CHAP. X.

[Sidenote] A dispute about the limits of British and French

territories.

Although the peace of Aix-la-Chapelle extended to the subjects of both

Britain and France residing in America, yet the boundaries of the

respective territories claimed by those rival states were by no means

fixed in so clear and precise a manner as to preclude all grounds of

future dispute. The limits of Nova Scotia in particular, and those of the

extensive back settlements of Virginia and Pennsylvania, were neither

clearly understood nor accurately marked. In consequence of which, as the

colonists extended their culture backwards encroachments were made, or

supposed to be made, which created jealousies and differences between the

British and French subjects on that continent. Some merchants trading to

Virginia and Pennsylvania having formed a project for a settlement on the

Ohio, obtained a grant of six hundred thousand acres of land from the

King, together with an exclusive privilege of trafficking with Indian

nations nigh that river. To these territories the French claimed a right;

and, to keep possession, as well as to engross the Indian trade, built a

fort on the banks of the Ohio river, which they called Fort Duquesne.

This situation was very convenient for preserving the friendship of

Indian nations, an object of the utmost importance to the French, as the

subjects of Britain in America were at that time vastly more numerous and

powerful than those of France.

Tobacco being a plant which quickly exhausts the richest lands, the

planters of Virginia were accustomed gradually to stretch backward, and

occupy such fresh spots of ground as promised them the greatest returns.

Some had even crossed the Allegany mountains, where they found rich

vallies lying waste, upon which they settled plantations; and though the

land-carriage of such a heavy and bulky commodity was expensive, yet they

found that the superiority of their crops made them some compensation. To

this territory beyond the mountains, as well as the other marked and

measured out for the Ohio Company, the French laid claim, and sent a

considerable garrison from Montreal to Fort Duquesne, to defend their

pretended right. The commander in chief of Canada wrote a letter to the

Governor of Virginia, complaining of encroachments made on his most

Christian Majesty's territories, and demanding that such British planters

and traders as had settled on those lands should withdraw, otherwise he

would be obliged to seize both their properties and persons. No regard

being paid to his complaints, the commandant of Fort Duquesne seized by

force three British traders, and goods to a large amount, and carried

them to Montreal. Upon which the Governor of Virginia determined to

resent the injury, and immediately began to concert measures for the

protection of the frontiers. He raised a body of militia, and sent them

met the mountains to watch the motions of their troublesome neighbours,

and obtained reinforcements from North and South Carolina to assist them

against the French garrison. This detachment, under the command of Major

Washington, encamped near Fort Duquesne, between whom and the French

garrison hostilities commenced in America; and the flame of war

afterwards spreading, involved Europe in the quarrel.

[Sidenote] A chain of forts raised by the French.

From this period the great object which the French kept in view was to

strengthen their frontiers, and make all possible preparations for

defending themselves against the storm which they foresaw gathering in

America. Though they seemed averse from an open declaration of war, yet

they continued pouring troops into the continent, and raising a line of

forts to secure a communication between their colony at the mouth of the

Mississippi and their great settlement in Canada. They amused the British

administration with fruitless negotiations about the limits of Nova

Scotia, while they were busily employed in the execution of this great

plan. Their design, however, was no secret to the more discerning part of

the Americans, who plainly perceived from such preparations that

hostilities were approaching. In Acadia they erected a fort at Chinecto,

to confine the British subjects of Nova Scotia within the peninsula. At

Crown Point another was raised, on lands claimed by the King of Great

Britain, well situated for harassing the back settlements of New York and

Connecticut. Another was built at Niagara, on land belonging to the Six

Nations in alliance with Britain. While the Canadians were falling down

the Ohio river, and raising strong-holds, the forces at Pensacola and New

Orleans were also forcing their way up the Mississippi, and establishing

garrisons on the most advantageous posts, on purpose to meet their

friends from Canada, and confine the British settlements to the space

between the mountains and the Atlantic sea. The more easily to accomplish

this great design, it was necessary to secure by all possible means the

interest of the savage nations. For this purpose missionaries were sent

among the different tribes, who conformed to the dress, manners and

customs of the savages, and represented the British heretics in the most

odious light, making the Indians believe that their safety and happiness

depended on the total extirpation of such men from America. Though some

tribes rejected their friendship, yet it is certain that many were won

over by their insinuating arts and intrigues, and entered into alliances

with them. When a general congress was held at Albany fewer Indians than

usual at such meetings attended, which afforded grounds of suspicion, and

obliged the governors of the British colonies to double their diligence

for watching the motions of their enterprising neighbours.

[Sidenote] The distracted state of the British colonies.

At the same time the situation of some of the British colonies proved

favourable to the hostile preparations and attempts of their enemies.

Their clashing interests had bred jealousies and animosities among them,

insomuch that it was no easy matter to bring them firmly to unite, in

order to oppose a common enemy with vigour and spirit. They believed

themselves unable to withstand the militia of Canada supported by some

regiments of regular troops from France, and therefore in the most humble

manner implored the protection of Britain. They were filled with terrible

apprehensions of the French power, declaring that their vanity and

ambition had nothing less in view at this period than to divide the

western world with Spain, and make all its riches center in the house of

Bourbon. But whether they had such a view or not, one thing is plain,

that the reduction of the British empire in America would facilitate the

accomplishment of such a design, as the Portuguese dominions must

afterwards fall an easy prey to those two powerful potentates.

Though Great Britain was sensible of the danger which threatened her

colonies, yet as the number of British settlers on the continent exceeded

that of the French, being not less than twenty to one, she expected that

they would unite among themselves, and raise a fund for the common

defence. Hitherto she had nursed and protected them, and many of the

colonies had arrived at a considerable degree of opulence and strength.

They had the easiest taxes of any civilized people upon earth. They had

enjoyed many civil privileges, and commercial advantages, from their

connection with the mother country. As their resources were considerable,

it was hoped their zeal would not be wanting for their own defence. To

give a check to any encroachments of the French in that quarter, Great

Britain was more remotely, America herself more immediately, concerned.

