[Sidenote] A peace, and its happy effects respecting America.
The peace of Paris, though condemned by many in England as inadequate to
the amazing success that attended the British arms during the bloody war,
and below the expectation of the British nation, unquestionably placed
America in the most advantageous situation. As the flames of war first
kindled in that continent, by a contest about the limits of the British
and French territories, to prevent all disputes of this kind for the
future was made one of the first objects of attention in framing a treaty
of peace. By the seventh article of this treaty it was agreed, "That, for
the future, the confines between the dominions of his Britannic Majesty
and those of his most Christian Majesty in that part of the world should
be fixed irrevocably, by a line drawn along the middle of the river
Mississippi, from its source to the river Iberville, and from thence by a
line drawn along the middle of the river and the lakes Maurepas and
Pontchartrain to the sea." By the twentieth article, "His Catholic
Majesty ceded and guarantied in full right to his Britannic Majesty,
Florida, with Fort Augustine and the Bay of Pensacola, as well as all
that Spain possessed on the continent of North America to the east or
south-east of the river Mississippi, and in general every thing depending
on the said countries and lands, with the sovereignty, property,
possession, and all rights acquired by treaties or otherwise, which the
Catholic King and the Crown of Spain have had till now over the said
countries, lands, places, and other inhabitants." By these articles the
southern provinces were rendered perfectly secure, and, considering the
nature of the country, no frontiers could be more distinctly defined.
But as the French colonies in the northern district had been the chief
seat of war, the conquest of which had occasioned such an immense waste
of blood and treasure to Britain, it was also judged proper to guard
against the return of any danger on that side. Experience had shewn the
nation, that while France possesses a single stronghold on that
continent, the British subjects could never enjoy perfect repose, but
must be in danger of being again plunged into those calamities from which
they had been with so much difficulty delivered. Therefore it was
determined to remove this ambitious and enterprising enemy entirely from
the neighbourhood of these colonies, and secure them beyond a possibility
of future molestation. Accordingly, by the fourth article of the treaty,
"His most Christian Majesty renounced all pretensions which he had
heretofore formed, or might form, to Nova Scotia, or Acadia, in all its
parts, and guarantied the whole of it, with all its dependencies, to the
King of Great Britain; as also Canada, with all its dependencies; Cape
Breton, and all the other islands and coasts in the Gulf of St. Laurence,
and every thing that depends on these countries, islands, lands, places
and coasts, and their inhabitants; so that the most Christian King ceded
and made over the whole to the said King and Crown of Great Britain, and
that in the most ample manner and form, without restriction, and without
any liberty to depart from said cession and guaranty under any pretence,
or to disturb Great Britain in the possessions above mentioned; reserving
only the island of New Orleans, and liberty of fishing in the Gulf of St.
Laurence, which was granted, upon condition that the subjects of France
do not execute the said fishery but at the distance of three leagues from
all the coasts belonging to Great Britain, as well those of the continent
as those of the islands situated in the Gulf of St. Laurence."
We do not pretend to pass any judgment on the value of these conquests in
America, which were preferred to those of the West India islands at the
peace. By giving up a little of the sugar trade, it was thought the
nation lost only a luxury, and could be sufficiently supplied with all
the sugar and rum she wanted from the islands which she possessed before
the war; and therefore the precious conquests in the West Indies were
sacrificed to the security of America. The vast territory to the east and
south east of the great river Mississippi formed the British empire on
the continent, which, for variety of climate as well as of soil was
exceeded by no empire upon earth. As the trade of the mother country had
uniformly increased with the population of her colonies, it was hoped
that by freeing them from all molestation, they must increase in a still
more rapid manner than they had hitherto done, to the great advantage of
Britain; for while the colonists had liberty to extend their culture to
the remotest desert, the trade of the mother country would be increased,
her debt diminished, and at the same time the demand for manufactures
would be so great, that all the hands she employed would scarcely be able
to furnish the supply. These were thought to be the probable consequences
which would flow from the security of our American colonies at the peace.
[Sidenote] Boundaries of East and West Florida.
With respect to the new acquisitions, great pains were taken to acquire
an exact knowledge of them, not only to establish proper regulations, but
also to render them as useful and flourishing as possible. They were
divided into three separate independent governments, which were given to
officers who had distinguished themselves during the war. The government
of East Florida was bounded to the westward by the Gulf of Mexico and the
river Apalachicola; to the north by a line drawn from that part of the
above-mentioned river where the Catabouchee and Flint rivers meet, to the
source of St. Mary's river, and by the course of the same river to the
Atlantic Ocean; and to the east and south by the Atlantic Ocean; and the
Gulf of Florida, including all islands within six leagues of the sea
coast. The government of West Florida was bounded to the southward by the
Gulf of Mexico, including all islands within six leagues of the sea
coast, from the river Apalachicola to Lake Pontchartrain; to the westward
by the said lake, the lake Maurepas, and the river Mississippi; to the
north by a line drawn due east from that part of the river Mississippi
which lies in thirty-one degrees of north latitude, to the river
Apalachicola, or Catabouchee; and to the east by the said river. All the
lands lying between the rivers Alatamaha and St. Mary's were annexed to
the province of Georgia.
[Sidenote] The southern provinces left secure.
The possession of these two provinces of East and West Florida, though of
themselves little better than an immense waste, was of great importance
to the neighbouring provinces of Georgia and Carolina. It robbed the
Spaniards of a strong-hold from which they could send out an armed force
and harass these provinces, and of an easy avenue through which they had
often invaded them. It removed troublesome neighbours out of their way,
who had often instigated the savages against them, and made Augustine an
asylum for fugitive slaves. It opened some convenient ports for trade
with Britain and the West Indies, and for annoying French and Spanish
ships coming through the Gulf of Florida, in case of any future rupture.
It formed a strong frontier to the British dominions in that quarter, and
furnished an immense track of improveable land for reduced officers,
soldiers, and others, to settle and cultivate.
[Sidenote] Encouragement given to reduced officers and soldiers.
To testify the high sense his Majesty had of the conduct and bravery of
his officers and soldiers during the late war, and to encourage the
settlement of the colonies, tracks of land were offered them as the
rewards of their services. Orders were given to the governors on the
continent, to grant, without fee or reward, five thousand acres to every
field officer who had served in America, three thousand to every captain,
two thousand to every subaltern, two hundred to every non-commissioned
officer, and fifty to every private man; free of quit-rents for ten
years, but subject, at the expiration of that term, to the same moderate
quit-rents as the lands in the other provinces, and to the same
conditions of cultivation and improvement. In the new colonies, for the
encouragement of the people, they were to be allowed civil
establishments, similar to those of the other royal governments on the
continent, so soon as their circumstances would admit, and the same
provision was made for the security of their lives, liberties and
properties under the new as under the old governments.
[Sidenote] Georgia begins to flourish.
No province on the continent felt the happy effects of this public
security sooner than the province of Georgia, which had long struggled
under many difficulties, arising from the want of credit from friends,
and the frequent molestations of enemies. During the late war the
government had been given to James Wright, who wanted neither wisdom to
discern, nor resolution to pursue, the most effectual means for its
improvement. While he proved a father to the people and governed the
province with justice and equity, he discovered at the same time the
excellence of its low lands and river swamps, by the proper management
and diligent cultivation of which he acquired in a few years a plentiful
fortune. His example and success gave vigour to industry, and promoted a
spirit of emulation among the planters for improvement. The rich lands
were sought for with that zeal, and cleared with that ardour, which the
prospect of riches naturally inspired. The British merchants observing
the province safe, and advancing to a hopeful and flourishing state, were
no longer backward in extending credit to it, but supplied it with
negroes, and goods of British manufacture, with equal freedom as the
other provinces on that continent. The planters no sooner got the
strength of Africa to assist them than they laboured with success, and
the lands every year yielded greater and greater increase. The trade of
the province kept pace with its progress in cultivation. The rich swamps
attracted the attention not only of strangers, but even of the planters
of Carolina, who had been accustomed to treat their poor neighbours with
the utmost contempt, several of whom sold their estates in that colony,
and moved with their families and effects to Georgia. Many settlements
were made by Carolineans about Sunbury, and upon the great river
Alatamaha. The price of produce at Savanna arose as the quantity
increased, a circumstance which contributed much to the improvement of
the country. The planters situated on the opposite side of Savanna river
found in the capital of Georgia a convenient and excellent market for
their staple commodities. In short, from this period the rice, indigo and
naval stores of Georgia arrived at the markets in Europe in equal
excellence and perfection, and, in proportion to its strength, in equal
quantities with those of its more powerful and opulent neighbours in
Carolina. To form a judgment of the progress of the colony, we need only
attend to its exports. In the year 1763, the exports of Georgia consisted
of 7500 barrels of rice, 9633 libs. of indigo, 1250 bushels of Indian
corn, which, together with deer and beaver skins, naval stores,
provisions, timber, _&c._ amounted to no more than L. 27,021 sterling;
but afterwards the colony thrived and increased in a manner so rapid,
that, in the year 1773, it exported staple commodities to the value of L.
121,677 sterling.
[Sidenote] A plan adopted for encouraging emigrations to Carolina.
No less favourable and happy were the blessings of peace and security to
their neighbours of Carolina; for never did any country flourish and
prosper in a more astonishing degree than this province has done since
the conclusion of the late war. The government had been given to Thomas
Boone, who was not only a native of the province, but had a considerable
estate in it, which naturally rendered him deeply interested in its
prosperity. The French and Spaniards being removed out of the way, its
progress was no more retarded by any molestation from them. The assembly
appropriated a large fund for bounties to foreign Protestants, and such
industrious poor people of Britain and Ireland as should resort to the
province within three years, and settle on the inland parts. Two
townships, each containing 48,000 acres, were laid out; one on the river
Savanna, called Mecklenburgh, and the other on the waters of Santee at
Long Canes, called Londonderry; to be divided among emigrants, allowing
one hundred acres for every man, and fifty for every woman and child,
that should come and settle in the back woods. The face of the country in
those interior parts is variable and beautiful, and being composed of
hills and vallies, rocks and rivers, there is not that stagnation in the
air, which is so exceedingly hurtful to the human constitution in the
flat marshy parts of the province. The hills occasion an agitation in the
atmosphere, and by collecting the air in streams, these run along the
earth in pleasant breezes, and mitigate the rigour of the hot season. The
climate in those inland parts is not only more mild and wholesome, but
the soil, particularly in the vallies, which are covered with lofty trees
and luxuriant bushes, is exceedingly fertile, and promised in the amplest
manner to reward the industrious labourer. In consequence of this
encouragement offered, it was hoped that multitudes would resort to
Carolina, and settle those extensive and fruitful territories in the back
woods, by which means the frontiers of the province would be
strengthened, its produce increased, and its trade enlarged.
[Sidenote] A number of Palatines seduced into England.
