in cultivation. These rights are
very jealously watched, and any interference with the recognised
constituents of a family is strongly resented and brought before the
tribal council. These orders of the council in the way of fine or
entertainment of the clansmen are enforced under penalty of
excommunication, of which the most serious result is that, until the
ban is removed, all marriage alliances with the family of the offender
are barred, and if any one marries a member of such a family, he at
once becomes liable to the same punishment as that which they are
undergoing. Every council has a mace-bearer (chharidâr), who goes round
and calls the members to the meetings, and he is allowed a small money
fee for this service. The amount of fine varies from one to five
rupees, and it is very seldom that the process of excommunication has
to be used to enforce payment. If a person think fit to lay a charge
before the council he has to pay a fee of one and-a-quarter rupees to
the chairman, who will not take up the case until the fee is paid. This
money, which to the east of the Province is known as nâlbandi or lehri,
is spent in purchasing spirits for the refreshment of the members.
[Marriage.] 7. Chamârs show an increasing tendency to the adoption of
infant marriage. The usual age to the east of the Province is between
four and eight, and it is not uncommon in Ballia for little girls of
three to be married. It is very seldom that a girl remains unmarried
after the age of eight. There are no regular marriage brokers employed;
the negotiations are conducted by a member of the family who is known
as agua. As among other Hindu castes marriage is looked upon as a
sacrament, and not based on contract. It is complete and binding once
the prescribed ceremonies are gone through, and its validity does not
depend on the express or implied consent of the parties. But no
marriage is carried out without the consent of all the relations, even
those who are distant, and the descent and family connections of both
bride and bridegroom are carefully enquired into before the engagement
is made. In Mirzapur the bride-price payable to her relations is two
rupees and five sers of coarse sugar. In Ballia they deny that there is
a bride-price; but it is admitted that, if the parents of the bride are
very poor, the father of the bridegroom may give as much as four rupees
to defray the marriage expenses. As has been said, both bride and
bridegroom are carefully examined as to whether they are free from any
physical defect, and, as a general rule, if such be subsequently
ascertained, it would not be a valid ground for annulling the marriage.
If the husband become a lunatic after marriage, the wife in Ballia
would not be entitled to leave him, provided his relations continued to
support her; and in the same way the husband of a mad wife is held
bound to support her. Impotence or such mutilation as renders sexual
intercourse impossible is valid grounds for dissolving the marriage.
But, as a matter of fact, impotency, proved to the satisfaction of the
council, is the only valid reason for a wife abandoning her husband.
Divorce in the strict sense of the term is unknown; but a husband may
turn his wife out of the house for proved infidelity, while she cannot
leave him even if he be unfaithful to her, provided he gives her food
and clothes. A woman, whose expulsion has been recognised by the
council, can remarry by the sagâi or karâo form. The offspring of such
informal marriages rank equally for purposes of inheritance with those
of regularly-married virgin brides. As regards the offspring of illicit
connections they follow the caste and tribe of the father unless the
mother was a Musalmân, or of some tribe lower than a Chamâr in the
social scale. Such people are known by the name of Suratwâl or
Suratwâla. When a Chamâr takes a woman from a caste superior to his
own, their children will be recognised as members of the caste; but if
she be inferior to him, their children are considered illegitimate, and
will not inherit. This is always the case when the woman is a Bhangi,
Dom, Dhobi, Kûnchbandhua, or Musahar.
The child of a Chamâr at Ballia by a Dusâdh woman is known as Chamar
Dusâdha, and this is the only case in which a similar fusion of castes
is known to have been recognised. The importance of such facts in
connection with the problem of the origin of the mixed castes is
obvious.
[Widow-marriage and the levirate.] 8. Widow-marriage is, as has been
said, fully recognised; but among Chamârs, who have, like those at
Cawnpur, risen in the world, there seems a tendency to prohibit it. The
levirate is recognised, but the widow can live only with the younger
brother of her late husband. If the widow be young, and her younger
brother-in-law of a suitable age, they usually arrange to live
together; if this cannot be arranged, she usually marries some widower
of the tribe by the sagâi or karâo form. In this case the brother and
father of her late husband have a right to the custody of the children
of the first marriage: this rule is relaxed in the case of a baby,
which accompanies its mother. In some cases the widow is allowed to
take with her to her new home all the children of the first marriage.