Instructions were therefore sent to the governors of the different

provinces, to recommend unanimity to the people, and the necessity of an

association for their mutual defence. But when the raising of men and

money was proposed to the assemblies they fell into disputes among

themselves, which became more violent in proportion as the enemy

approached their habitations. Some pleaded extraordinary privileges from

their charters; others started frivolous and absurd objections, insisting

on punctilios as pretences for delay. In short, so different were their

constitutions and forms of government, so divided were they in their

views and interests, that it was found impossible to unite them together,

in order to give their force its due weight. The frontiers were naked and

extensive, the inhabitants upon them were thin and scattered, and utterly

unequal to the service requisite without the assistance of their

neighbours. The flames of war had broke out on some of them, and the

neighbouring provinces could no otherwise be safe than by stretching

forth their hands in helping to extinguish them. Thus, while the French

were acting in concert under one commander and chief, the British

colonists were spending that time in barren deliberations and private

disputes which they ought to have employed in fortifying their borders

and checking the progress of their enemy. What was in fact the business

of every man seemed to engage the attention of none, and all kept their

eyes fixed on the mother country for protection, regarding themselves as

disinterested in the general safety of the empire, and very unequal to

their own defence.

[Sidenote] General Braddock's defeat in Virginia.

While thus one province refused help to another, Great Britain,

notwithstanding the extensive dominions she had to guard in different

quarters of the globe, generously undertook the protection of America. As

the greatest dangers seemed to hang over the province of Virginia,

General Braddock was sent out with a considerable body of men to assist

the Virginians in driving the French from their frontiers. This haughty

and rash leader, being possessed of considerable skill in the European

arts of war, entertained a sovereign contempt for an American enemy, and

advanced against Fort Duquesne without even the smallest doubt of

success. However, the French had intelligence of his approach, and were

prepared to receive him. Having collected a large body of Indians, they

had taken possession of an advantageous ground, and placed the regulars

on a rising hill in front, and the savages in the dark woods on each

side. General Braddock, instead of keeping small parties before the main

body, to scour the woods as he advanced, and explore every dangerous

pass, marched his men, according to the custom in Europe, in a close

compacted body, and unfortunately fell into the snare which his enemies

had laid for him. The French regulars in the front began the attack from

behind a breast-work, while the Indians kept up an irregular and

scattered fire from the dark thickets on each side, which surprized and

confounded the British soldiers, who were utter strangers to such methods

of attack. Almost every shot took effect, and the brave men observing

their neighbours falling by their side, were put into confusion and fled,

refusing to return to the charge against invisible assailants,

notwithstanding every effort used by the officers for that purpose.

Braddock with many brave officers and men fell in this field, and the

remainder retreated with precipitation to Philadelphia, leaving these

frontiers in a worse condition than they were in before.

[Sidenote] Colonel Johnston's success at Lake George.

Colonel Johnston, who marched with about three thousand men against Crown

Point, was indeed more successful than this rash commander in Virginia.

Being better acquainted with the woods, and the various methods of

attack, he could both avail himself of the advantages, and guard against

the dangers arising from the nature of the country. With cautious steps

he advanced against the enemy, until he reached Lake George, where a

party of his advanced guard being attacked retreated to the main body.

The French pursued them, and a bloody battle ensued between the two

armies, equally skilled in bush-fighting, which terminated much to the

honour of the British officer. The enemy was repulsed with considerable

loss, leaving Baron de Diescau wounded in the field, who, with many

others, fell into Johnston's hands, and were made prisoners of war. This

finall advantage gained over the French served in some measure to revive

the drooping spirits of the colonists; yet still they entertained the

most discouraging apprehensions of the French power in the woods, and

seemed ardently to long for the relief and assistance of the mother

country.

While these hostilities were openly carrying on in the northern parts of

America, it was judged prudent to consult the safety of the provinces to

the south, and put them in the best posture of defence. To prevent the

fatal influence of French emissaries among the Indian tribes, it was

thought necessary to build some small forts in the heart of their

country. The Indians on the Ohio river, from the success which attended

their arms at Fort Duquesne, entertained the highest ideas of French

courage and conduct, and were trying to seduce the Cherokees, who were at

this time the firmest allies of Britain. A message was sent to Governor

Glen from the chief warrior of the over-hill settlements, acquainting him

that some Frenchmen and their allies were among their people,

endeavouring to poison their minds, and that it would be necessary to

hold a general congress with the nation, and renew their former treaties

of friendship. He assured the Governor, that though he had been wounded

in his younger years, and was now old, yet he would meet him half way for

this purpose, if he should even be carried on the backs of his people.

Accordingly, Governor Glen appointed a place for holding a congress, and

agreed to meet the warrior; for as the clouds were gathering every where

on the American horizon, the friendship of the Cherokees at such a time

was an object of too much importance to Carolina to be overlooked or

neglected.

It may be remarked, that the Cherokees differ in some respects from other

Indian nations that have wandered often from place to place, and fixed

their habitations on separate districts. From time immemorial they have

had possession of the same territory which at present they occupy. They

affirm, that their forefathers sprung from that ground, or descended from

the clouds upon those hills. These lands of their ancestors they value

above all things in the world. They venerate the places where their bones

lie interred, and esteem it disgraceful in the highest degree to

relinquish these sacred repositories. The man that would refuse to take

the field in defence of these hereditary possessions, is regarded by them

as a coward, and treated as an outcast from their nation. To the

over-hill villages the French had an easy access by means of rivers that

emptied themselves into the Ohio and Mississippi. Their middle

settlements and towns in the valley lay more convenient for trading with

the Carolineans. Hitherto they despised the French, whom they called

light as a feather, fickle as the wind, and deceitful as serpents; and,

being naturally of a very grave cast, they considered the levity of that

people as an unpardonable insult. They looked upon themselves as a great

and powerful nation, and though their number was much diminished, yet

they could bring from their different towns about three thousand men to

the field. At this time they had neither arms nor ammunition to defend

themselves against their enemy, and the Governor of Carolina wanted

liberty to build two forts on their lands, in order to secure their

friendship and trade. As the French were tampering with them, and had

shewn a keenness more than common to gain some footing with them, it

behoved the province to exert itself, in order to prevent if possible any

alliance with its enemies.

[Sidenote] Governor Glen holds a congress with the Cherokees.