Not long after this a remarkable affair happened in Germany, by which
Carolina received a great acquisition. One Stumpel, who had been an
officer in the King of Prussia's service, being reduced at the peace,
applied to the British ministry for a tract of land in America, and
having got some encouragement returned to Germany, where, by deceitful
promises, he seduced between five and six hundred ignorant people from
their native country. When these poor Palatines arrived in England, the
officer finding himself unable to perform his promises, fled, leaving
them in a strange land, without money, without friends, exposed in the
open fields, and ready to perish through want. While they were in this
starving condition, and knew no person to whom they could apply for
relief, a humane clergyman, who came from the same country, took
compassion on them, and published their deplorable case in the
news-papers. He pleaded for the mercy and protection of government to
them, until an opportunity might offer of transporting them to some of
the British colonies, where he hoped they would prove useful subjects,
and in time give their benefactors ample proofs of their gratitude and
affection. No sooner did their unhappy situation reach the ears of a
great personage, than he immediately set an example to his subjects,
which served both to warm their hearts and open their hands for the
relief of their distressed fellow-creatures. A bounty of three hundred
pounds was allowed them; tents were ordered from the Tower for the
accommodation of such as had paid their passage and been permitted to
come ashore; money was sent for the relief of those that were confined on
board. The public-spirited citizens of London, famous for acts of
beneficence and charity, associated, and chose a committee on purpose to
raise money for the relief of these poor Palatines. A physician, a
surgeon, and man-midwife, generously undertook to attend the sick gratis.
From different quarters benefactions were sent to the committee, and in a
few days those unfortunate strangers, from the depth of indigence and
distress, were raised to comfortable circumstances. The committee finding
the money received more than sufficient to relieve their present
distress, applied to his Majesty to know his royal pleasure with respect
to the future disposal of the German Protestants. His Majesty, sensible
that his colony of South Carolina had not its proportion of white
inhabitants, and having expressed a particular attachment to it,
signified his desire of transporting them to that province. Another
motive for sending them to Carolina was the bounty allowed to foreign
Protestants by the provincial assembly, so that when their source of
relief from England should be exhausted, another would open after their
arrival in that province, which would help them to surmount the
difficulties attending the first state of cultivation.
[Sidenote] Sent into Carolina.
Accordingly preparations were made for sending the Germans to South
Carolina. When the news was communicated to them they rejoiced, not only
because they were to go to one of the most fertile and flourishing
provinces on the continent, but also because many of them had friends and
countrymen before them. Two ships, of two hundred tons each, were
provided for their accommodation, and provisions of all kinds laid in for
the voyage. An hundred and fifty stand of arms were ordered from the
Tower, and given them by his Majesty for their defence after their
arrival in America; all which deserve to be recorded for the honour of
the British nation, which has at different times set before the world
many noble examples of benevolence. Every thing being ready for their
embarkation, the Palatines broke up their camp in the fields behind
White-Chapel, and proceeded to the ships attended by several of their
benefactors; of whom they took their leave with songs of praise to God in
their mouths, and tears of gratitude in their eyes.
[Sidenote] And settled at Londonderry.
In the month of April, 1764, they arrived at Charlestown, and presented a
letter from the Lords Commissioners for Trade and Plantations to Governor
Boone, acquainting him that his Majesty had been pleased to take the poor
Palatines under his royal care and protection, and as many of them were
versed in the culture of silks and vines, had ordered that a settlement
be provided for them in Carolina, in a situation most proper for these
purposes. Though their settlement met with some obstructions from a
dispute subsisting at that time between the Governor and Assembly about
certain privileges of the house; yet the latter could not help
considering themselves as laid under the strongest obligations to make
provision for so many useful settlers. Accordingly, in imitation of the
noble example set before them in London, they voted five hundred pounds
sterling to be distributed among the Palatines, according to the
directions of the Lieutenant-Governor, and their necessities. That they
might be settled in a body, one of the two townships, called Londonderry,
was allotted for them, and divided in the most equitable manner into
small tracts, for the accommodation of each family. Captain Calhoun, with
a detachment of the rangers, had orders to meet them by the way, and
conduct them to the place where their town was to be built, and all
possible assistance was given towards promoting their speedy and
comfortable settlement.
[Sidenote] Some emigrate from Britain, and multitudes from Ireland.
Besides foreign Protestants, several persons from England and Scotland
resorted to Carolina after the peace. But of all other countries none has
furnished the province with so many inhabitants as Ireland. In the
northern counties of that kingdom the spirit of emigration seized the
people to such a degree, that it threatened almost a total depopulation.
Such multitudes of husbandmen, labourers and manufacturers flocked over
the Atlantic, that the landlords began to be alarmed, and to concert ways
and means for preventing the growing evil. Scarce a ship sailed for any
of the plantations that was not crowded with men, women and children. But
the bounty allowed new settlers in Carolina proved a great encouragement,
and induced numbers of these people, notwithstanding the severity of the
climate, to resort to that province. The merchants finding this bounty
equivalent to the expenses of the passage, from avaricious motives
persuaded the people to embark for Carolina, and often crammed such
numbers of them into their ships that they were in danger of being
stifled during the passage, and sometimes were landed in such a starved
and sickly condition, that numbers of them died before they left
Charlestown. Many causes may be assigned for this spirit of emigration
that prevailed so much in Ireland: some, no doubt, emigrated from a
natural restlessness of temper, and a desire of roving abroad, without
any fixed object in view. Others were enticed over by flattering promises
from their friends and relations, who had gone before them. But of all
other causes of emigration oppression at home was the most powerful and
prevalent. Most men have a natural fondness and partiality for their
native country, and leave it with reluctance while they are able to earn
a comfortable livelihood in it. That spot where they first drew the
breath of life, that society in which they spent the gay season of youth,
the religion, the manners and customs of those among whom they were
educated, all conspire to affect the heart, and endear their native
country to them. But poverty and oppression will break through every
natural tie and endearment, and compel men to rove abroad in search of
some asylum against domestic hardship. Hence it happened that many poor
people forsook their native land, and preferred the burning sky and
unwholesome climate of Carolina, to the temperate and mild air of their
mother country. The success that attended some friends who had gone
before them being also industriously published in Ireland, and with all
the exaggerations of travellers, gave vigour to the spirit of adventure,
and induced multitudes to follow their countrymen, and run all hazards
abroad, rather than starve at home. Government winked at those
emigrations, and every year brought fresh strength to Carolina, insomuch
that the lands in Ireland were in danger of lying waste for want of
labourers, and the manufacturers of dwindling into nothing.
[Sidenote] And from the northern colonies, resort to Carolina.
Nor were these the only sources from which Carolina, at this time,
derived strength and an increase of population. For, notwithstanding the
vast extent of territory which the provinces of Virginia and Pennsylvania
contained, yet such was the nature of the country, that a scarcity of
improveable lands began to be felt in these colonies, and poor people
could not find spots in them unoccupied equal to their expectations. Most
of the richest vallies in these more populous provinces lying to the east
of the Alleganny mountains were either under patent or occupied, and, by
the royal proclamation at the peace, no settlements were allowed to
extend beyond the sources of the rivers which empty themselves into the
Atlantic. In Carolina the case was different, for there large tracks of
the best lands as yet lay waste, which proved a great temptation to the
northern colonists to migrate to the south. Accordingly, about this time
above a thousand families, with their effects, in the space of one year
resorted to Carolina, driving their cattle, hogs and horses over land
before them. Lands were allotted them on the frontiers, and most of them
being only entitled to small tracks, such as one, two or three hundred
acres, the back settlements by this means soon became the most populous
parts of the province. The frontiers were not only strengthened and
secured by new settlers, but the old ones on the maritime parts began
also to stretch backward and spread their branches, in consequence of
which the demand for lands in the interior parts every year increased.
The Governor and Council met once a-month for the purpose of granting
lands and signing patents, and it is incredible what numbers of people
attended those meetings in order to obtain them; so that; from the time
in which America was secured by the peace, Carolina made rapid progress
in population, wealth and trade, which will farther appear when we come
particularly to consider its advanced state and annual exports.
[Sidenote] Regulations for securing the provinces against Indians.
In proportion as the province increased in the number of white
inhabitants, its danger from the savage tribes grew less alarming. But to
prevent any molestation from Indians, and establish the peace of the
colonies on the most lasting foundation, his Majesty, by his royal
proclamations after the peace, took care to fix the boundaries of their
hunting lands, in as clear a manner as the nature of the country would
admit. No settlements were allowed to extend any farther backward upon
the Indian territories, than the sources of those great rivers which fall
into the Atlantic Ocean, and all British subjects who had settled beyond
these limits were ordered to remove. In this restriction his Majesty
evidently made a distinction between the rights of sovereignty and those
of property; having excluded his governors from all manner of
jurisdiction over those lands which were not specified within the limits
of their respective provinces. All private subjects were prohibited from
purchasing lands from Indians; but if the latter should at any time be
inclined to dispose of their property, it must for the future be done to
the King, by the general consent of their nation, and at a public
assembly held by British governors for that purpose. All traders were
obliged to take out licences from their respective governors for carrying
on commerce with Indian nations.
[Sidenote] John Stuart made superintendant for Indian affairs.
Such regulations were in many respects useful and necessary; for the
French and Spaniards being excluded, it only remained to guard the
provinces against the danger arising from Indians. And as they were
liable to much abuse and oppression from private traders, it was thought
necessary that the office of a superintendant should be continued for the
southern as well as the northern district of America. Accordingly this
office was given to Captain John Stuart, who was in every respect well
qualified for the trust. Attakullakulla had signified to the Governor and
Council, after the Cherokee war, that the province would receive no
molestation from Indians were this officer appointed to reside among
them, and to advise and direct them. The Assembly had not only thanked
him for his good conduct and great perseverance at Fort Loudon, and
rewarded him with fifteen hundred pounds currency, but also recommended
him to the Governor as a person worthy of preferment in the service of
the province. After his commission arrived from the King, the Carolineans
rejoiced, and promised themselves for the future great tranquillity and
happiness. Plans of lenity were likewise adopted by government with
respect to those Indian tribes, and every possible precaution was taken
to guard them against oppression, and prevent any rupture with them.
Experience had shewn that rigorous measures, such as humbling them by
force of arms, were not only very expensive and bloody, but disagreeable
to a humane and generous nation, and seldom accompanied with any good
effects. Such ill treatment rendered the savages cruel, suspicious and
distrustful, and prepared them for renewing hostilities, by keeping alive
their ferocious and warlike spirit. Their extirpation, even though it
could easily be compleated, would be a cruel act, and all the while the
growth and prosperity of the settlements would be much retarded by the
attempt. Whereas, by treating Indians with gentleness and humanity, it
was thought they would by degrees lose their savage spirit, and become
more harmless and civilized. It was hoped that by establishing a fair and
free trade with them, their rude temper would in time be softened, their
manners altered, and their wants increased; and instead of implacable
enemies, ever bent on destruction, they might he rendered good allies,
both useful and beneficial to the trade of the nation.
[Sidenote] Decrease of Indians, and the causes of it.