Any dispute as to matters of this sort is settled by the tribal
council. If a widow marry an outsider she loses all claim to the estate
of her first husband, and so do any children she takes with her to the
house of her new husband.
In such cases the property passes to the brothers of her first husband.
If, on the contrary, she marry her husband’s brother, she or her
husband will inherit only if there was no male heir by the first
marriage. At the same time, though Chamârs are quite ready to lay down
definite rules on this subject, the tribal custom does not appear to be
quite settled, and when there are in the case of the levirate or
widow-marriage two families, the matter is usually left to the council,
who make a partition.
[Birth ceremonies.] 9. Among some branches of the tribe, as, for
instance, at Sultânpur, when the first pregnancy of a wife is
announced, a ceremony known as sathâi is performed, which consists of
the distribution of cakes (pûri) to the clansmen at their houses. But
as Chamârs are particularly exposed to fear of witchcraft and
diabolical agency generally, careful precautions are taken to guard the
woman from evil. To the east of the Province promises of offerings are
made to Vindhyabâsini Devi of Bindhâchal, Bânru Bîr, Birtiya, and to
the sainted dead of the family if they vouchsafe an easy delivery.
Thorny branches of the bel tree (Aegle marmelos) are hung at the door
of the delivery room to intercept evil spirits, who are also scared
away by the smoke from an old shoe, which is burnt for that purpose.
The woman sits on her heels during accouchment, and is supported by her
female relatives. She is attended by a woman of the caste for six or
twelve days, which is the period for impurity. When it is announced
that the child is a boy, the women sing the sohar or song of rejoicing.
Much of this consists of the invocation of Mâta, the goddess of
small-pox. After the cord is cut, if the child be a boy, the mother is
bathed in warm water; if a girl, she gets a cold bath. After the mother
and baby are bathed, she gets a meal consisting of molasses, turmeric,
and oil, and after twelve hours she is given some halwa sweetmeat. Next
day she gets her ordinary food. All through the period of impurity the
singing of the sohar is repeated. At the door of the delivery room
(sauri; Sans.: sutaka) a fire is kept constantly burning, and into it
some ajwain (lingusticum ajowan) is occasionally thrown. At least for
the first six days a light is kept constantly burning. On the night of
the sixth day the women sit up all night and worship Shashthi or
Chhathi, the goddess of the sixth, with an offering of cakes made of
barley-flour and rice boiled with sugar. These are presented in a leaf
platter (dauna), and then eaten by the members of the household. An
iron cutting instrument is also kept near the mother and child during
the period of pollution. If the child be a boy the father is expected
to entertain his friends which is usually done on the twelfth day.
On that day the parents or brothers of the mother—if they can afford
it—send her a coat and cap made of red cloth for the baby, and a yellow
loin-cloth for the mother. This present is sometimes accompanied by a
special sort of sweetmeat known as suthaura (sonth, dry ginger) made of
sugar, ginger, and other spices; sometimes with the suthaura is sent
some caudle (achhwâni). There is no distinct trace of the couvade,
except that the husband has to take the first sup of the cleansing
draught given to the mother, and that he does not shave for six days
after his wife’s delivery. There are no special ceremonies in
connection with twins, but they are considered inauspicious. If during
the pregnancy of a woman an eclipse happen to occur, she is made to sit
quiet while it lasts with a stone pestle in her hand, and is not
allowed to move or touch any cutting instrument. If she move, it is
believed that her child will be deformed, and if she touch a cutting
implement that it will be born mutilated. The child is named by the
senior member of the family. On the fourth or fifth day after the
mother rejoins her family, the child’s head is shaved (mûnran), and
when about six months old, it is fed for the first time on grain
(annaprâsana); it is at this time that it is usually named. At the age
of five or seven its ears are bored (kanchhedan), and this constitutes
the initiation: after this the child must conform to the rules of the
tribe regarding food.
[Adoption.] 10. When it is proposed to adopt a boy, the clansmen are
invited and in their presence the parents make over the boy to the
adopter with these words,—“You were my son by a deed of evil (pâp); now
you are the son of so-and-so by a virtuous act (dharm).” As the boy is
accepted, the members of the caste sprinkle rice over him, and the
adopter gives a feast.