Accordingly, in 1755, Governor Glen met the Cherokee warriors in their

own country, with a view to purchase some lands from them; and, after the

usual ceremonies previous to such solemn treaties were over, the Governor

sat down under a spreading tree, and Chulochcullah being chosen speaker

for the Cherokee nation, came and took his seat beside him. The other

warriors, about five hundred in number, stood around them in solemn

silence and deep attention. Then the Governor arose, and made a speech in

name of his king, representing his great power, wealth and goodness, and

his particular regard for his children the Cherokees. He reminded them of

the happiness they had long enjoyed by living under his protection; and

added, that he had many presents to make them, and expected they would

surrender a share of their territories in return for them. He acquainted

them of the great poverty and wicked designs of the French, and hoped

they would permit none of them to enter their towns. He demanded lands to

build two forts in their country, to protect them against their enemies,

and to be a retreat to their friends and allies, who furnished them with

arms, ammunition, hatchets, clothes, and every thing that they wanted.

When the Governor had finished his speech, Chulochcullah arose, and

holding his bow in one hand, his shaft of arrows and other symbols used

by them on such occasions in the other, in answer spoke to the following

effect. "What I now speak our father the great king should hear--We are

brothers to the people of Carolina--one house covers us all." Then taking

a boy by the hand he presented him to the Governor, saying, "We, our

wives and our children, are all children of the great King George--I have

brought this child, that when he grows up he may remember our agreement

on this day, and tell it to the next generation, that it may be known for

ever." Then opening his bag of earth, and laying the same at the

Governor's feet, he said, "We freely surrender a part of our lands to the

great King--The French want our possessions, but we will defend them

while one of our nation shall remain alive." Then shewing his bows and

arrow, he added, "These are all the arms we can make for our defence--We

hope the King will pity his children the Cherokees, and send us guns and

ammunition--We fear not the French--Give us arms and we will go to war

against the enemies of the great King." Then delivering the Governor a

string of wampum in confirmation of what he had said, he added, "My

speech is at an end--It is the voice of the Cherokee nation--I hope the

Governor will send it to the King, that it may be kept for ever."

[Sidenote] And purchases a large tract of land from them.

At this congress a territory of prodigious extent was ceded and

surrendered to the King. Deeds of conveyance were drawn up, and formally

executed by their head men in name of the whole people. It contained not

only much rich land, but there the air was more serene, and the climate

more healthy, than in the maritime parts. It exhibited many pleasant and

romantic scenes, formed by an intermixture of beautiful hills, fruitful

vallies, rugged rocks, clear streams, and gentle water-falls. The hills

were of a stiff and tenacious clay, but the vallies of a deep, fat mould,

and were covered with perpetual verdure. The acquisition at that time was

so far of importance to Carolina, as it removed the savages at a greater

distance from the settlements, and allowed the inhabitants liberty to

extend backwards, in proportion as their number increased.

[Sidenote] Forts built in defence of Carolina.

Soon after the cession of these lands, Governor Glen built a fort about

three hundred miles from Charlestown, afterwards called Fort Prince

George, which was situated on the banks of the river Savanna, and within

gun-shot of an Indian town called Keowee. This fort was made in the form

of a square, and had an earthen rampart about six feet high, on which

stockades were fixed, with a ditch, a natural glacis on two sides, and

bastions at the angles, on each of which four small cannon were mounted.

It contained barracks for an hundred men, and was designed for a defence

to the western frontiers of the province. About an hundred and seventy

miles further down there was another strong-hold, called Fort Moore, in a

beautiful commanding situation on the banks of the same river. In the

year following another fort was erected, called Fort Loudon, among the

Upper Cherokees, situated on Tenassee river upwards of five hundred miles

distant from Charlestown; to which place it was very difficult at all

times, but, in case of a war with the Cherokees, utterly impracticable to

convey necessary supplies. These strong-holds, together with those of

Frederica and Augusta in Georgia, were garrisoned by his Majesty's

independent companies of foot, stationed there for the protection of the

two provinces.

After having fortified these frontiers, the settlers of Carolina began to

stretch backward, and occupied lands above an hundred and fifty miles

from the shore. New emigrants from Ireland, Germany and the northern

colonies obtained grants in these interior parts, and introduced the

cultivation of wheat, hemp, flax and tobacco, for which the soil answered

better there than in the low lands nearer the sea. The cattle, sheep,

hogs and horses multiplied fast, and having a country of vast extent to

range over, they found plenty of provisions in it through the whole year.

From different parts new settlers were invited to those hilly and more

healthy parts of Carolina, where they laboured with greater safety than

among the swamps, and success crowned their industry. By degrees public

roads were made, and they conveyed their produce in waggons to the

capital, where they found an excellent market for all their productions,

but especially the provisions which they raised.

[Sidenote] Its excellent fruits and plants.

Although the soil and climate of the province suited the finest fruits

and vegetable productions, yet the garden had long been neglected, and

the orchard had engaged the attention only of a few. The people of

Bermuda, not many years ago, carried to the market in Charlestown

cabbages raised on that island, and the northern colonies their apples

and Irish potatoes. But now the Carolineans found, by chusing a spot of

land with judgment for the garden, that it would furnish them with all

necessaries of this kind. Every spring and autumn brought them a crop of

European peas and beans. Musk and water melons thrive exceedingly well

even on the sandy maritime islands, and arrive at a degree of perfection

unknown in many parts of Europe. All kinds of sallad, such as lettuce,

endive, cresses, parsley, radishes, onions, will grow there in all

seasons of the year, excepting one, and as nature has denied the people

this kind of nourishment during the summer months, it is probable it must

on that account be unwholesome. The garden also yielded abundance of

cabbages, brocoli, cauliflower, turnips, spinage, cucumbers, squashes,

artichokes, pompions, asparagus, _&c._ in great perfection. The climate

indeed refuses the people of Carolina currants and gooseberries, as every

attempt to raise them has failed; but they have oranges, figs, peaches,

apricots, nectarines and strawberries in plenty, which are exceedingly

agreeable and refreshing in the summer season. Olives, grapes, cherries,

citrons and plumbs will grow, though not cultivated in common; but

apples, pears, pomegranates, chesnuts and walnuts are, or at least may

be, raised in abundance. Many physical roots and herbs, such as

China-root, snake-root, sassafras, are the spontaneous growth of the

woods; and sage, balm and rosemary thrive well in the gardens. The

planters distil brandy of an inferior quality from peaches; and gather

berries from the myrtle bushes of which they make excellent candles. The

woods will also supply them with a variety of cherries, mulberries, wild

grapes and nuts. In short, nature hath denied the diligent and skilful

planter few of the most useful vegetables, and many delicious fruits grow

to a degree of perfection exceeded by no country in Europe.