It has been remarked, that those Indians on the continent of America, who
were at the time of its discovery a numerous and formidable people, have
since that period been constantly decreasing, and melting away like snow
upon the mountains. For this rapid depopulation many reasons have been
assigned. It is well known that population every where keeps pace with
the means of subsistence. Even vegetables spring and grow in proportion
to the richness of the soil in which they are planted, and to the
supplies they receive from the nourishing rains and dews of heaven;
animals flourish or decay according as the means of subsistence abound or
fail; and as all mankind partake of the nature of both, they also
multiply or decrease as they are fed, or have provision in plenty, luxury
excluded. The Indians being driven from their possessions near the sea as
the settlements multiplied, were robbed of many necessaries of life,
particularly of oysters, crabs, and fish, with which the maritime parts
furnished them in great abundance, and on which they must have
considerably subsisted, as is apparent from a view of their camps, still
remaining near the sea-shore. The women are not only much disregarded and
despised, but also naturally less prolific among rude than polished
nations. The men being often abroad, at hunting or war, agriculture,
which is the chief means of subsistence among a civilized people, is
entirely neglected by them, and looked upon as an occupation worthy only
of women or slaves. That abstinence and fatigue which the men endure in
their distant excursions, and that gluttony and voraciousness in which
they indulge themselves in the times of plenty, are equally hurtful to
the constitution, and productive of diseases of different kinds. Now that
their territories are circumscribed by narrower bounds, the means of
subsistence derived even from game is less plentiful. Indeed scanty and
limited are the provisions they raise by planting, even in the best
seasons; but in case of a failure of their crops, or of their fields
being destroyed by enemies, they perish in numbers by famine. Their
natural passion for war the first European settlers soon discovered; and
therefore turned the fury of one tribe against another, with a view to
save themselves. When engaged in hostilities, they always fought not so
much to humble and conquer, as to exterminate and destroy. The British,
the French and Spanish nations, having planted colonies in their
neighbourhood, a rivalship for power over them took place, and each
nation having its allies among the savages was zealous and indefatigable
in instigating them against the allies of its neighbour. Hence a series
of bloody and destructive wars has been carried on among these rude
tribes, with all the rage and rancour of implacable enemies.
But famine and war, however destructive, were not the only causes of
their rapid decay. The smallpox having broke out among them, proved
exceedingly fatal, both on account of the contageous nature of the
distemper, and their harsh and injudicious attempts to cure it by
plunging themselves into cold rivers during the most violent stages of
the disorder. The pestilence broke out among some nations, particularly
among the Pemblicos in North Carolina, and almost swept away the whole
tribe. The practice of entrapping them, which was encouraged by the first
settlers in Carolina, and selling them for slaves to the West India
planters, helped greatly to thin their nations. But, of all other causes,
the introduction of spirituous liquors among them, for which they
discovered an amazing fondness, has proved the most destructive. Excess
and intemperance not only undermined their constitution, but also created
many quarrels, and subjected them to a numerous list of fatal diseases,
to which in former times they were entire strangers. Besides those
Europeans engaged in commercial business with them, generally speaking,
have been so far from reforming them, by examples of virtue and purity of
manners, that they rather served to corrupt their morals, and render them
more treacherous, distrustful, base and debauched than they were before
this intercourse commenced. In short, European avarice and ambition have
not only debased the original nature and stern virtue of that savage
race, so that these few Indians that now remain have lost in a great
measure their primitive character; but European vice and European
diseases, the consequences of vice, have exterminated this people,
insomuch that many nations formerly populous are totally extinct, and
their names entirely forgotten.
[Sidenote] Present state of Indian nations in the southern district.
The principal tribes around Carolina that now remain are, the Cherokees,
the Catabaws, the Creeks, the Chickesaws, and Choctaws, and a few others
that scarcely deserve to be mentioned. In 1765 the Cherokees, who inhabit
the mountains to the north of Charlestown, could scarcely bring two
thousand men to the field. The Catabaws have fifteen miles square
allotted them for hunting lands, about two hundred miles north of
Charlestown, with British settlements all around them; but they are so
much reduced by a long war with the Five Nations, that they could not
muster one hundred and fifty warriors. The Creeks inhabit a fine country
on the south-west, between four and five hundred miles distant from
Charlestown, and the number of both the Upper and Lower nations does not
exceed two thousand gun-men. The Chickesaw towns lie about six hundred
miles due west from Charlestown, but the nation cannot send three hundred
warriors to the field, owing to the incessant wars which they have
carried on against the French, by which their number has been greatly
diminished. The Choctaws are at least seven hundred miles west-south-west
from Charlestown, and have between three and four thousand gun-men; and
as their settlements border on West Florida, the greatest part of them
till the late peace remained allies of France. But as these artful and
insinuating rivals were removed out of the way, and the British
government had adopted prudent plans of civilizing and managing those
barbarous nations, the colonies for the future were in a great measure
freed from all apprehensions of danger from them. I shall therefore
conclude my observations respecting Indians with a speech of Mr. Stuart
the superintendant, delivered at a general congress held in Mobile, at
which Governor Johnstone and many British officers and soldiers attended.
For as he was so well acquainted with the humours, tempers and characters
of these tribes, this speech, in which is exhibited a good specimen of
the language and manner proper for addressing barbarous nations, may not
be unworthy of the reader's attention.
[Sidenote] Mr. Stuart's first speech to the Indians at Mobile.
"Friends and brothers, the Supreme Being who made the world and all its
inhabitants, has been pleased to permit many great warriors of the
British and Indian nations to meet together in peace. The great King, who
is the father of all white people in Great Britain and America, and
defends them from danger, this day stretches out his arms to receive his
red children into favour. He has been pleased to appoint me
superintendent of the affairs of all Indian nations to the southward of
Virginia. In his name I speak to you, and as the words you hear are his
words, I hope you will listen to them with attention, and allow them to
remain deeply impressed on your minds. They are calculated to promote not
only your happiness, but that of your children and childrens children for
ever.
"When the great kings of Britain and France were at variance, the storms
of war raged through this great forest, the Indian nations were divided,
brothers against brothers, and your country was stained with blood.
Malice and revenge went forth, all paths were made crooked, and your land
was covered with darkness. Now that it has pleased the Author of life to
restore the blessings of light and peace, it is our duty to make a proper
use and improvement of them. As fogs gathered in the night are dispersed
by the rising sun, so words dictated by the rage of war should be
forgotten in the time of peace. The great King, full of wisdom and
magnanimity, knows the frailty of his red children, and forgives their
disobedience and rebellion. He extends his love to them all, even to
those that lifted up the hatchet against him. To render them secure, he
has resolved that the English and French shall be for ever separated by
the great river Mississippi, and that all nations on this side of it
shall have him for their common father. He commands all strife and enmity
between his white and red children to cease, and expects that the allies
of Britain will take those Indians, the former allies of France, by the
hand, and live together like brethren of one family. That his white and
red children may be near one other, and mutually supply each other's
wants, he has ordered some of his good subjects to come over the great
waters, and live on the fruits of this land, which the Supreme Being made
for the use of mankind in general. To open this friendly intercourse, I
have invited you all to meet me at this place, and I rejoice that so many
brothers are come to accept of the royal favour and protection.
"Ye Chickesaw warriors, I speak first to you, and I know your ears are
open to my words. The great King regards you as children brought up in
their father's house, who from their infancy have been dutiful and
obedient, and by that means merited what you have always enjoyed, his
particular care and affection. While darkness surrounded you on every
side, he has defended you from all those snares and dangers to which you
were exposed. Now the day is clear and unclouded. Your father continues
to love you. The paths from your towns to all nations shall be made
straight and plain, and nothing shall be permitted to hurt your feet.
Your children shall rejoice and grow up in safety, and your houses shall
be filled with abundance of corn and venison. I am come to tell you the
good news, and to see that justice be done you in all commercial
dealings.
"In the next place I speak to you, ye warriors of the great party of the
Choctaw notion. You were like sons separated from their father, and
removed at a great distance from his protection; but by persisting in
obedience you were entitled to his love. The great King always
acknowledged you, but now he receives you into his family, and offers you
all the favours and privileges of sons. While you continue dutiful and
obedient, the eye of your father shall be upon you, and his hand shall be
open to relieve your wants. Under his care you shall enjoy all the
blessings of peace and safety. You shall receive no injuries from
friends, nor be exposed to any dangers from enemies. Your arms shall be
kept bright, your hunting lands no man shall be permitted to take from
you, and there shall be abundance of corn about your village.
"But as for you, ye Choctaw warriors of the Six Villages, you were like
children early lost. While you were wandering out of the way, without
knowing your brothers you blindly struck them. You found a father,
indeed, who adopted you, and you have long served him with zeal, and
shewn many proofs of your courage. You have received from your French
father such poor rewards for your services as he could bestow; but all
the while you remained under his care you were hungry, naked and
miserable. He gave you many fair words and promises, and having long
deceived you, at last is obliged to leave you in your present forlorn and
wretched condition. Now your true father has found you, and this day
stretches forth his arms to receive you under his protection. He has
forgotten all your past offences. He knows your weakness, and forgives
your errors. He knows your wants, and is disposed to relieve them. I have
but one tongue, and always speak the truth; and as I bring you good news,
I hope my words shall not be blown away by the wind. The great King is
wise, generous and merciful, and I flatter myself with the hopes that you
will never forget your obligations to his goodness.
"It is my duty to watch over Indians, and protect them against all manner
of danger and oppression. For this purpose my ears shall be always open
to your complaints, and it shall be my study to redress your grievances.
I must warn you to beware of all quarrels and outrages, by which you will
certainly forfeit the royal favour, and plunge yourselves again into
misery. I hope you will always observe my advice, and conduct yourselves
accordingly, that I may be able to transmit good accounts of your
behaviour to England. It is only by the permission of the great King that
your wants can be supplied, and that traders can come into your villages
with guns, powder, balls, knives, hatchets, flints, hoes, clothes and
other necessaries. These things you cannot make for yourselves, and no
other nation will be allowed to furnish you with them. Therefore the
great King has a right to expect your gratitude and obedience, for all he
requires is with a view to your own tranquillity and happiness.
"As you are all received into the family of the great King, it is
expected that Indians will not only live in friendship and peace with
white men, but also with one another. In imitation of his Majesty's good
example, you must forget all injuries and offences, and throw aside all
national jealousies and antipathies. The King expects that the great
chieftains, to whom he has given medals and gorgets, will consider them
not merely as ornaments, but as emblems of the high offices they bear,
and the great trust reposed in them. All presents made you are in
consideration of the good services expected from you. Therefore, ye wise
and great leaders, I expect you will use your authority like fathers, and
restrain your young men from all acts of violence and injustice, and
teach them that the only way to merit honour and preferment is to be
just, honest and peaceable, and that disgrace and punishment will be the
consequences of disorderly practices, such as robbing plantations, and
beating or abusing white people.
"Ye warriors who have no commissions, I speak to you also in name of the
King, and I hope you will reverence his authority and love your brethren.
Listen at all times to your wise rulers, and be careful to follow their
advice and example. By their wisdom and justice they have arrived at an
high pitch of preferment, and stand distinguished by great and small
medals. If, like them, you wish to be great, like them, you must first be
good. You must respect them as children do their father, yielding
submission to their authority, and obedience to their commands. Without
the favour of your chiefs, you will neither get your wants supplied nor
reach the station of honour. An armourer will be sent into your nation to
clean and repair your rifles, but he will have instructions to mend arms
to none but such as shall be recommended by their chiefs, it being proper
that such leaders should have it in their power to distinguish those that
are peaceable and obedient from the obstinate and perverse.