[Betrothal.] 11. The customs of betrothal vary somewhat in different
places. Thus, in Mirzapur, when a marriage is proposed, the
bridegroom’s father with his uncle and other near relations visit the
bride. She is carefully examined to make sure that she has no physical
defect, and, if approved, the boy’s father gives her a rupee, and some
coarse sugar is distributed. Then her father entertains the party. Next
follows the regular betrothal (barrekhi). This generally takes place at
the village liquor shop, where the two fathers exchange platters
(dauna) full of liquor five times, and at the last turn the bride’s
father puts a rupee into the cup of his relation-to-be. Liquor is
served round, two-thirds of the cost of which is paid by the father of
the boy, and one-third by the father of the girl. On this day the date
of the wedding is fixed by the Pandit. In Ballia, on the contrary, the
parents and relations of the girl go to the boy’s house and present him
with a rupee and loin-cloth. This is known as paupûja, or “the
worshipping of the feet” of the bridegroom.
When these presents are received in the presence of the members of the
caste the engagement is complete.
[Marriage ritual.] 12. Marriage is of two kinds—the shâdi, charh, or
charhaua, which is the respectable form, and the dola, used by poor
people. In Mirzapur the wedding invitation is distributed by the
father’s sister’s husband of the boy. The marriage pavilion (mânro) is
then erected. In the Gangetic valley it consists of four bamboos;
Chamârs above the hills make it of nine poles of the siddh tree
(Hardwickia binata) in obvious imitation of the Dravidian races by whom
they are surrounded. On this day the Pandit ties round the wrist of the
bride an amulet formed of mango leaves and thread. The next day is
devoted to feeding the clansmen, and cakes of various kinds are offered
to the sainted dead. Then follows the matmangara ceremony, which is
done, as already described in the case of the Bhuiyas. Then as the
procession starts, the bridegroom’s mother does the wave ceremony
(parachhan) to keep off evil spirits. With the same object the bride’s
mother puts some lamp-black on the bride’s eyelids, and hangs a
necklace of beads round her neck. At the same time, as an assertion or
acknowledgment of maternity, she offers the girl her breast. The
bridegroom’s father is expected to take with the procession five ankle
rings (mathiya) for the bride. The marriage is then performed by making
the pair revolve five times round the ploughbeam (haris), which is
fixed in the centre of the pavilion. There also is erected a rough
wooden representation of a flock of parrots (suga) sitting on a tree.
When the marriage is over all present scramble for the wooden parrots;
but the pole on which they were hung is carefully kept for a year.
During the marriage, a special dance, known as the natua nâch, is
performed by members of the tribe, some of whom dress in women’s
clothes. Chamârs can give no explanation of this practice, which may
possibly be a symbolical ceremony done with the hope that the first
child may be a boy, as the Argive brides used to wear false beards when
they slept with their husbands. [195] It is specially to be noticed
that Brâhmans are not employed in the marriage ceremony. The whole
business is done by the uncle and brother-in-law (phûpha, bahnoi) of
the bridegroom. Before they leave the pavilion a goat or ram is
sacrificed to Paramesari Devi, and the flesh is cooked at the marriage
feast. The marriage ends with a general carouse at the nearest liquor
shop.
13. The dola marriage is done in quite a different way. The following
is the ritual at Ballia. The friends and relations are invited to
attend at the bridegroom’s house, and they are supplied with a meal
known as kalewa, which ordinarily consists of rice and pulse or parched
grain (sattu) or wheat cakes. The men then proceed to the bride’s house
and halt about a mile off to take refreshment. The boy’s father
subscribes twelve pice and the others two pice each with which liquor
is purchased. The sum given by the boy’s father is known as batsâri or
nisâri, and that contributed by his friends behri. After drinking they
go to the bride’s house, which they reach usually about sunset. There
the guardian of the boy pays twenty-four pice, known as neg, to the
father of the bride, who supplements it with sufficient to provide
another drink for the party. Then they are all fed, and next morning
they go away with the bride. The boy’s guardian presents two sheets
(sâri), one for the bride and one for her mother, and gives a couple of
rupees to her father, who in return gives a loin cloth (dhoti) and a
sort of handkerchief worn over the shoulder (kandhâwar) to the boy, as
well as a sheet for his mother. The barber, washerman and village
watchman receive a present of two annas each on this occasion.