Ar the same time it must be acknowledged, that some disadvantages attend

the climate with respect to the vegetable kingdom. European grapes have

been transplanted, and several attempts made to raise wine in Carolina;

but so overshaded are the vines planted in the woods, and so foggy is the

season of the year when they begin to ripen, that they seldom come to

maturity. But as excellent grapes have been raised in gardens where they

are exposed to the sun, we are apt to believe that proper methods have

not been taken for encouraging that branch of agriculture, considering

its great importance in a national view. Some tolerable wine has been

made from the native vines, which do not ripen so early in the season as

those transplanted from Europe; and perhaps in some future day, when the

planters have acquired greater skill, and made trials of different soils

and situations, the vineyard culture may succeed better than it has yet

done, and turn to some national account, like other profitable articles

of American husbandry.

In some seasons the cold blast from the north-west proves very

destructive to the orange, the olive and peach trees. In mild winters the

trees blossom early, sometimes by the beginning of February, often before

the middle of it. After the juices begin to rise, should the north west

wind bring a cold frosty night, it commonly kills every tender shoot.

Governor Glen makes mention of a frost which happened on the 7th of

February, 1747, which killed almost all the orange trees in the country.

The trees being ready to blossom about the time the frost came, it burst

all their vessels, insomuch that not only the bark, but even the bodies

of many of them were split, and all on the side next the sun. Such blasts

are incredibly sharp and piercing. The Governor says he found several

birds frozen to death near his house. We cannot vouch for the truth of

this assertion, but we know no climate where the cold is more severely

felt by the human body.

[Sidenote] Its minerals undiscovered.

With respect to the mineral kingdom we may say, who can tell what rich

mines lie hid in Carolina, when no person has sought for them? If it be

true that mountainous countries are favorable to mines, it may be

presumed that this province, in which there are many extensive and high

mountains, is not without its hidden treasures, no more than the other

parts of the continent. Pennsylvania hath already exhibited to the world

some useful minerals, and Carolina in time will probably do the same. But

while the surface of the earth yields abundance of vegetable productions

for the use of the inhabitants, and a plentiful livelihood can be

obtained by easier means than that of digging into its bowels, it can

scarcely be expected that they will apply themselves to deep and

uncertain researches. It remains for a more populous and improved state,

when ingenious men will probably attempt to explore those subterranean

riches, which as yet lie neglected. Mineral water has been found in

several parts, and such springs will help both to lead men to the

important discovery, and animate them with the hopes of success.

The province of Georgia, with respect to improvement, still remained

little better than a wilderness, and the vast expence it had cost the

mother country might perhaps have been laid out to greater advantage in

other parts of the continent. In the government of that colony John

Ellis, a Fellow of the Royal Society, succeeded Captain John Reynolds.

The rich swamps on the sides of the rivers lay uncultivated; and the

planters had not yet found their way into the interior parts of the

country, where the lands not only exceeded those in the maritime parts in

fertility, but where the climate was also more healthy and pleasant.

Excepting vagabonds and fraudulent debtors, who fled to them from

Carolina, few of the Georgians had any negroes to assist them in

cultivation; so that, in 1756, the whole exports of the country were 2997

barrels of rice, 9335 lb. of indigo, 268 lib. of raw silk, which,

together with skins, furs, lumber and provisions amounted only to 16,776

pounds sterling.

Although the hostilities which had commenced between Great Britain and

France still continued, yet both potentates remained averse from an open

declaration of war. William Lyttleton, now Lord Westcot, being appointed

governor of South Carolina, in his way through the Bay of Biscay, was

intercepted by a French squadron under the command of Count de Guay, and

carried into France; but an order from the French court came to release

the ship, and permit the Governor to return to England. The British

commanders at sea indeed had orders to seize all French ships and bring

them into port, yet as some hopes of an accommodation still remained, the

crews were only confined, and the cargoes remained entire. But so soon as

the news of the bare-faced invasions of our dominions in the

Mediterranean, joined with the many encroachments in America, had reached

the British court, all prospects of an accommodation vanished at once,

and war was publicly declared against France on the 17th of May, 1756.

Before the end of that year William Pitt, who had long been distinguished

in the House of Commons for a bold and powerful orator, was called to the

helm, and to his uncommon popularity added the whole influence of

administration. After his preferment such bold plans of operation were

introduced to the council, as were calculated at once to rouze the

British nation and to alarm her enemies. The city of London, having the

greatest confidence in the spirit and abilities of the minister, poured

in its treasures to his assistance, and so great were his resources, that

his schemes, however vast, never failed for want of money. From this

period vigour and decision attended almost every warlike enterprize; a

martial spirit pervaded the navy and army, and every officer seemed

emulous of distinction and glory in the service of his country. This new

minister gave the enemy so much employment, that for the future they had

scarce time to breathe, and extended the powerful arm of Britain from the

centre to the extremities of the empire.

In America John Earl of London had been appointed commander in chief; but

such was the state of affairs on that continent, that all he could do was

not sufficient to prevent the encroachments of the enemy. So disunited

were the provincials, and so different were their principles, views and

interests, that each colony seemed concerned only for its own defence,

and determined to act independent of its neighbour; while the French were

firmly united under one commander in chief, the Governor of Canada. Lord

Loudon plainly saw that nothing remained for him to achieve, and

therefore pitched his camp at Albany, and there determined to continue

with his little army on the defensive, until a reinforcement should

arrive from Britain. The French still wore the laurel, and triumphed in

the forest, having every possible advantage their heart could desire from

the divided state of British America.