"I am to inform you all, that I will send a beloved man into your towns,
who will be vested with authority to hear and determine all differences
between you and the traders, to deliver all messages from me to you, and
all talks from you to me. And as he will come to promote your welfare and
tranquillity, I hope you will receive him kindly, protect him against all
insults, and assist him in the execution of his office.
"When the French governor took his leave of you, he advised you to look
upon yourselves as the children of the King of Great Britain. The advice
was good, I hope you will remember it for ever. The great King has
warriors numerous as the trees of the forest, and stands in no need of
your assistance; but he desires your friendship and alliance to render
you happy. He loves peace and justice, but he will punish all murders and
rebellion. Be careful, therefore, to keep your feet far from the crooked
and bloody path. Shun all communication with Indian tribes who lift the
hatchet against their white brethren. Their talks, their calamets, their
belts of wampum, and their tobacco are all poisonous. If you receive them
into your towns, be assured you will be infected with their madness, and
be in danger of rushing into destruction. Be cautious; above all things,
of permitting great quantities of rum to be brought into your villages.
It poisons your body, enervates your mind, and, from respectable
warriors, turns you into furious madmen, who treat friends and enemies
alike. Mark those persons, whether they be white or red, that bring rum
among you, for bad men, who violate the laws, and have nothing else in
view but to cheat, and render you despicable and wretched.
"Lastly, I inform you that it is the King's order to all his governors
and subjects, to treat Indians with justice and humanity, and to forbear
all encroachments on the territories allotted for them. Accordingly, all
individuals are prohibited from purchasing any of your lands; but as you
know that your white brethren cannot feed you when you visit them unless
you give them grounds to plant, it is expected that you will cede lands
to the King for that purpose. But whenever you shall be pleased to
surrender any of your territories to his majesty, it must be done for the
future at a public meeting of your nation, when the governors of the
provinces, or the superintendent shall be present, and obtain the consent
of all your people. The boundaries of your hunting grounds will be
accurately fixed, and no settlement permitted to be made upon them. As
you may be assured that all treaties with you will be faithfully kept, so
it is expected that you also will be careful strictly to observe them. I
have now done, and I hope you will remember the words I have spoken. Time
will soon discover to you the generosity, justice and goodness of the
British nation. By the bounty of the King, and a well-ordered trade with
his subjects, your houses shall be filled with plenty, and your hearts
with joy. You will see your men and women well clothed and fed, and your
children growing up to honour you, and add strength to your nation; your
peace and prosperity shall be established, and continue from generation
to generation."
Having now endeavoured to give some account of the rise and progress of
this colony for the first century after its settlement, or rather from
the time the Proprietors received their second charter in 1665 to the
year 1765, we shall add a general view of its present state and
condition. I have purposely delayed speaking of several things,
particularly of the temper, manners and character of the people, until
this period, when they come more immediately under my own notice; and
such observations as I have made shall now be submitted to the public
view for the use of strangers, leaving all men acquainted with provincial
affairs to judge for themselves, according to the different lights in
which matters may have occurred to them.
[Sidenote] A description of Charlestown.
With respect to the towns in Carolina, none of them, excepting one, merit
the smallest notice. Beaufort, Purisburgh, Jacksonburgh, Dorchester,
Camden, and George-town, are all inconsiderable villages, having in each
no more than twenty, thirty, or, at most, forty dwelling houses. But
Charlestown, the capital of the province, may be ranked with the first
cities of British America, and yearly advances in size, riches and
population. It is situated upon a neck of land at the continence of
Ashley and Cooper rivers, which are large and navigable, and wash at
least two third parts of the town. These rivers mingle their streams
immediately below the town, and, running six or seven miles farther,
empty themselves at Sullivan's island into the Atlantic Ocean. By means
of such broad rivers the sea is laid open from east to southeast, and the
town fanned by gentle breezes from the ocean, which are very refreshing
to the inhabitants during the summer months. The tide flows a great way
above the town, and occasions an agitation in the air which is also
productive of salutary effects. So low and level is the ground upon which
Charlestown is built, that the inhabitants are obliged to raise banks of
earth, as barriers, to defend themselves against the higher floods of the
sea. The streets from east to west extend from river to river, and,
running in a straight line, not only open a beautiful prospect, but also
afford excellent opportunities, by means of subterranean drains, for
removing all nuisances; and keeping the town clean and healthy. These
streets are intersected by others, nearly at right angles, and throw the
town into a number of squares, with dwelling houses on the front, and
office-houses and little gardens behind them. Some of the streets are
broad, which in such a climate is a necessary and wise regulation, for
where narrow lanes and alleys have been tolerated, they prove by their
confined situation a fruitful nursery for diseases of different kinds.
The town, which was at first entirely built of wood, as might be
expected, has often suffered from fire; but such calamities, though they
fell heavy on individuals, have given the inhabitants frequent
opportunities of making considerable improvements in it. Now most houses
are built of brick, three storeys high, some of them elegant, and all
neat habitations; within they are genteelly furnished, and without
exposed as much as possible to the refreshing breezes from the sea. Many
of them are indeed encumbered with balconies and piazzas, but these are
found convenient and even necessary during the hot season, into which the
inhabitants retreat for enjoying the benefit of fresh air, which is
commonly occasioned, and always increased, by the flux and reflux of the
sea. Almost every family have their pump-wells, but the water in them
being at no great distance from the salt river, and filtered only through
sand, is brackish, and commonly occasions severe griping and purging to
every person not accustomed to it. The town consisted at this time of, at
least, twelve hundred dwelling houses, and was in at advancing state. The
public buildings are, an Exchange, a State-House, an Armoury, two
churches for Episcopalians, one for Presbyterians, two for French and
Dutch Protestants; to which may be added, meeting-houses for Anabaptists,
Independents, Quakers and Jews. Upon the sides of the rivers wharfs are
built, to which all ships that come over the bar may lie close; and
having stores and ware-houses erected upon them, are exceedingly
convenient for importing and exporting all kinds of merchandise.
The harbour is also tolerably well fortified, the King having at
different times presented the province with great guns for that purpose.
Towards Cooper river the town is defended by a number of batteries,
insomuch that no ships of an enemy can approach it without considerable
hazard. Besides these, the passage up to it is secured by Fort Johnson,
built on James's Island, about two miles below the town. This fort stands
in a commanding situation, within point-blank shot of the channel,
through which every ship, in their way to and from Charlestown, must
pass. The commander of Fort Johnson is commissioned by the King, and has
authority to stop every ship coming in until the master or mate shall
make oath that there is no malignant distemper on board. It has barracks
for fifty men; but, in case of emergency, it obtains assistance from the
militia of the island. During the late Cherokee war a plan was also
formed for fortifying the town towards the land, with a horn-work built
of tappy, flanked with batteries and redoubts at proper distances, and
extending from river to river; but, after having spent a great sum of
money on this work, peace being restored, the design was dropt.
[Sidenote] The number of its inhabitants.
In 1765 the number of white inhabitants in Charlestown amounted to
between five and fix thousand, and the number of negroes to between seven
and eight thousand. With respect to the number of white inhabitants in
the province we cannot be certain, but we may form some conjecture from
the militia roll; for as all male persons from sixteen to sixty are
obliged by law to bear arms and muster in the regiments, and as the whole
militia formed a body of between seven and eight thousand, reckoning the
fifth person fit for military duty, the whole inhabitants in the province
might amount to near forty thousand. But the number of negroes was not
less than eighty or ninety thousand. As no exact register of the births
and funerals has been kept at Charlestown for several years, we cannot
ascertain the proportion between them. Formerly, when bills of mortality
were annually printed, the common computation was, that, while no
contagious disorder prevailed in town, one out of thirty-five died
yearly, or one out of each family in the space of seven years. However,
the list of deaths is often increased by the sailors and transient
persons that die in the town, and by malignant distempers imported into
it. It is generally believed, that the number of births among the settled
inhabitants exceeds that of funerals; but we shall affirm nothing with
respect to this matter without better authority than common observation
and conjecture.
[Sidenote] A general view of the manners _&c._ of the people.
With respect to temper and character, the inhabitants of Carolina differ
little from those of Great Britain and Ireland; I mean, such as derived
their origin from those islands, for the descendents of other nations
still retain something of the complexion, manners and customs of those
countries from whence they came. In stature, the natives of Carolina are
about the middle size; for in Europe we meet with men both taller and
shorter. They are, generally speaking, more forward and quick in growth
than the natives of cold climates. Indeed we may say, there are no boys
or girls in the province, for from childhood they are introduced into
company, and assume the air and behaviour of men and women. Many of them
have an happy and natural quickness of apprehension, especially in the
common affairs of life, and manage business with ease and discretion; but
want that steadiness, application and perseverance necessary to the
highest improvements in the arts and sciences. Several natives who have
had their education in Britain, have distinguished themselves by their
knowledge in the laws and constitution of their country; but those who
have been bred in the province, having their ideas confined to a narrower
sphere, have as yet made little figure as men of genius or learning.
Agriculture being more lucrative than any other employment, all who
possess lands and negroes apply their chief attention to the improvement
of their fortune, regardless of the higher walks of science. They
commonly marry early in life, and of course are involved in domestic
cares and concerns before their minds have had time to ripen in knowledge
and judgment. In the progress of society they have not advanced beyond
that period in which men are distinguished more by their external than
internal accomplishments. Hence it happens, that beauty, figure, agility
and strength form the principal distinctions among them, especially in
the country. Among English people they are chiefly known by the number of
their slaves, the value of their annual produce, or the extent of their
landed estate. For the most part they are lively and gay, adapting their
dress to the nature of the climate in which they live, and discover no
small taste and neatness in their outward appearance. Their intercourse
and communication with Britain being easy and frequent, all novelties in
fashion, dress and ornament are quickly introduced; and even the spirit
of luxury and extravagance, too common in England, was beginning to creep
into Carolina. Almost every family kept their chaises for a single horse,
and some of the principal planters of late years have imported fine
horses and splendid carriages from Britain. They discover no bad taste
for the polite arts, such as music, drawing, fencing and dancing; and it
is acknowledged by all, but especially by strangers, that the ladies in
the province considerably outshine the men. They are not only sensible,
discreet and virtuous, but also adorned with most of those polite and
elegant accomplishments becoming their sex. The Carolineans in general
are affable and easy in their manners, and exceedingly kind and
hospitable to all strangers. There are few old men or women to be found
in the province, which is a sure sign of the unhealthiness of the
climate. We cannot say that there are many in the country that arrive at
their sixtieth year, and several at thirty bear the wrinkles, bald head
and grey hairs of old age. As every person by diligence and application
may earn a comfortable livelihood, there are few poor people in the
province, except the idle or unfortunate. Nor is the number of rich
people great; most of them being in what we call easy and independent
circumstances. It has been remarked, that there are more persons
possessed of between five and ten thousand pounds sterling in the
province, than are to be found any where among the same number of people.
In respect of rank, all men regarded their neighbour as their equal, and
a noble spirit of benevolence pervaded the society. In point of industry
the town was like a bee-hive, and there were none that reaped not
advantages more or less from the flourishing state of trade and commerce.