Sometimes the owner of the village charges a rupee as marwachh or
marwâna, (mânro, the nuptial shed), which is paid by the father of the
bridegroom, and may perhaps be a survival of a commutation of the jus
primae noctis, but is more probably one of the ordinary village dues
levied from tenants by the landlord. This, however, is not invariably
taken, and in return he usually supplies some wood, etc., for the
wedding. The bride is supplied by her guardian with a sheet (sâri),
brass bracelets (mâthi), and anklets (pairi), made of bell metal. Her
brother or some other person as her representative accompanies her to
the house of the bridegroom. It is a peculiar custom that on this
occasion he always walks behind the bride. In the dola form of marriage
the bridegroom or his father very seldom goes to the house of the
bride. The duty of escorting the bride home is left to some relation or
clansman.
14. After the bride has arrived that very day or very soon after the
date of the wedding (lagan) is fixed. The family barber takes ten
pieces of turmeric, of which he gives five to the bride and five to the
bridegroom. With this he brings one and-a-quarter sers of paddy, which
he divides equally between them. The turmeric is ground into a paste,
which is rubbed on the foreheads of the pair, and the paddy is parched
and made into lawa for use in the ceremony of lawa parachhana. This
part of the ritual is called haldi or haldidhân. The next day or a day
after comes the ceremony of matkor or “the digging of the earth.” This
commences by the bridegroom’s mother worshipping a drum (dhol). If his
mother be dead, this is done by his aunt or some other elderly female
relation.
Turmeric and rice are ground into a paste (aipan). The woman smears her
hand in this and applies it to the drum. This is known as thappa
lagâna. A leaf of betel, a betel nut, and two pice are also placed on
the drum, which are the perquisite of the owner. Five marks (tîka) are
then made on the drum with vermilion, and the women form a procession
and go into a field, led by the drummer playing away vigorously. The
senior woman then worships Dharti Mâta or Mother Earth, and digs five
spadesful of earth, which are brought home and placed in the courtyard.
In the middle of the yard are placed an earthen pot full of water with
its top covered with a mango leaf and an earthen lid. Near it is a
ploughbeam (haris) and a green bamboo fixed in the earth. The earthen
pot is known as kalsa. In the evening there is a feast known as
matkora. It may be noticed here that there are in all five marriage
feasts—the haldidhân and matkora already described and the byâh, marjâd
and kankan or bidâi. From the commencement of the haldi ceremony up to
the end of the marriage ceremonies the women sing songs both morning
and evening.
15. The actual marriage always takes place at night. No Brâhman is
called in, but the village Pandit is consulted as to the auspicious
time, and he receives two pice for his trouble. For the marriage a
square (chauk) is marked out in the courtyard with barley-flour, and
the bride and bridegroom are seated within it, the bridegroom on a
stool (pîrha) or on a mat made of leaves (patal). The service is done
by some one in the caste who knows the ritual. He begins by the gotra
uchchâra or recital of the names of the couple, their fathers,
grandfathers and great-grandfathers. Then the marriage jar (kalsa) is
worshipped, and an offering of butter, rice, and barley is made to the
fire which is lighted close beside the jar, and a similar offering is
made to a fire which is lighted in the oratory (deokuri) sacred to the
household god. The bride’s father then gives her away to the bridegroom
(kanyâdân). He accepts the gift and marks her forehead with a line of
vermilion, which is the binding part of the ceremony. The ceremonies in
the dola and charhaua marriage are practically identical. The only
difference is that in the former the ceremony is performed at the house
of the bridegroom; in the latter at that of the bride.
[Death ceremonies.] 16. Those who have been initiated into the Siva
Nârâyani or Sri Nârâyani, Kabîrpanthi or Râmanandi sects are buried,
unless before death they have expressed a wish to be cremated. Their
corpses are removed to the burial-ground on a gaily decorated bier
without any marks of mourning and accompanied with shouts of Râm! Râm!
Sat hai. “The Lord is the Lord of Truth.” Ordinary Châmars are burnt in
the usual way. Those who are poor only scorch the face of the corpse
(mukhâg). The ashes, when the body is properly cremated, are thrown
into some neighbouring stream. The chief mourner who has fired the pyre
on the day after the cremation places outside the house an earthen pot
full of milk and rice gruel (mânr) with a pitcher of water for the use
of the disembodied spirit. On the third day after death comes the
tirâtri ceremony which consists of the offering of oblations and cakes
of barley-flour (pinda) to the departed soul. On the tenth day
(daswân), this ceremony is repeated, and the castemen are fed. On that
day the person who fired the pyre (dagiha) is purified by being shaved.