But although the campaign under Lord Loudon was opened under many

disadvantages, this gallant officer was not idle during the year. Having

made himself master of the state of affairs on the continent, he

perceived that the French, though united and strong, were nevertheless

vulnerable, and drew up a plan of operations for the ensuing campaign,

which he transmitted to the minister in Britain. Immediately preparations

were made for carrying it into execution. It had been proposed to raise

some regiments in America, but the levies went on slowly. As many of the

colonists fit for service were foreigners, and only understood their

native language, it was thought proper to allow them foreign officers to

command them upon their taking the oaths to government, which contributed

not a little to the more speedy completion of the Royal American

regiments.

[Sidenote: The British forces augmented.]

Early in the year following a considerable reinforcement from Britain

arrived at New York. The Indians in alliance with us were furnished with

arms, and encouraged to join the army. Among the British forces sent out

there was a regiment of Highlanders, who were in many respects well

qualified for the service. It is impossible to describe how much the

savages were delighted with the dress, manners and music of this

regiment. Their sprightly manner of dancing, their dexterity in the use

of arms, and natural vivacity and intrepidity, the savages greatly

admired, and expressed a strong inclination for attending the Scotch

warriors to the field. To prevent them from joining the enemy it was not

only necessity to employ those warriors, but it was thought they might be

rendered useful for scouring the dark thickets before the regular army.

Lieutenant Kennedy, to encourage them, entered into their humour, and, in

order to head them, dressed and painted himself like an Indian. They gave

him a squaw, and the nation to which she belonged having made him a king,

no small service was expected from the new alliance.

[Sidenote] Their first success in America.

When General Abercrombie succeded Lord Loudon as commander in chief in

America, the British force being considerably augmented, bolder

enterprises were undertaken. It was agreed to attack the French

settlements in different places. Though this commander met with a sharp

repulse at Ticonderago, the French paid dear for this advantage by the

loss of Cape Breton, which opened the way into Canada. Fort Frontenac

next surrendered to Colonel Bradstreet, in which were found vast

quantities of provision and ammunition, that had been designed for the

French forces on the Ohio. The great loss sustained by the enemy at this

place facilitated the reduction of Fort Duquesne, against which General

Forbes was advancing with great vigilance and considerable force. This

fortress the enemy, after a few skirmishes, determined to abandon; and

having burnt their houses, and destroyed their works, fell down the Ohio

river in boats to their strong-holds erected beyond the Cherokee

mountains. No sooner was the British flag erected on Fort Duquesne, than

the numerous tribes of Indians came in and made their submission; and,

from a conviction of the superior valour and strength of the British

army, joined the conquerors. Although the enemy lost few men at this

place, yet their power in America received a heavy stroke by the division

of their force which the loss of it occasioned. All communication between

their settlements on the south parts and those of Canada being cut off,

they could no longer act in concert, and their future exertions were

rendered more feeble and ineffectual.

[Sidenote] The cause of the Cherokee war.

However, the flight of this French garrison to the south promised little

good to Carolina. The scene of action was changed only from one place to

another, and the baleful influence of those active and enterprising

enemies soon appeared among the upper tribes of Cherokees. An unfortunate

quarrel with the Virginians helped to forward their designs, by opening

to them an easier access into the towns of the savages. In the different

expeditions against Fort Duquesne, the Cherokees, agreeable to treaty,

had sent considerable parties of warriors to the assistance of the

British army. As the horses in those parts run wild in the woods, it was

customary, both among Indians and white people on the frontiers, to lay

hold on them and appropriate them to their own purposes. While the

savages were returning home through the back parts of Virginia, many of

them having lost their horses, laid hold of such as came in their way,

never imagining that they belonged to any individual in the province. The

Virginians however, instead of asserting their right in a legal way,

resented the injury by force of arms, and killed twelve or fourteen of

the unsuspicious warriors, and took several more prisoners. The

Cherokees, with reason, were highly provoked at such ungrateful usage

from allies, whose frontiers they had helped to change from a field of

blood into peaceful habitations, and when they came home told what had

happened to their nation. The flame soon spread through the upper towns,

and those who had lost their friends and relations were implacable, and

breathed nothing but fury and vengeance against such perfidious friends.

In vain did the chieftains interpose their authority, nothing could

restrain the furious spirits of the young men, who were determined to

take satisfaction for the loss of their relations. The emissaries of

France among them added fuel to the flame, by telling them that the

English intended to kill every man of them, and make slaves of their

wives and children. They instigated them to bloodshed, and for that

purpose furnished them with arms and ammunition. The scattered families

on the frontiers of Carolina lay much exposed to scalping parties of

these savages, who commonly make no distinction of age or sex, but pour

their vengeance indiscriminately on the innocent and guilty.

The garrison of Fort Loudon, consisting of about two hundred men, under

the command of Captains Demere and Stuart, first discovered the ill

humour in which the Cherokee warriors returned from the northern

expedition. The soldiers, as usual, making excursions into the woods, to

hunt for fresh provisions, were attacked by them, and some of them were

killed. From this time such dangers threatened the garrison, that every

one was confined within the small boundaries of the fort. All

communication with the distant settlement from which they received

supplies being cut off, and the soldiers being but poorly provided, had

no other prospects left but those of famine or death. Parties of young

Indians took the field, and, rushing down among the settlements, murdered

and scalped a number of people on the frontiers.

[Sidenote] Governor Lyttleton prepares to march against them.

The commanding officer at Fort Prince George having received intelligence

of those acts of hostility, dispatched a messenger to Charlestown to

inform Governor Lyttleton that the Cherokees were gone to war, and that

it would be necessary speedily to warn the people of their danger. In

consequence of which orders were given to the commanders of the militia

immediately to collect their men, and stand in a posture of defence,

while the Governor was making preparations in Charlestown for marching

against them, in order to give a speedy check to their progress. Parties

of the independent companies were brought to Charlestown for this

purpoise. The militia of the country had orders to rendezvous at

Congarees, where the Governor, with such a force as he could procure from

the lower parts, resolved to join them, and march to the relief of the

frontier settlements.

[Sidenote] The Cherokees sue for peace.