Pride and ambition had not as yet crept into this community; but the
province was fast advancing to that state of power and opulence, when
some distinctions among men necessarily take place.
[Sidenote] And of their way of living.
With respect to the manner of living in Charlestown, it is nearly the
same as in England; and many circumstances concur to render it neither
very difficult nor expensive to furnish plentiful tables. They have tea
from England, and coffee, chocolate and sugar from the West Indies, in
plenty. Butter is good, especially at that season when the fields are
cleared of rice, and the cows are admitted into them; and it is so
plentiful that they export a good deal of it to the Leeward Islands. The
province produces some flour for bread; but it being of an inferior
quality, the inhabitants chiefly make use of that imported from New York
and Philadelphia. In the market there is plenty of beef, pork, veal,
poultry and venison, and a great variety of wild-fowls and salt-water
fish. The mutton from the low lands is not so good as that from the hills
in the interior parts, but as the back country is now well settled, it is
hoped that the market in time will be likewise well supplied with mutton
from it. They have also a variety of the finest fruits and vegetables in
their season. Their principal drink is punch, or grog, which is composed
of rum well diluted with water. With respect to wine, Madeira is not only
best suited to the climate, in which it improves by heat and age, but
also most commonly used by the people in general, though French, Spanish
and Portuguese wines are likewise presented at the tables of the most
opulent citizens. Besides these, they have porter and beer from England,
and cyder and perry from the northern colonies. Where rum is cheap,
excess in the use of it will not be uncommon, especially among the lower
class of people; but the gentlemen in general are sober, industrious and
temperate. In short, the people are not only blessed with plenty, but
with a disposition to share it among friends and neighbours; and many
will bear me witness, when I say, that travellers could scarcely go into
any city where they could meet with a society of people more agreeable,
intelligent and hospitable than that at Charlestown.
[Sidenote] The arts and sciences only of late encouraged.
Though the arts and sciences had been long neglected, and have as yet
made no great progress in the province, yet of late years they have met
with great encouragement. The people in general stand not only much
indebted to an ingenious bookseller, who introduced many of the most
distinguished authors among them, but several of the most respectable
citizens also united and formed a society for the promotion of
literature, having obtained a charter of incorporation for that purpose.
All the new publications in London, and many of the most valuable books,
both ancient and modern, have been imported for the use of this society
the members of which were ambitious of proving themselves the worthy
descendants of British ancestors, by transporting not only their inferior
arts of industry and agriculture, but also their higher improvements in
philosophy and jurisprudence. Their design was not confined to the
present generation, but extended to posterity, having the institution of
a college in view, so soon as the funds of the society should admit of
it. News-papers were also printed, for supplying the province with the
freshest and most useful intelligence of all that passed in the political
and commercial world. For amusement the inhabitants of Charlestown had
not only books and public papers, but also assemblies, balls, concerts
and plays, which were attended by companies almost equally brilliant as
those of any town in Europe of the same size.
[Sidenote] The militia and internal strength of the province.
Charlestown had its armoury, magazine, and militia, and every citizen,
like those of ancient Sparta, joined the military to the civil character.
The officers of the militia are appointed by the Governor, who commonly
nominates such men from among the inhabitants to command the rest as are
most distinguished for their courage and capacity. All men of the
military age being registered in the militia roll, each person knows the
company to which he belongs, the captain who commands it, and is
obligated to keep his arms in order, and to appear properly equipped in
case of any alarm or other emergency. We cannot say that the militia in
general made a good appearance, or seemed expert at the use of arms; but
the companies of grenadiers, light infantry, and artillery, were
extravagantly gay, and tolerably well disciplined. As most of the men
were equally independent as their officers, that prompt obedience to
orders, necessary in a regular army, could not be expected from them; but
being conscious that union of strength was necessary to the common
safety, on all emergencies they appeared under arms with alacrity and
expedition. By the militia law the merchants and tradesmen of the city
were subjected to some temporary inconveniencies and interruptions of
business; but as agriculture was chiefly carried on by slaves, and nature
brought the fruits of the earth to maturity, the planters in the country
had abundance of time to spare for military exercises. Their rural life,
and the constant use of arms, promoted a kind of martial spirit among
them, and the great dangers to which they were always exposed, habituated
them to face an enemy with resolution. Fortunately a natural antipathy
subsisted between Indians and negroes, and prevented the two from uniting
and conspiring the destruction of the colony. Therefore, while Indians
remained quiet and peaceable, it was not the interest of the province to
have them removed at a great distance; for had they been driven over the
Mississippi, or extirpated, their place would probably have been supplied
by fugitive slaves, who, by taking shelter in the mountains, would have
proved an enemy equally, if not more, cruel and formidable to Carolina
than the Indians themselves; or had the savage nations given
encouragement to slaves to fly to them for liberty and protection, fatal
must the consequences have been to the settlement.
[Sidenote] Of its societies formed for mutual support and relief.
Thus exposed to barbarians, the members of this little community knew
that union of strength was not only requisite to the common safety, but
both interest and duty naturally led them to establish societies with a
particular view of raising funds for relieving each others wants. Though
every person was obliged by law to contribute, in proportion to his
estate, for the relief of the poor of the province, yet, besides this,
there were several societies formed and incorporated for the particular
purpose of assisting such families belonging to them as might happen to
be unfortunate in trade, or in any other way reduced to an indigent
state. Among these there is one called The South-Carolina Society, which
merits particular notice. At first it consisted not of the most opulent
citizens, though many of these afterwards joined it, but of persons in
moderate stations, who held it an essential duty to relieve one another
in such a manner as their circumstances would admit; accordingly they
united, elected officers, and, by trifling weekly contributions,
donations and legacies, together with good management, in process of time
accumulated a considerable stock. A common seal was provided, with the
device of a hand planting a vine, and the motto _Posteritati_. The
Heavens smile on humane and generous designs. Many observing the great
usefulness of this society, petitioned for admission into it; and as its
numbers increased its stock enlarged. In 1738, their capital amounted to
no more than L.213: 16 s.; but, in 1776, it had arisen to a sum not less
than L. 68,787: 10: 3, current money. All the while their works of
charity have likewise been conspicuous and extensive. Many unfortunate
and sinking families have been supported by them in a decent and
respectable manner. Many helpless orphans have been educated, and
prepared for being useful members of society. Several other societies in
Charlestown have been founded upon the same plan, and on many occasions
the inhabitants in general, (it may be mentioned to their honour), have
discovered a benevolent and charitable spirit, not only to poor people in
the province, but also to unfortunate strangers.
[Sidenote] Of its merchants and trade.
The merchants in Carolina are a respectable body of men, industrious and
indefatigable in business, free, open and generous in their manner of
conducting it. The whole warehouses in Charlestown were like one common
store, to which every trader had access for supplying his customers with
those kinds of goods and manufactures which they wanted. The merchants of
England, especially since the late peace, observing the colonies
perfectly secure, and depending on the strength of the British navy for
the protection of trade, vied with each other for customers in America,
and stretched their credit to its utmost extent for supplying the
provinces. Hence every one of them were well furnished with all kinds of
merchandise. But as the staples of Carolina were valuable, and in much
demand, credit was extended to that province almost without limitation,
and vast multitudes of negroes, and goods of all kinds, were yearly sent
to it. In proportion as the merchants of Charlestown received credit from
England, they were enabled to extend it to the planters in the country,
who purchased slaves with great eagerness, and enlarged their culture.
Though the number of planters had of late years much increased, yet they
bore no proportion to the vast extent of territory, and lands were still
easily procured, either by patent or by purchase. According to the number
of hands employed in labour, agriculture prospered and trade was
enlarged. An uncommon circumstance also attended this rapid progress,
which was favourable to the planting interest, and proved an additional
incentive to industry. The price of staple commodities arose as the
quantity brought to market increased. In 1761 rice sold at forty
shillings per barrel, and indigo at two shillings per lib.; but in 1771
in so flourishing a state was the commerce of this country, that rice
brought at market three pounds ten shillings per barrel, and indigo three
shillings per lib. At the same time the quantity increased so much, that
the exports of Carolina amounted, upon an average of three years after
the peace, to L. 395,666: 13: 4; but, in 1771, the exports in that year
alone arose to a sum not less than L. 756,000 sterling. How great then
must the imports have been, when the province, notwithstanding this
amazing increase, still remained in debt to the mother country.
[Sidenote] Of its planters and agriculture.
To this advanced state had Carolina arrived in point of improvement.
Agriculture, beyond doubt, is of such importance to every country, that,
next to public security and the distribution of justice and equity, it is
the interest of every government to encourage it. Nothing could more
manifestly promote industry and agriculture, than that fair and equitable
division of lands among the people which took place in this province.
Immense tracts of ground in possession of one man, without hands to
cultivate and improve them, are only unprofitable deserts: but when lands
are judiciously parcelled out among the people, industry is thereby
encouraged, population increased, and trade promoted. The lands first
yield abundance for the inhabitants, and then more than they can consume.
When this is the case, the overplus can be spared for procuring foreign
articles of exchange, and the province is thereby furnished with the
conveniencies and luxuries of another climate and country. Then the
planter's views are turned to the advantages of trade, and the
merchant's, in return, to the success of husbandry. From which time a
mutual dependence subsists between them, and it is the interest of the
one to encourage the other. For when the merchants receive nothing from
the province, it is impossible they can afford to import anything into
it. Without cultivation commerce must always languish, being deprived of
its chief supplies, the fruits of the earth. Without credit from the
merchant there would have been little encouragement to emigrate to
Carolina. A single arm could make little impression on the forest. A poor
family, depending for support on the labour of one man, would have long
remained in a starving condition, and scarcely ten of an hundred
emigrants, obliged to work in such a climate, would have survived the
tenth year after their arrival. To what causes then shall we ascribe the
prosperity of the province? The answer is plain. Under the royal care the
people, being favoured with every advantage resulting from public
security, an indulgent government, abundance of land, large credit,
liberty to labour and to reap the whole fruits of it, protection to
trade, and an excellent market for every staple, laboured with success.
These were powerful motives to emigrate, strong incentives to industry,
and the principal causes of its rapid advances towards maturity. No
colony that ever was planted can boast of greater advantages. Few have,
in the space of an hundred years, improved and flourished in an equal
degree.
Notwithstanding the favourable situation for agriculture in which the
Carolineans stood, they remained slovenly husbandmen, and every stranger
was astonished at the negligent manner in which all estates in the
province were managed. Those planters who had arrived at easy or affluent
circumstances employed overseers; and having little to do but to ride
round their fields now and then, to see that their affairs were not
neglected, or their slaves abused, indulge themselves in rural
amusements, such as racing, mustering, hunting, fishing, or social
entertainments. For the gun and dog the country affords some game, such
as small partridges, woodcocks, rabbits, _&c._ but few of the planters
are fond of that kind of diversion. To chace the fox or the deer is their
favourite amusement, and they are forward and bold riders, and make their
way through the woods and thickets with astonishing speed. The horses of
the country, though hardy and serviceable animals, make little figure;
and therefore, to improve the breed, many have been of late years
imported from England. The planters being fond of fine horses, have been
at great pains to raise them, so that they now have plenty of an
excellent kind, both for the carriage and the turf.