On the eleventh the utensils and private property of the dead man are
made over to his sister’s husband (bahnoi), who acts as the officiant
priest—perhaps a survival of the matriarchate. In some places, however,
and particularly where Chamârs are becoming rich and influential, the
Mahâbrâhman offers the sacred balls (pinda). When the service is done
by a member of the tribe he says,—Âr Ganga, pâr Ganga; Bihâri ka beta,
Râmbakhsh ka nâti, pinda det; Ganga Mâi bujbuji det—“Ganges on this
side, Ganges on that side; the son of Bihâri (or whatever his name may
be) the grandson of Râmbakhsh offers the cakes, but mother Ganges gives
only bubbles in return.” Some plant a few stalks of grass near a tank
as an abode for the spirit which wanders about until the funeral
ceremonies are complete. On this water is poured daily for ten days.
Some again give a tribal feast on the twelfth, some on the sixteenth
day after death. On the anniversary of a death twelve balls are
offered, and, if the family can afford it, the clansmen are fed. Some,
again, after the usual balls and oblations during the fortnight
(pitrapaksha) sacred to the dead, join in removing the corpse, and each
of the five touches his mouth with a burning brand. By this procedure
none of the five incurs any personal defilement.
[Religion.] 17. Chamârs in the main conform to the popular type of
village Hinduism. To the east of the Province all, except the richer
and more advanced members of the caste, dispense with the services of
Brâhmans, except in so far as they usually consult them about the
marriage auspices. To the west their marriage ceremonies are performed
under the guidance of the low Gurra or Chamarwa Brâhmans. To the east,
as they become rich and influential, they employ Sarwariya or Kanaujiya
Brâhmans of a degraded type. To the west the mourners accompanying the
corpse address the Creator in the words—Tûhi hai; tain ne paida kiya,
aur tain ne mâr liya. “Thou art He; Thou hast created and then
destroyed.” In Rohilkhand their clan deities are Bhawâni, Jagiswâr or
“the lord of the world,” Kâla Deo, Gaja Dewat, Zâhir Pîr, and Nagarsen.
In Agra they call themselves of the Gorakhi sect, and worship Devi,
Chamara, and Kuânwâla, “he of the well.” In Ballia they usually worship
a deity whom they call Parameswar or “the Supreme Being.” The godling
is supposed to dwell in a mound of earth erected in a room of the
house. On the day of the Dasahra festival seven wheaten cakes and some
halwa are offered, and some cloves and cardamoms are ground up and
mixed in water, which is poured on the ground. This is known as chhâk.
Sometimes the offering consists of a young pig and some spirits. When a
person is absent from home, he does not erect any mound or oratory
(deokuri) until he returns. In Mirzapur they have a special deity known
as Terha Deva or “the crooked one;” they also worship the Vindhyabâsini
Devi, of Bindhâchal; Bânru Bîr, a demon of whom they know nothing but
the name; Sairi Devi, Birtiya, and the sainted dead (purkha log). All
these deities are worshipped in times of trouble with the sacrifice of
a young pig, the meat of which is eaten by the worshippers and with a
libation of spirits. On the Pachainyân festival milk and parched grain
are offered at the hole occupied by the domestic snake. Those who have
no children fast and worship the sun godling, Sûraj Nârâyan, in the
hope of offspring. Fire and the moon are also occasionally worshipped.
To the east their chief festivals are the snake feast at the
Pachainyân; the Kajari, which is a sort of saturnalia held in the rainy
season, when women drink and the rules of modesty are held in abeyance;
the Tîj, on which women fast for the welfare of their husbands and
sons, and next day eat cakes (pûri); the Phagua or Holi. A second wife
wears an image representing the deceased, known as sirajna, round the
neck, and when she puts on fresh clothes or jewelry she touches them
first with the image as a sign that they have been offered to the
spirit of her predecessor. If this be not done, it is believed that the
offended spirit of the first wife will bring disease or death.
[The Siunârâyani or Srinârâyani sect.] 18. But the most remarkable form
of worship is that of the deistic, revivalist sect of the Srinârâyani
or Siunârâyani. The founder of this sect was Râêdâs or Ravidâs, who was
a disciple of Râmanand. Curiously enough in the Dakkhin quite a
different legend has been invented and the so-called Rohidas is said to
have been born at Chambhargonda now Ahmadnagar, and is described as a
contemporary of Kabîr in the twelfth or thirteenth century. [196] The
Northern India legend, as recorded in the commentary of Priya Dâs on
the Bhaktmâla, tells how a Brâhman disciple of Râmanand used daily to
receive the necessary alms from the houses of five Brâhmans. This was
cooked by his preceptor, and offered to the Creator before being eaten.