No sooner had the Cherokees heard of these warlike preparations at

Charlestown, than thirty-two of their chiefs set out for that place; in

order to settle all differences, and prevent if possible a war with the

Carolineans. For although they could not restrain some of their young men

from acts of violence, yet the nation in general was still inclined to

friendship and peace. As they arrived at Charlestown before the Governor

had set out on the intended expedition, a council was called, and the

chiefs being sent for, Mr. Lyttleton, among other things, told them,

"That he was well acquainted with all the acts of hostility of which

their people had been guilty, and likewise those they intended against

the English, and enumerated some of them; then he added, That he would

soon be in their country, where he would let them know his demands, and

the satisfaction he required, which he would certainly take if they

refused it. As they had come to Charlestown to treat with him as friends,

they should go home in safety, and not a hair of their head should be

touched; but as he had many warriors in arms in different parts of the

province, he could not be answerable for what might happen to them unless

they marched along with his army." After this speech Occonostota, who was

distinguished by the name of the Great Warrior of the Cherokee nation,

began to speak by way of reply; but the Governor being determined that

nothing should prevent his military expedition, declared, he would hear

no talk he had to make, neither in vindication of his nation, nor any

proposals with regard to peace. Lieutenant-Governor Bull, who was better

acquainted with the manners of Indians, and the dangers to which the

province would be exposed from a war with them, urged the necessity of

hearing the Great Warrior, and the happy consequences of an agreement

before more blood was spilt. But Mr. Lyttleton remained inflexible, and

put an end to the conference; with which behaviour the chiefs, however,

were not a little displeased. For as they had travelled so far to obtain

peace, and, after all, to be not only denied liberty to speak, but also

to be disappointed with respect to the chief end of their journey,

chagrined them much, and created many uneasy fears and suspicions.

[Sidenote] Governor Lyttleton marches against the Cherokees.

A few days after holding this conference with the chieftains the governor

set out for Congarees, the place of general rendezvous for the militia,

and about one hundred and forty miles distant from Charlestown, where he

mustered in all about one thousand four hundred men. To this place the

Cherokees marched along with the army, and were to appearance contented,

but in reality burning with fury and resentment. When the army moved from

the Congarees, the chieftains, very unexpectedly, were all made

prisoners, and, to prevent their escape to the nation, a captain's guard

was mounted over them, and in this manner they were obliged to march to

Fort Prince George. Being not only deprived of their liberty, which an

Indian values above all things, but also compelled to accompany an enemy

going against their families and friends, they could now no longer

conceal their resentment. They turned exceedingly sullen, and shewed that

they were stung to the heart by such base treatment. The breach of

promise an Indian holds an atrocious crime. To requite good intended with

real evil, they with reason deemed an unpardonable injury. But what

compleated the ill usage, the thirty-two Indians, upon the arrival of the

army at Fort Prince George, were all shut up in a hut scarcely sufficient

for the accommodation of six soldiers, where they spent their time in

concerting plots for obtaining their liberty, and satisfaction for the

injuries done them.

[Sidenote] Holds a congress a Fort Prince George.

Governor Lyttleton's little army being not only ill armed and

disciplined, but also discontented and mutinous, he therefore judged it

dangerous to proceed farther into the enemy's country. Having beforehand

sent for Attakullakulla, who was esteemed both the wisest man of the

nation and the most steady friend of the English, to meet him at Fort

Prince George, this warrior hastened to his camp from an excursion

against the French, in which he had taken some prisoners, one of whom he

presented to the Governor. Mr Lyttleton knew, that, for obtaining a

re-establishment of peace, there was not a man in the whole nation better

disposed to assist him than this old warrior, though it was observed that

he cautiously avoided making any offer of satisfaction. But so small was

his influence among the Cherokees at this time, that they considered him

as no better than an old woman on account of his attachment to their

English enemies, and his aversion from going to war against them.

[Sidenote] His speech to Attakullakulla.

About the 18th of December, 1759, the Governor held a congress with this

warrior, and by an interpreter spoke to him to the following effect: "You

told me yesterday that you had a good talk to make, and expected the same

from me. You know it is the will of the great King that his subjects and

your people should live together in friendship, and you have said you

desire not to break the chain thereof. It is a chain which our most

gracious sovereign holds at one end, and you hold at the other. You know

that, in order to keep this chain from contracting rust, and hinder it

from being broken, it was necessary certain conditions should be made;

and as all acts of the great king are kept till time shall be no more, so

I now have in my hand those very conditions made with you and your

people. It was agreed, that if an Indian should kill an Englishman, he

shall be delivered up to be punished as the law requires. This was the

ancient talk of our fathers and your fathers, and when King George took

your nation under his protection he so ordered it for the future. This

treaty has been since renewed by several of our King's governors of this

province from time to time. It was the mercy of the great King that this

way of restitution should be established, to prevent a war which might

destroy your nation; whereas, at any time, by delivering up of the guilty

person, the innocent might escape, and your people be suffered to live in

friendship with ours.

"In the month of November, 1758, six deputies from your nation came to

Charlestown, to make up all differences between our people and yours.

They did then engage to observe the words of the treaty I have here, and

which you know are the same with those formerly made by the great King.

They received a large quantity of goods as a full compensation for the

injuries done them by white people, and did solemnly promise to continue

in strict friendship with all the King's subjects. Notwithstanding which

they went to Statiquo under Moytoy and killed many white men, though no

provocation had been given them. Thereupon I demanded satisfaction,

according to the words of the great King, but they have given me none. As

King Gorge loves mercy better than war, I was willing to wait; and while

our people lay quietly in their houses, the Indians came, killed and

scalped them. Last of all they put to death three men in the Upper

nation, and drove our people, who lived in their towns to furnish them

with goods, into the forts. As you know that your people have been guilty

of all these crimes, and many more, I expected you would not only come

down with a good talk, but also would have offered satisfaction for them.