In every plantation great care is taken in making dams to preserve water,
for overflowing the rice-fields in summer, without which they will yield
no crops. In a few years after this pond is made, the planters find it
stocked with a variety of fishes; but in what manner they breed, or
whence they come, they cannot tell, and therefore leave that matter to
philosophical inquirers to determine. Some think that the spawn of fishes
is exhaled from the large lakes of fresh water in the continent, and
being brought in thunder-clouds, falls with the drops of rain into these
reservoirs of water. Others imagine that it must have remained every
where among the sand since that time the sea left these maritime parts of
the continent. Others are of opinion, that young fish are brought by
water-fowls, which are very numerous, from one pond to another, and there
dropt, by which means the new-made pools receive their supply. But be the
cause what it will, the effect is visible and notorious all over the
country. When the ponds are stocked with fishes, it becomes an agreeable
amusement to catch them, by hawling a sene[*] through the pool. Parties
of pleasure are formed for this purpose, so that the young planters, like
gentlemen of fortune, being often abroad at these rural sports and social
entertainments, their domestic affairs by such means are much neglected,
and their plantations carelessly managed.
[Transcriber's note: The word 'sene' appears thus in the original. Might
be an uncommon misprint of 'sieve'.]
But even among the most diligent and attentive planters we see not that
nice arrangement and order in their fields observable in most places of
Europe, probably owing to the plenty and cheapness of land. In every
country where landed estates are easily procured, they engross not that
care and attention requisite for making them yield the greatest returns.
The freeholds in Carolina are not only easily obtained by patent or
purchase, but also all alienable at pleasure; so that few of the present
generation of planters regulate their system of husbandry upon any
established principles or plans, much less with any views to posterity.
In no country have the finest improvements been found in the first ages
of cultivation. This remains for a future day, and when lands shall be
more scarce and valuable, and the country better peopled; then, it is
probable, Carolina will cover, like other countries, the effects of the
nice art and careful management of the husbandman.
At present the common method of cultivation is as follows. After the
planter has obtained his tract of land, and built a house upon it, he
then begins to clear his field of that load of wood with which the land
is covered. Nature points out to him where to begin his labours; for the
soil, however various, is every where easily distinguished, by the
different kinds of trees which grow upon it. Having cleared his field, he
next surrounds it with a wooden fence, to exclude all hogs, sheep and
cattle from it. This field he plants with rice or indigo, year after
year, until the lands are exhausted or yield not a crop sufficient to
answer his expectations. Then it is forsaken, and a fresh spot of land is
cleared and planted, which is also treated in like manner, and in
succession forsaken and neglected. Although there are vast numbers of
cattle bred in the province, yet no manure is provided for improving the
soil. No trials of a different grain are made. No grass seeds are sown in
the old fields for enriching the pastures, so that either shrubs and
bushes again spring up in them, or they are overgrown with a kind of
coarse grass, grateful or nourishing to no animal. Like farmers often
moving from place to place, the principal study with the planters is the
art of making the largest profit for the present time, and if this end is
obtained, it gives them little concern how much the land may be
exhausted. The emulation that takes place among the present generation,
is not who shall put his estate in the most beautiful order, who shall
manage it with most skill and judgment for posterity; but who shall bring
the largest crop to the market. Let their children provide for
themselves. They will endeavour to leave them plenty of labourers, and
they know they can easily obtain abundance of lands; vain and absurd,
therefore, would it be to bestow much pains and time in preparing this or
that landed estate for them, and laying it out in fine order, which they
are certain will be deserted so soon as the lands are exhausted.
Such is the present method of carrying on agriculture in Carolina, and it
may do for some time, but every one must clearly see that it will be
productive of bad effects. The richness of the soil, and the vast
quantity of lands, have deceived many, even those men who had been bred
farmers in England, and made them turn out as careless husbandmen as the
natives themselves. Wherever you go in this province, you may discover
the ignorance of the people with respect to agriculture, and the small
degree of perfection to which they have yet attained in this useful art.
This will not be the case much longer, for lands will become scarce, and
time and experience, by unfolding the nature of the soil, and discovering
to the planters their errors, will teach them, as circumstances change,
to alter also their present rules, and careless manner of cultivation. In
every country improvements are gradual and progressive. In such a
province as Carolina, where the lands are good, new staples will be
introduced, new sources of wealth will open; and, if we may judge from
what is past, we may conclude, that, if no misunderstandings or quarrels
shall interrupt its future progress, it certainly promises to be one of
the most flourishing settlements in the world. We have seen that its
exports are already very great, even while the lands are negligently
cultivated and ill managed; but how much greater will they be when the
art of agriculture shall hare arrived at the same degree of perfection in
that province as in England.
[Sidenote] An interruption of the harmony between Britain and her
colonies, and the causes of it.
Such, at this period, was the happy situation of the people and province
of South Carolina; safe under the royal care and protection, and
advancing to an opulent state by the unlimited credit and great
indulgence granted by Britain. However, if we proceed a little farther,
we shall see the face of things gradually changing. We shall behold the
mother country, as the wealth of her colonies increased, attempting some
alteration in their political and commercial system: and the different
provinces, infected with pride and ambition, aspiring after independence.
Let us take a slight view of the causes of that unhappy quarrel which at
this time began between them, and afterwards proceeded to such a degree
of violence as to threaten a total dissolution of all political union and
commercial intercourse.
It might have been expected that those colonies would not soon forget
their obligations to the mother country, by which they had been so long
cherished and defended. As all the colonies were in themselves so many
independent societies, and as in every state protection and allegiance
are reciprocal and inseparable duties, one would have thought that
subjects would yield obedience to the laws, and submission to the
authority of that government under which they claimed protection. Such
was the constitution of the provinces, that each, by its own legislature,
could only regulate the internal police within the bounds of its
territory. Thus far, and no farther, did its authority extend. Not one of
them could either make or execute regulations binding upon another. They
had no common council, empowered by the constitution, to act for and to
bind all, though perhaps good policy now required the establishment of
such a council, for the purpose of raising a revenue from them. Every
member of the vast empire might perceive, that some common tax, regularly
and impartially imposed, in proportion to the strength of each division,
was necessary to the future defence and protection of the whole. In
particular, the people of Great Britain, when they looked forward to the
possible contingency of a new war, and considered the burdens under which
they groaned, had a melancholy and dreadful prospect before them; and the
parliament considered it as their indispensible duty to relieve them as
much as possible, and provide for the safety of the state by a
proportionable charge on all its subjects. For as the exemption of one
part from this equal charge was unreasonable and unjust, so it might tend
to alienate the hearts of these subjects residing in one corner of the
empire from those in another, and destroy that union and harmony in which
the strength of the whole consisted.
Such were probably the views and designs of the parliament of Great
Britain at this juncture, with respect to America. At the same time, if
we consider the genius, temper and circumstances of the Americans, we
will find them jealous of their liberties, proud of their strength, and
sensible of their importance to Britain. They had hitherto obeyed the
laws of the British parliament; but their great distance, their vast
extent of territory, their numerous ports and conveniencies for trade,
their increasing numbers, their various productions, and consequently
their growing power, had now prepared and enabled them for resisting such
laws as they deemed inconsistent with their interest, or dangerous to
their liberty. Some of these colonists even inherited a natural aversion
to monarchy from their forefathers, and on all occasions discovered a
strong tendency towards a republican form Of government, both in church
and state. So that, before the parliament began to exert its authority
for raising a revenue from them, they were prepared to shew their
importance, and well disposed for resisting that supreme power, and
loosening by degrees their connection with the parent state.
America was not only sensible of her growing strength and importance, but
also of the weakness of the mother country, reduced by a tedious and
expensive war, and groaning under an immense load of national debt. The
colonies boasted of the assistance they had given during the war, and
Great Britain, sensible of their services, was generous enough to
reimburse them part of the expences which they had incurred. After this
they began to over-rate their importance, to rise in their demands, and
to think so highly of their trade and alliance, as to deem it impossible
for Britain to support her credit without them. In vain did the mother
country rely upon their gratitude for past favours, so as to expect
relief with respect to her present burdens. We allow, that the first
generation of emigrants retained some affection for Britain during their
lives, and gloried in calling her their home and their mother country;
but this natural impression wears away from the second, and is entirely
obliterated in the third. Among the planters in all the colonies this was
manifestly the case; the sons of Englishmen in America by degrees lost
their affection for England, and it was remarkable, that the most violent
enemies to Scotland were the descendants of Scotchmen.
But among merchants, the attachment to any particular country is still
sooner lost. Men whose great object is money, and whose business is to
gather it as fast as possible, in fact retain a predilection for any
country no longer than it affords them the greatest advantages. They are
citizens of the world at large, and provided they gain money, it is a
matter of indifference to them to what country they trade, and from what
quarter of the globe it comes. England is the best country for them, so
long as it allows them to reap the greatest profits in the way of
traffic; and when that is not the case, a trade with France, Spain, or
Holland will answer better. If the laws of Great Britain interfere with
their favourite views and interests, merchants will endeavour to elude
them, and smuggle in spite of legal authority. Of late years, although
the trade of the colonies with the mother country had increased beyond
the hopes of the most sanguine politicians, yet the American merchants
could not be confined to it, but carried on a contraband trade with the
colonies of France and Spain, in defiance of all the British laws of
trade and navigation. This illicit trade the people had found very
advantageous, having their returns in specie for their provisions and
goods, and the vast number of creeks and rivers in America proved
favourable to such smugglers. During the late war this trade had been
made a treasonable practice, as it served to supply those islands which
Britain wanted to reduce; but, after the conclusion of the war, it
returned to its former channel, and increased beyond example in any past
period.
[Sidenote] The new regulations made in the trade of the colonies give
great offence.
To prevent this illicit commerce, it was found necessary, soon after the
peace, to establish some new regulations in the trade of the colonies.
For this purpose some armed sloops and cutters were stationed on the
coasts of America, whose commanders had authority to act as revenue
officers, and to seize all ships employed in that contraband trade,
whether belonging to foreigners or fellow-subjects. And to render these
commercial regulations the more effectual, courts of admiralty were
erected, and invested with a jurisdiction more extensive than usual. In
consequence of the restrictions laid on this trade, which the smugglers
found so advantageous, it suffered much, and, notwithstanding the number
of creeks and rivers, was almost annihilated. This occasioned some very
spirited representations to be sent across the Atlantic by merchants, who
declared that the Americans bought annually to the amount of three
millions of British commodities: That their trade with the French and
Spanish colonies took off such goods as remained an encumbrance on their
hands, and made returns in specie, to the mutual advantage of both
parties concerned in it. They complained, that the British ships of war
were converted into Guarda Costas, and their commanders into custom-house
officers; an employment utterly unworthy of the exalted character of the
British navy: That naval officers were very unfit for this business in
which they were employed, being naturally imperious in their tempers, and
little acquainted with the various cases in which ships were liable to
penalties, or in which they were exempted from detention: That that
branch of trade was thereby ruined, by which alone they were furnished
with gold and silver for making remittances to England; and that though
the loss fell first upon them, it would ultimately fall on the commerce
and revenue of Great Britain.
[Sidenote] A vote passed for charging stamp-duties on the Americans.