One day as it was raining and the houses of the Brâhmans were at a
distance, the Brahmachâri accepted the supplies from a Banya. When
Râmanand cooked it, the Divine Light refused to accept it, as it was
unclean. The preceptor made enquiries and discovered that the Banya had
money dealings with Chamârs and that the food was hence defiled.
Râmanand, in his displeasure caused his disciple to be reborn in the
womb of a Chamârin; and so it happened. When the infant was born,
remembering its past life, it refused to suck from the breast of its
mother because she was not initiated. Then a voice from Heaven spoke to
Râmanand and warned him that the punishment he had inflicted on his
disciple was disproportionate to his offence. He was directed to go to
the hut of the Chamâr and initiate the whole family. He was compelled
to obey this order. The child was named by his parents Râêdâs. When he
reached the age of eighteen he began to worship a clay image of Râma
and Jânaki. This was displeasing to his father, who turned him out of
doors. Râêdâs then set up business as a shoemaker and continued his
mode of worship. He used to present all wandering ascetics with new
shoes. One day a saint appeared before him and gave him the
Philosopher’s stone. Râêdâs took no notice of it; but the Saint touched
his shoemaker’s knife with it and turned it into gold. This had no
effect on Râêdâs, and the saint finally left the stone in the thatch of
his hut. Returning some time after he found Râêdâs in poor
circumstances, and learned to his surprise that he had not used the
stone. The saint then promised that before morning five gold coins
would appear in front of the divine image which Râêdâs worshipped.
These he also refused to accept. But he was warned in a dream not to
continue to despise wealth; so he converted his shed into a magnificent
temple and established regular worship. This enraged the Brâhmans, who
appealed to the Râja in a Sanskrit verse which means—“Where unholy
things are worshipped and holy things are defiled, three things
follow—Famine, Death, and Fear.”
19. Râêdâs was summoned before the Râja and ordered to exhibit his
miraculous powers. He replied that he could do only one miracle—that
the Sâlagrâma or ammonite representing Vishnu would at his word leave
its place and come down on the palm of his hand. The Râja ordered the
Brâhmans to perform a similar miracle. They failed and Râêdâs
succeeded. This miracle so affected the Râni Jhâli, whom one version of
the legend makes out to have been a Princess of Chithor, that she
became initiated. On this the Brâhmans refused to eat in the palace, on
the ground that it had been defiled, and some raw grain was given them
which they began to cook in the garden. But as they were eating they
suddenly saw Râêdâs sitting and eating between two Brâhmans. So they
fell at his feet, and then he cut his skin and showed them under it his
Brâhmanical cord; so he was proved to have been a Brâhman in his former
life.
20. The Grantha or Scriptures of the sect are believed to have existed
for eleven hundred and forty-five years, but to have been
unintelligible until Sîtala, an inspired Sannyâsi, translated them. The
present recension is the work of the Râjput Sivanârâyana, of Ghâzipur,
who wrote it about 1735 A.D. The most important of these works are the
Gurunyâsa and the Santa Virasa. The former is compiled from the
Purânas, and gives an account of the ten Avatâras of Vishnu or Nârâyana
in fourteen chapters, of which the first six treat of the author, of
faith, of the punishment of sinners, of virtue, of a future state and
of discipline. The latter is a treatise on moral sentiments. The
opening lines are,—“The love of God and his knowledge are the only true
understanding.” [197]
21. Siunârâyanis have a meeting house known as Dhâmghar, or “House of
Paradise;” Somaghar, or “House of meeting,” and Girja Ghar, or church,
a word derived through the Portuguese igreja from the Greek ekklesia.