I am now come here with a great number of warriors, to take that

satisfaction I have more than once demanded. Perhaps some of you thought,

that, as our people put up with such injuries, they were apprehensive of

your power; but you shall now see that this was owing to their patience,

and not to their want of resolution. You know well the strength of our

province, and that one third part of it is sufficient to destroy your

nation. Besides, the white people in all the provinces are brothers, and

linked together: we come not alone against you because we have suffered,

for the Virginians and North Carolineans are prepared to march against

you, unless satisfaction be given me. My brother the Governor of Georgia

will also prevent any ammunition from coming to you. Some time ago you

sent to Virginia, offering to trade with that province, and goods were on

their way to you which I have stopt and they shall not proceed hither

until I send directions for them. It is not necessary for me to say more

to you, until you make satisfaction for killing the white people.

"Attakullakulla, you have been in England, and seen the power of the

great King, and the number of his warriors. You also know, that, during

these five years and more, we have been at war with the French, who were

once numerous over all parts of America. You know I disdain to tell you a

falsehood, and I will now inform you what success our army has had. Some

of the last ships that arrived at Charlestown brought me a good deal of

news. Our fleet has taken many ships of war belonging to the French. A

messenger has arrived with an account that the great city of Quebec is

reduced, as also, that the warriors of the great king have taken all the

forts on the lakes and upon the Ohio, and beat down all things in their

way, as a hurricane would have done in its passage. The Indians in those

parts, fearing his power, have made their peace with the great King. The

Delawares, Shawanese, and all of them that live near Fort Duquesne, have

desired to be in friendship with us. The Choctaws also beg to be received

under the King's protection by his beloved man Mr. Aitken, upon which a

great number of traders are gone into their country with all sorts of

goods. If you will not believe what I say, and imagine that the French

are able to supply you with the necessaries which you want, you will be

deceived, for they themselves are starving, and so much undone that they

cannot furnish a blanket or a gun to the Choctaws, much less to you, who

are removed at so great a distance from them.

"These things I have mentioned to show you that the great King will not

suffer his people to be destroyed without satisfaction, and to let you

know the people of this province are determined to have it. What I say is

with a merciful intention. If I make war with you, you will suffer for

your rashness; your men will be destroyed, and your women and children

carried into captivity. What few necessaries you now have will soon be

done, and you will get no more. But if you give the satisfaction I shall

ask, the trade will be again opened with you, and all things go right. I

have twice given you a list of the murderers; I will now tell you there

are twenty-four men of your nation whom I demand to be delivered up to

me, to be put to death, or otherwise disposed of as I shall think fit.

Your people have killed that number of ours and more, therefore it is the

least I will accept of. I shall give you till to-morrow morning to

consider of it, and then I shall expect your answer. You know best the

Indians concerned; several gangs at different times have been out, and I

expect the twenty-four you shall deliver up will be those who have

committed the murders."

[Sidenote] Attakullakulla's answer.

To this long speech Attakullakulla replied in words to the following

effect: "That he remembered the treaties mentioned, as he had a share in

making them: He owned the kindness of the province of South Carolina, but

complained much of the bad treatment his countrymen had received in

Virginia, which, he said, was the immediate cause of our present

misunderstanding: That he had always been the firm friend of the English,

of which he hoped his late fatiguing march against their enemies the

French was a sufficient proof: That he would ever continue such, and

would use all the influence he had to persuade his countrymen to give the

Governor the satisfaction he demanded, though he believed it neither

would nor could be complied with, as they had no coercive authority one

over another: He desired the Governor to release some of the head men

then confined in the fort to assist him; and added, that he was pleased

to hear of the successes of his brothers the English, but could not help

mentioning, that they shewed more resentment against the Cherokees than

they had used to other nations that had disobliged them; that he

remembered some years ago several white people belonging to Carolina were

killed by the Choctaws, for whom no satisfaction had either been given or

demanded."

[Sidenote] A treaty concluded with six chiefs.

Agreeable to the request of Attakullakulla, the Governor released

Occonostota, Fiftoe the chief man of Keowee town, and the head warrior of

Estaloe, who next day delivered up two Indians, whom Mr. Lyttleton

ordered to be put in irons. After which all the Cherokees present, who

knew their connections to be weak, being alarmed, fled out of the way, so

that it was impossible to complete the number demanded. Attakullakulla,

being then convinced that peace could not be obtained on such terms as

the Governor required, resolved to go home and patiently wait the event;

but no sooner was Mr. Lyttleton made acquainted with his departure, than

he dispatched a messenger after him to bring him back to his camp; and

being desirous of finishing the campaign with as much credit as possible,

immediately on his return began to treat of peace. Accordingly a treaty

was drawn up and signed by the Governor and six of the head men; in which

it was agreed, that those twenty-two chieftains of the Cherokees should

be kept as hostages confined in the fort, until the same number of

Indians guilty of murder be delivered up to the commander in chief of the

province; that trade should be opened and carried on as usual; that the

Cherokees should kill, or take every Frenchman prisoner, who should

presume to come into their nation during the continuance of the war; and

that they should hold no intercourse with the enemies of Great Britain,

but should apprehend every person, white or red, found among them, that

may be endeavouring to set the English and Cherokees at variance, and

interrupt the friendship and peace established between them.

After having concluded this treaty with the Cherokees, the Governor

resolved to return to Charlestown. But whether the Indians who put their

mark to it understood the articles of agreement or not, we cannot pretend

to affirm; one thing is certain, that few or none of the nation afterward

paid the smallest regard to it. The treacherous act of confining their

chiefs, against whom no charge could be brought, and who had travelled

several hundred miles in order to obtain peace for their nation, had made

a strong impression on their minds, but particularly on that of

Occonostota, who breathed nothing but fury and vengeance against such

false friends. Instead of permitting them to return home without hurting

a hair of their head, as the Governor promised in Charlestown, they were

close confined in a miserable hut, having permission neither to see their

friends nor even the light of day. It was said they were kept only as

hostages, until the number of criminals he demanded was completed by

their nation; but if they were robbed of their liberty, it was of little

consequence to them under what denomination they were confined. It was

said to be done by the consent of the nation, as six of its chiefs had

signed the articles of peace; but in whatever light we view the act, it

appears to be one of those base and unjustifiable advantages which policy

and craft commonly take of the weakness and simplicity of more

unfortunate neighbours; and nothing less could have been expected, than

that these wild and independent warriors would resent such base and

unmerited usage on the first opportunity that offered.