Soon after this an act of parliament was passed, which, while it in some
respects rendered this commercial intercourse with the foreign
settlements legal, at the same time loaded a great part of the trade with
duties, and ordered the money arising from them to be paid in specie to
the British exchequer. Instead of giving the colonists any relief, this
occasioned greater murmurs and complaints among them, as it manifestly
tended to drain the provinces of their gold and silver. At the same time
another act was passed, for preventing such paper bills of credit as
might afterwards be issued for the conveniency of their internal
commerce, from being made a legal tender in the payment of debts. This
served to multiply their grievances, and aggravate their distress. But
that the provinces might he supplied with money for their internal trade,
all gold and silver arising from these duties were to be reserved, and
applied to the particular purpose of paying troops stationed in the
colonies for their defence. Several new regulations for encouraging their
trade with Great Britain were also established. In consequence of a
petition for opening more ports for the rice trade, leave was granted to
the provinces of South Carolina and Georgia to carry their rice for a
limited time into foreign parts, on its paying British duties at the
place of exportation. A bounty was given on hemp and undressed flax
imported into Britain from the American colonies; and a bill was passed
for encouraging the whale-fishery on the coasts of America: which
advantages, it was thought, would amply compensate for any loss the
colonies might sustain by the duties laid on their foreign trade. But the
colonists, especially those in New England, who had advanced to such a
degree of strength as rendered troops unnecessary for their defence, were
too much soured in their tempers, to allow that Great Britain had any
other than self-interested views in her whole conduct towards them. They
murmured and complained, and resolved on a plan of retrenchment with
respect to the purchasing of British manufactures; but still they
presumed not openly to call in question the authority of the British
legislature over them. But the time was at hand when their affection to
the mother country, which was already considerably weaned, should undergo
a greater trial, and when their real dispositions with respect to the
obedience due to the British parliament would no longer be concealed. A
vote passed in the House of Commons, and very unanimously, "That, towards
the farther defraying of the necessary expences of protecting the
colonies, it may he proper to charge certain stamp-duties upon them."
[Sidenote] Upon which the people of New-England discover their
disaffection to government.
When the news of this determination reached America, all the colonies
were in some degree uneasy at the thoughts of paying taxes; but the
colonists of New England, as if ripe for some commotion, were alarmed
with the most terrible apprehensions and suspicions, openly affirming,
that the King, Lords and Commons had formed a design for enslaving them,
and had now begun deliberately to put it in execution. Immediately they
entered into associations for distressing the mother country, from a
principle of resentment, as some thought, agreeing to purchase as few
clothes and goods from her as possible, and to encourage manufactures of
all kinds within themselves. They pretended that they were driven to such
measures by necessity; but in reality they had nothing less in view than
their favourite plan of independence, for the accomplishment of which it
required time to secure the union and help of the other colonies, without
which they plainly perceived all attempts of their own would be vain and
fruitless. Accordingly they established a correspondence with some
leading men in each colony, representing the conduct of Great Britain in
the most odious light, and declaring that nothing could prevent them and
their posterity from being made slaves but the firmest union and most
vigorous opposition of every colony, to all laws made in Great Britain on
purpose to raise a revenue in the plantations. A few discontented
persons, who are commonly to be found in every legislature, joined the
disaffected colonists of New England; and though at this time the party
was inconsiderable, yet being more firmly cemented together by the
prospect of a stamp-act, which equally affected the interest of all, it
by degrees gained strength, and at length became formidable.
[Sidenote] An opportunity given the colonies to offer a compensation
for the stamp-duty.
Such measures, however, did not intimidate the British ministers, who
imagined that an association entered into from a principle of resentment
would be of short duration, and that the colonies in general would be
averse from any serious quarrel with the mother country, upon which they
depended for safety and protection. And although they were well apprised
of this sullen and obstinate disposition of the colonists before the bill
was introduced, yet they took no measures for preventing that opposition,
which they had reason to believe would be made to the execution of their
law. On the contrary, time was imprudently given to sound the temper of
the colonies with respect to it, and to give them an opportunity of
offering a compensation for it in their own way, in case they were
dissatisfied with that method of raising a revenue for their defence. The
minister even signified to the agents of the colonies his readiness to
receive proposals from them for any other tax that might be equivalent to
the stamp-duty. This he did although he thought that the parliament not
only had a right to tax them, but also that it was expedient and proper
to exercise that right. For as the colonies had no common council
empowered by their constitution to bind all, their taxing themselves
equally and impartially would be a matter of great difficulty, even
although they should be disposed to agree to it. But the colonies,
instead of making any proposal for raising a revenue by a stamp-duty or
any other way, sent home petitions to be presented to King, Lords, and
Commons, questioning, in the most direct and positive terms, the
jurisdiction of Parliament over their properties.
[Sidenote] The stamp-act passes in parliament.
In this situation of affairs, the Parliament, sensible of the heavy
burden which already lay on the people of Great Britain, and of the
addition to it which another war must occasion, thought it their
indispensable duty to exert that authority, which before this time had
never been called in question, for relieving this oppressed part of the
nation, and providing for the common safety, by a charge impartially laid
upon all subjects, in proportion to their abilities. The tender
indulgence exercised by a parent over her children in their infant state,
was now considered as both unreasonable and unnecessary in that state of
maturity to which the colonies had advanced. All were obliged to confess,
that the people of America were favoured with the same privileges and
advantages with their fellow-subjects of Britain, and justice required
that they should contribute to the necessary expences of that government
under which they lived, and by which they were protected. A revenue was
necessary to the future security of America; and on whom should it be
raised, but those colonists who were to enjoy the benefit of such
protection. Therefore the bill for laying a stamp-duty upon the colonies
was brought into parliament; which, after much debate, and many strong
arguments urged on both sides, passed through both houses, and received
the royal assent by commission, on the 22d of March, 1765. At the same
time, to compensate for the operations of the stamp-act, another was made
to encourage the importation of all kinds of timber from the colonies
into Britain: and as the estimated produce of the stamp-act amounted only
to L. 60,000 _per annum_, and timber was so plentiful over all the
plantations, it was thought that the great advantage which the colonies
must reap from the latter act, would be an ample recompense for the loss
they might sustain from the former.
[Sidenote] Violent measures taken to prevent its execution.
In the mean time the inhabitants of New England were industrious in
spreading an alarm of danger over all the continent, and making all
possible preparations for resistance. They had turned a jealous eye
towards the mother country, where they had many friends employed to watch
her conduct, who failed not to give them the earliest intelligence of
what was doing in parliament. While they received the news that the
stamp-act had passed, they at the same time had intelligence of that
violent opposition it had met with from a strong faction in the House of
Commons. And if their friends in Britain had the boldness to call in
question both the right of the British legislature to impose taxes on the
colonies, and the expediency of exercising that right, they thought that
they had much better reason to do so; and that none deserved the blessing
of liberty who had not courage to assert their right to it. Accordingly,
no means were neglected that could inflame and exasperate the populace.
Bold and seditious speeches were made to stir up the people to
resistance; by representing the act in the most odious light, and
affirming that it would be attended with consequences subversive of all
their invaluable rights and privileges. They declared that silence was a
crime at such a critical time, and that a tame submission to the
stamp-act would leave their liberties and properties entirely at the
disposal of a British parliament. Having obtained a copy of the act, they
publicly burnt it. The ships in the harbours hung out their colours
half-mast high, in token of the deepest mourning; the bells in the
churches were muffled, and set a-ringing, to communicate the melancholy
news from one parish to another. These flames, kindled in New England,
soon spread through all the capital towns along the coast; so that there
was scarcely a sea-port town in America in which combinations were not
framed for opposing the introduction of stamp-paper.
When the vessels arrived which carried those stamp-papers to America, the
captains were obliged to take shelter under the stern of some ships of
war, or to surrender their cargoes into the hands of the enraged
populace. The gentlemen appointed to superintend the distribution of
stamps, were met by the mob at their landing, and compelled to resign
their office. All men suspected of having any desire of complying with
the act, or of favouring the introduction of stamps into America, were
insulted and abused. The governors of the provinces had no military force
to support civil authority. The magistrates connived at these irregular
and riotous proceedings of the people. The assemblies adopted the
arguments of the minority in parliament, and took encouragement from them
to resist the authority of the supreme legislature. Though each colony in
respect of another was a separate and independent society, without any
political connection, or any supreme head to call the representatives of
the people together, to act in concert for the common good; yet in this
case almost all, of their own authority, sent deputies to meet in
congress at New York, who drew up and signed one general declaration of
their rights, and of the grievances under which they laboured, and
transmitted a petition to the King, Lords and Commons, imploring relief.
[Sidenote] The assembly of Carolina study ways and means of eluding
the act.
Among the rest a party in South Carolina, which province at this time,
from inclination, duty and interest, was very firmly attached to the
mother country, entered warmly into the general opposition.
Lieutenant-governor Bull, a native of the province, manifested a desire
of complying with the act, and supporting the legal and constitutional
dependency of the colony on the crown and parliament of Great Britain;
but wanted power sufficient for maintaining the dignity and authority of
his government, and carrying that act into execution. Several old and
wise men joined him, and declared that they had formerly taken an active
part in bringing the province under his majesty's care, but would now be
very cautious of resisting the authority of parliament, and robbing it of
that protection which it had so long and so happily enjoyed. The members
of assembly, finding the Lieutenant-governor determined to transact no
public business but in compliance with the act of parliament, began to
deliberate how they might best elude it. For this purpose they addressed
him, begging to be informed whether the stamp act, said to be passed in
parliament, had been transmitted to him by the Secretary of State, the
Lords of Trade; or any other authentic channel, since he considered
himself as under obligations to enforce it. He replied, that he had
received it from Thomas Boone, the Governor of the province. The assembly
declared, that they could consider Mr. Boone, while out of the bounds of
his government, in no other light than that of a private gentleman, and
that his receiving it in such a channel was not authority sufficient to
oblige him to execute so grievous an act. But Mr. Bull and his council
were of opinion, that the channel in which he had received it was equally
authentic with that in which he had formerly received many laws, to which
they had quietly submitted. Upon which the assembly came to the following
resolutions, which were signed by Peter Manigault their speaker, and
ordered to be printed, that they might be transmitted to posterity, in
order to shew the sense of that house with respect to the obedience due
by America to the British parliament.
[Sidenote] Their resolutions respecting the obedience due to the
British parliament.
"Resolved, That his Majesty's subjects in Carolina owe the same
allegiance to the crown of Great Britain that is due from its subjects
born there. That his Majesty's liege subjects of this province are
entitled to all the inherent rights and liberties of his natural born
subjects within the kingdom of Great Britain. That the inhabitants of
this province appear also to be confirmed in all the rights
aforementioned, not only by their character, but by an act of parliament,
13th George II. That it is inseparably essential to the freedom of a
people, and the undoubted right of Englishmen, that no taxes be imposed
on them but with their own consent. That the people of this province are
not, and from their local circumstances cannot be represented in the
House of Commons in Great Britain; and farther, that, in the opinion of
this house, the several powers of legislation in America were constituted
in some measure upon the apprehension of this impracticability. That the
only representatives of the people of this province are persons chosen
therein by themselves; and that no taxes ever have been, or can be,
constitutionally imposed on them but by the legislature of this province.