It usually contains pictures of the Saints Gorakhnâth, Râêdâs,
Kabîrdâs, Sûrdâs, and others. The scriptures are kept rolled up in
cloth on a table at the East. They are carefully watched and never
given to any one but members of their own congregation. They meet here
on Friday evenings, and any educated man among them reads and expounds
passages from the Gurunyâsa. The only occasion when the Santavirâsa is
read is at death; it is then recited from the moment of dissolution
until the corpse is buried. They are not allowed to eat meat or drink
spirits before going to the weekly service, but this is the only
restriction. On the Basant Panchami, or fifth light half of Mâgh, a
Halwâi is called in, who cooks some halwa sweetmeat (which is known as
manbhog, or “food of the mind”) in a large boiler (karhâo). This is
first offered to Siunârâyana before the Scriptures of the sect, and
until this is done no Chamâr is allowed to touch it. The explanation of
this is that Siunârâyana was a Chhatri, and it would be defilement to
him if any Chamâr touched it before dedication. An offering of the same
kind is made to Guru Nânak by the Sikhs. [198]
22. The title Bhagat which they take does not imply that they abstain
from flesh and spirits, but they are monotheists (Sans: bhakta,
“devoted”). They say that their chief conventicle is at a place called
Barsari, in the Ghâzipur District, about which they repeat the
verse,—“As pâs Chandrawâr men, Ghâzipur Sarkâr; Bindu nirauni karat sab
Bâgh Râê ke pâs.” “In the neighbourhood of Chandrawâr, in the Ghâzipur
District, all meet together and discuss the doctrine of Unity. This
place is near the Râê’s garden.”
23. Persons of any caste may join the Siunârâyani sect. When a
candidate wishes to affiliate himself, they first warn him of the
difficulties before him and test him for a few days, when, if approved,
he is directed to bring a present according to his means to the
headman, known as Guru or Mahant. The candidate comes before the Guru,
who sits with the scriptures opposite him, and first makes a sacrifice
by burning camphor and dason, or ten kinds of perfumes. These are
thrown on fire, and the sweet savour which arises is their form of
worship. Then some camphor is burnt before the scriptures, and all
present rub the smoke over their faces. The candidate then washes the
big toe of the Guru and drinks the water (charanamrita). Next the Guru
recites privately into his ear the formula (mantra) of initiation,
which is carefully concealed from outsiders. After this the initiate
distributes sweets to the congregation. He is then considered Sant or
initiate, and receives a small book which he is permitted to study, and
which serves as a pass of admission to future meetings. If he loses it
he has to appear at the next Basant Panchami meeting, and pay two
and-a-half rupees for a new copy, as well as a fine of five rupees for
his negligence. At these meetings there is music and singing, men and
women sit apart, and after the Mahant has finished his reading, he
receives the contributions of the faithful. They are not allowed to
drink in the Dhâmghar, but they may smoke gânja, bhang, or tobacco
there. They never practise exorcisms (ojhâi), nor do they get into a
state of religious frenzy and deliver oracles. As already stated the
dead are buried with signs of rejoicing. Some camphor is burnt in the
grave before the body is laid there, and then all present join in
filling up the grave. All initiates, male and female, are buried in
this way. Children and persons not initiated are interred without any
ceremony. If the wife of an initiate die, her relatives can take away
her body and cremate it. They marry like ordinary Chamârs, and get a
Brâhman to fix a lucky time. A similar movement among the Châmars of
Bilâspur, in the Central Provinces [199] took place under Ghâsidâs
between 1820 and 1830, and in Bikâner under Lâlgir about fifty years
ago. Their sole worship is said to consist in calling on the invisible
lord (Alakh, Alakh).
[Demonology.] 24. The ordinary Chamâr believes that disease, death, and
all troubles are due to demoniacal influence. When a person falls ill a
sorcerer (ojha) is called in, and he points out the particular evil
spirit which is responsible for the mischief, and the appropriate
sacrifice by means of which he can be appeased. In the same way
barrenness in women is held to be due to her possession by some demon.
A widow is very careful to worship the spirit of her deceased husband.
In this case, as with a deceased wife, no image is used, but a piece of
ground is plastered, and on it is placed a new loin-cloth (dhoti) and a
waist chain (kardhani). Sometimes a pig is sacrificed. The soul of a
dead husband is called manushya deva or “the man-god.” Persons who die
in any sudden or unusual way become malevolent spirits (bhût), and must
be carefully propitiated. Their offering is a young pig and an oblation
of spirits. Chickens are offered to Ghâzi Miyân, goats to Devi, and
pigs to the family godlings and evil spirits. These are offered at the
house shrine, while offerings to godlings and saints are made at their
temples or tombs. The regular feast in honour of the dead is the
Mahâlâya Amâwas, Pitrbisarjan, or Pitrasaunan. Among trees they respect
the pîpal, tulasi, and nîm. The pîpal is the abode of Vasudeva, the
tulasi of Lakshmi, the nîm of Sîtala. Mother Ganges (Ganga mâi) is a
special object of reverence. The favourite method of propitiating evil
spirits of those who have died by accident is to pour spirits near the
place occupied by the Bhût, and to light some gânja in a pipe-bowl. For
ghosts of high caste persons, the proper offering is a fire sacrifice
(hom). The ordinary malignant evil spirit is called Bhût or Daitya;
that of a Muhammadan Shahîd Mard; the Jinn is higher and more powerful
than these. To the Shahîd Mard and Jinn the sacrifice is not a pig but
a fowl and flowers.