That all supplies to the Crown being free gifts of the people, it is
unreasonable and inconsistent with the principles and spirit of the
British constitution for the people of Great Britain to grant to his
Majesty the property of the people of this province. That trial by jury
is the inherent and invaluable right of every British subject in this
province. That the act of parliament, entitled, An act for granting and
applying certain stamp-duties and other duties on the British colonies
and plantations in America, _&c._ by imposing taxes on the inhabitants of
this province; and the said act and several other acts, by extending the
jurisdiction of the courts of admiralty beyond its ancient limits, have a
manifest tendency to subvert the rights and liberties of this province.
That the duties imposed by several late acts of parliament on the people
of this province will be extremely burdensome and grievous; and, from the
scarcity of gold and silver, the payment of them absolutely
impracticable. That as the profits of the trade of the people of this
province ultimately center in Great Britain, to pay for the manufactures
which they are obliged to take from thence, they eventually contribute
very largely to all the supplies granted to the Crown; and besides, as
every individual in this province is as advantageous at least to Great
Britain as if he were in Great Britain, as they pay their full proportion
of taxes for the support of his Majesty's government here, (which taxes
are equal, or more, in proportion to our estates, than those paid by our
fellow subjects in Great Britain upon theirs), it is unreasonable for
them to be called upon to pay any further part of the charges of
government there. That the assemblies of this province have from time to
time, whenever requisitions have been made to them by his Majesty, for
carrying on military operations, either for the defence of themselves or
America in general, most cheerfully and liberally contributed their full
proportion of men and money for these services. That though the
representatives of the people of this province had equal assurances and
reasons with those of the other provinces, to expect a proportional
reimbursement of those immense charges they had been at for his Majesty's
service in the late war, out of the several parliamentary grants for the
use of America; yet they have obtained only their proportion of the first
of those grants, and the small sum of L. 285 sterling received since.
That, notwithstanding, whenever his Majesty's service shall for the
future require the aids of the inhabitants of this province, and they
shall be called upon for this purpose in a constitutional way, it shall
be their indispensable duty most cheerfully and liberally to grant to his
Majesty their proportion, according to their ability, of men and money,
for the defence, security, and other public services of the British
American colonies. That the restrictions on the trade of the people of
this province, together with the late duties and taxes imposed on them by
act of parliament, must necessarily greatly lessen the consumption of
British manufactures amongst them. That the increase, prosperity and
happiness of the people of this province, depend on the full and free
enjoyment of their rights and liberties, and on an affectionate
intercourse with Great Britain. That the readiness of the colonies to
comply with his Majesty's requisitions, as well as their inability to
bear any additional taxes beyond what is laid on them by their respective
legislatures, is apparent from several grants of parliament, to reimburse
them part of the heavy expences they were at in the late war in America.
That it is the right of the British subjects of this province to petition
the King, or either house of parliament. Ordered, That these votes be
printed and made public, that a just sense of the liberty, and the firm
sentiments of loyalty of the representatives of the people of this
province, may be known to their constituents, and transmitted to
posterity."
[Sidenote] The people become more violent in opposition to
government.
Notwithstanding these resolutions, few of the inhabitants of Carolina,
even the most sanguine, entertained the smallest hopes of a repeal; but
expected, after all their struggles, that they would be obliged to
submit. Indeed a very small force in the province at that time would
have been sufficient to quell the tumults and insurrections of the
people, and enforce obedience to legal authority. But to the imprudence
of ministers, the faction in parliament, and the weakness of the civil
power in America, the resistance of the colonies may be ascribed. Had the
stamp-duty been laid on them without any previous notice of the
resolution of parliament, it is not improbable that they would have
received it as they had done other acts of the British legislature. Or
had the parliament been unanimous in passing the act, and taken proper
measures for carrying it into execution, there is little doubt but the
colonies would have submitted to it. For however generally the people
might be indisposed for admitting of that or any other tax, yet a great
majority of them at this time were averse from calling in question the
supreme authority of the British parliament. But a small flame, which at
first is easily extinguished, when permitted to spread, has often been
productive of great conflagrations. The riotous and turbulent party,
encouraged by the minority in England, set the feeble power of government
in America at defiance. The better sort of people mingled with the
rioters, and made use of the arguments of their friends in England to
inflame and exasperate them. At length, they not only agreed to adhere to
their former illegal combinations for distressing and starving the
English manufactures, but also to with-hold from British merchants their
just debts. This they imagined would raise such commotions in Britain as
could not fail to overturn the ministry, or intimidate the parliament.
[Sidenote] The merchants and manufacturers in England join in
petitioning for relief.
In consequence of these disturbances and combinations in America, great
evils began to be felt in England, and still greater to be feared. The
temporary interruption of commercial intercourse between the mother
country and the colonies was very prejudicial to both. That large body of
people engaged in preparing, purchasing and sending out goods to the
continent were deprived of employment, and consequently of the means of
subsistence; than which nothing could be conceived more likely to excite
commotions in England. The revenue suffered by the want of the export and
import duties. Petitions flowed into parliament from all quarters, not
only from the colonies in America, but also from the trading and
manufacturing towns in Great Britain, praying for such relief as to that
house might seem expedient, at a juncture so alarming. The ministers
having neglected to take the proper measures to enforce their law, while
the matter was easy and practicable, were now obliged to yield to the
rising current, and resign their places. By the interposition of the duke
of Cumberland, such a change in the administration took place as promised
an alteration of measures with respect to America. Mr. Pitt, who highly
disapproved of the scheme for raising a revenue from the colonies, having
long been detained by indisposition from parliament, had now so much
recovered as to be able to attend the house.--The history of what follows
is disgraceful to Great Britain, being entirely composed of lenient
concessions in favour of a rising usurpation, and of such shameful
weakness and timidity in the ministry, as afterwards rendered the
authority of the British parliament in America feeble and contemptible.
[Sidenote] The stamp-act repealed.
No sooner had this change in administration taken place, than all papers
and petitions relative to the stamp-act, both from Great Britain and
America, were ordered to be laid before the House of Commons. The house
resolved itself into a committee, to consider of those papers, about the
beginning of the year 1766. Leave was given to bring in a bill for
repealing an act of last session of parliament, entitled, An act for
granting and applying certain stamp-duties and other duties, in the
British colonies and plantations in America, towards defraying the
expenses of protecting and securing the same. When this bill came into
parliament a warm debate ensued, and Mr. Pitt with several more members
strongly urged the necessity of a repeal. He made a distinction between
external and internal taxes, and denied not only the right of parliament
to impose the latter on the colonies, but also the justice, equity,
policy and expediency of exercising that right. Accordingly, while it was
declared that the King, by and with the consent of the Lords spiritual
and temporal, and Commons of Great Britain in parliament assembled, had,
have, and of right ought to have, full power and authority to make laws
and statutes of sufficient force and validity to bind the colonies and
people of America, subjects of the crown of Great Britain, in all cases
whatsoever; the stamp-act was repealed, because it appeared that the
continuance of it would be attended with many inconveniences, and might
be productive of consequences detrimental to the commercial interest of
these kingdoms.
[Sidenote] Which proves fatal to the jurisdiction of the British
parliament in America.
This concession in favour of the rising usurpation, instead of proving
favourable to the commercial interests of the nation, had rather the
contrary effect, and served to set the colonies in some measure free from
the legislative authority of Britain. It gave such importance to the
licentious party in America, and such superiority over the good and loyal
subjects as had a manifest tendency to throw the colonies into a state of
anarchy and confusion. It served to promote a doctrine among them
subversive of all good government, which plainly implied, that the
obedience of subjects was no longer due to the laws of the supreme
legislature, than they in their private judgments might think them
agreeable to their interest, or the particular notions which they may
have framed of a free constitution. While it gave countenance and
encouragement to the riotous and turbulent subjects in America, who at
that time were neither an opulent nor respectable party in the colonies,
it exposed the real friends of government to popular prejudice, and
rendered their affections more cool, and their future endeavours in
support of government more feeble and ineffectual. For after repealing
the stamp-act, without any previous submission on the part of the
colonies, how could it be expected that any gentleman would risque his
domestic peace, his fortune, or his life, in favour of a distant
government ready to desert him, and leave him subjected to all the
insults and outrages of future insurgents? How could it be imagined that
these colonies, that had set the power of Great Britain at defiance, and
obtained what they aimed at by tumults and insurrections, would
afterwards remain quiet? As they had opposed the stamp-act, assigning for
reason that they were not represented in parliament, was it not evident
that the same reason would extend to all other laws which the parliament
might enact to bind them in times to come, or had enacted to bind them in
times past? The repeal of the stamp-act upon such a principle, and in
such circumstances of tumult, unquestionably served to encourage the
colonies in disobedience, and to prepare their minds for asserting their
independence.
[Sidenote] And gives occasion of triumph to the colonies.
When the news of the repeal of this act reached America, it afforded the
colonists, as might have been expected, matter of great triumph. The most
extravagant demonstrations of joy, by bonfires, illuminations and ringing
of bells, were exhibited in every capital. The Carolineans sent to
England for a marble statue of Mr. Pitt, and erected it in the middle of
Charlestown, in grateful remembrance of the noble stand he had made in
defence of their rights and liberties. Addresses were sent home to the
King, acknowledging the wisdom and justice of his government in the
repeal of the grievous act, and expressing their happiness that their
former harmony and commercial intercourse, so beneficial to both
countries, were restored. But soon after it appeared that the power of
Great Britain in America had received a fatal blow, such as she would
never be able to recover without the severest struggles and boldest
exertions. For whatever fair professions of friendship some colonies
might make, the strongest of them retained their natural aversion to
monarchy, and were well disposed for undermining the civil
establishments, and paving the way for their entire subversion. The
British government, formerly so much revered, was now deemed oppressive
and tyrannical. The little island, they said, had become jealous of their
dawning power and splendour, and it behoved every one to watch her
conduct with a sharp eye, and carefully guard their civil and religious
liberties. Accordingly, for the future, we will find, that the more Great
Britain seemed to avoid, the more the colonies seemed to seek for,
grounds of quarrel; and the more the former studied to unite, by the ties
of common interest, the more the latter strove to dissolve every
political and commercial connection. Their minds and affections being
alienated from the mother country, they next discovered an uneasiness
under the restraints of legal authority. They quarrelled almost with
every governor, found fault with all instructions from England which
clashed with their leading passions and interests, and made use of every
art for weakening the hands of civil government. Their friends in Britain
had gloried that they had resisted; and now subjection of every kind was
called slavery, and the spirit of disorder and disobedience which had
broke out continued and prevailed. At length, even the navigation-act was
deemed a yoke, which they wished to shake off, and throw their commerce
open to the whole world. Several writers appeared in America in defence
of what they were pleased to call their natural rights, who had a lucky
talent of seasoning their compositions to the palate of the bulk of the
people. Hence the seeds of disaffection which had sprung up in New
England spread through the other colonies, insomuch that multitudes
became infected with republican principles, and aspired after
independence.--But here we shall stop for the present time, and leave the
account of their farther struggles towards the accomplishment of this
favourite plan to some future opportunity.