[Social regulations.] 25. The Chamâr from his occupation and origin
ranks even below the non-Aryan tribes who have been quite recently
adopted into Hinduism. He is considered impure because he eats beef,
pork, and fowls, all abomination to the orthodox Hindu. He will eat
cattle which die a natural death, and numerous cases have occurred
where Chamârs have poisoned cattle for the sake of the hides and flesh.
He keeps herds of pigs, and the Chamrauti or Chamâr quarter in a Hindu
village is generally a synonym for a place abounding in all kinds of
abominable filth, where a clean living Hindu seldom, unless for urgent
necessity, cares to intrude. One proverb describes a man setting up to
be Gopâl, a respectable Krishna worshipper, while his pots and pans are
as filthy as those of a Chamâr (Nem tem Gopâl aisan; hânri charui
Chamâr aisan), and another says,—“The worthy are dying and the unworthy
living because Chamârs are drinking Ganges water,”—Lajâlu marê, dhithau
jiyê; Ganga jal Chamârân piyê). This repugnance to him is increased by
his eating the leavings of almost any caste except Dhobis and Doms, and
by the pollution which attaches to his wife (Chamârin, Chamâin), who
acts as midwife and cuts the umbilical cord. But in spite of his
degraded social position, the Chamâr is proud and punctilious and very
conservative as regards the rights and privileges which he receives in
the village community. Their women wear, at least in the east of the
Province, no noserings; they have metal bangles (mathiya) on their
wrists; arm ornaments (bâju) and heavy bell-metal anklets (pairi).
Chamârs swear by Râma, the Guru, the Ganges, Mahâdeva Bâba, the
shoemaker’s last (pharuhi), and their sons’ heads. They will not touch
a Dom or Dhobi, nor the wife of a younger brother or nephew, nor will
they call their wives by their names. Women eat after the men. They
salute relatives and clansmen in the forms Râm! Râm! and pâêlagi.
[Occupations.] 26. The Chamâr practises a variety of occupations. His
primary business is curing skins and shoemaking, and the latter
business has developed what is really a separate caste, that of the
Mochi (Sans: mochika); in a village he provides all leathern articles
used in husbandry, such as whips, thongs, well buckets, and the like.
As a rule, he has a circle of constituents (jajmân) whose dead cattle
he receives, and to whom he gives leather and a certain number of shoes
in return. His wife has similarly a certain number of families to whom
she acts as midwife and performs various menial services at marriages
and festivals. The Chamâr himself is the general village drudge (begâr,
pharait), runs messages, and does odd jobs, such as thatching when he
is called Gharâmi, and the like. Sometimes he receives wages in cash or
kind, but perhaps more generally an allowance of grain per plough
belonging to the family he serves, or a patch of rent-free land.
Another part of his duties is to beat drums and blow trumpets during a
marriage or when cholera or other epidemic disease is being exorcised
from the village. Large numbers of Chamârs take to field labour, act as
ploughmen, carters, grooms, or emigrate to towns, where they do various
kinds of unskilled work. In Partâbgarh they are said to have usurped
the business of carrying palanquins, the hereditary occupation of
Kahârs. The extension of the leather trade at Cawnpur has made it a
great Chamâr centre. Many of them have become wealthy and aim at a
standard of social respectability much higher than their rural
brethren, and some have begun even to seclude their women which every
native does as soon as he commences to rise in the world.
27. The system of tanning pursued by the ordinary village Chamâr is of
the most primitive kind. The skins are placed in a pit and covered with
water, containing lime (chûna) and impure carbonate of soda (sajji);
after ten days they are taken out and the hair removed with an iron
scraper (khurpi). They are again removed, sewn up in the form of a bag,
which is again filled with the bark solution, and hang on a tree or
stand. This process lasts five days, when the tanning is considered
complete. [200]