[Sidenote] The Governor returns to Charlestown.

Scarcely had Governor Lyttleton concluded the treaty of Fort Prince

George when the small-pox, which was raging in an adjacent Indian town,

broke out in his camp. As few of his little army had ever gone through

that distemper, and as the surgeons were totally unprovided for such an

accident, his men were struck with terror, and in great haste returned to

the settlements, cautiously avoiding all intercourse one with another,

and suffering much from hunger and fatigue by the way. The Governor

followed them, and arrived in Charlestown about the beginning of the year

1760. Though not a drop of blood had been spilt during the expedition, he

was received like a conqueror, with the greatest demonstrations of joy.

Addresses the most flattering were presented to him by the different

societies and professions, and bonefires and illuminations testified the

high sense the inhabitants entertained of his merit and services, and the

happy consequences which they believed would result from his expedition.

[Sidenote] The treaty of peace broken

However, those rejoicings on account of the peace were scarcely over,

when the news arrived that fresh hostilities hod been committed, and the

Governor was informed that the Cherokees had killed fourteen men within a

mile of Fort Prince George. The Indians had contracted an invincible

antipathy to Captain Coytmore, the officer whom Mr. Lyttleton had left

commander of that fort. The treatment they had received at Charlestown,

but especially the imprisonment of their chiefs, had now converted their

former desire of peace into the bitterest rage for war. Occonostota, a

chieftain of great influence, had become a most implacable and vindictive

enemy to Carolina, and determined to repay treachery with treachery.

Having gathered a strong party of Cherokees, he surrounded Fort Prince

George, and compelled the garrison to keep within their works; but

finding that he could make no impression on the fort, nor oblige the

commander to surrender, he contrived the following stratagem for the

relief of his countrymen confined in it.

[Sidenote] Occonostota's stratagem for killing the officer of the

fort.

As that country was every where covered with woods, he placed a party of

savages in a dark thicket by the river side, and then sent an Indian

woman, whom he knew to be always welcome at the fort, to inform the

commander that he had something of consequence to communicate to him, and

would be glad to speak with him at the river side. Captain Coytmore

imprudently consented, and without any suspicions of danger walked down

towards the river, accompanied by Lieutenants Bell and Foster.

Occonostota appearing on the opposite side, told him he was going to

Charlestown to procure a release of the prisoners, and would he glad of a

white man to accompany him as a safeguard; and, the better to cover his

dark design, had a bridle in his hand, and added, he would go and hunt

for a horse to him. The captain replied, that he should have a guard, and

wished he might find a horse, as the journey was very long. Upon which

the Indian, turning quickly about, swung the bridle thrice round his

head, as a signal to the savages placed in ambush, who instantly fired on

the officers, shot the captain dead on the spot, and wounded the other

two. In consequence of which orders were given to put the hostages in

irons, to prevent any farther danger from them. But while the soldiers

were attempting to execute their orders, the Indians stabbed the first

man who had hold of them with a knife, and wounded two more; upon which

the garrison, exasperated to the highest degree, fell on the unfortunate

hostages, and butchered them in a manner too shocking to relate.

[Sidenote] The war becomes general.

There were few men in the Cherokee nation that did not lose a friend or a

relation by this massacre, and therefore with one voice all immediately

declared for war. The leaders in every town seized the hatchet, telling

their followers that the spirits of murdered brothers were flying around

them, and calling out for vengeance on their enemies. From the different

towns large parties of warriors took the field, painted in the most

formidable manner, and arrayed with all their instruments of death. All

sang the song of war, and burning with impatience to imbrue their hands

in the blood of their enemies, rushed down among innocent and defenceless

families on the frontiers of Carolina, where men, women and children,

without distinction, fell a sacrifice to their merciless fury. Such as

fled to the woods, and escaped the scalping-knife, perished with hunger;

and those whom they made prisoners were carried into the wilderness,

where they suffered inexpressible hardships. Every day brought fresh

accounts to the capital of their ravages, murders and desolations. But

while the back settlers impatiently looked to their Governor for relief,

the small-pox raged to such a degree in town, that few of the militia

could be prevailed on to leave their distressed families to serve the

public. In this extremity an express was sent to General Amherst, the

commander in chief in America, acquainting him with the deplorable

situation of the province, and imploring his assistance in the most

pressing terms. Accordingly a battalion of Highlanders, and four

companies of the Royal Scots, under the command of Colonel Montgomery,

now Earl of Eglinton, were ordered immediately to embark, and sail for

the relief of Carolina.

In the mean time William Lyttleton being appointed Governor of Jamaica,

the charge of the province devolved on William Bull, a man of great

integrity and erudition. Application was made to the neighbouring

provinces of North Carolina and Virginia for relief, and seven troops of

rangers were raised to patrole the frontiers, and prevent the savages

from penetrating farther down among the settlements. A considerable sum

was voted for presents to such of the Creeks, Chickesaws and Catabaws as

should join the province and go to war against the Cherokees. Provisions

were sent to the families that had escaped to Augusta and Fort Moore, and

the best preparations possible made for chastising their enemy, so soon

as the regulars coming from New York should arrive in the province.

[Sidenote] Colonel Montgomery arrives.

Before the end of April, 1760, Colonel Montgomery landed in Carolina, and

encamped at Monk's Corner. Great was the joy of the province upon the

arrival of this gallant officer; but as the conquest of Canada was the

grand object of this year's campaign in America, he had orders to strike

a sudden blow for the relief of Carolina, and return to head quarters at

Albany without loss of time. Nothing was therefore omitted that was

judged necessary to forward the expedition. Several gentlemen of fortune,

excited by a laudable zeal for the safety of their country, formed

themselves into a company of volunteers, and joined the army. The whole

force of the province was collected, and ordered to rendezvous at

Congarees. Waggons, carts and horses were impressed for the service of

his Majesty, and the colonists flattered themselves with the hopes that

they would now be able to punish the insolence of their barbarous

enemies.

[Sidenote] And marches against the Cherokees.

A few weeks after his arrival Colonel Montgomery marched to the

Congarees, where he was joined by the internal strength of the province,

and immediately set out for the Cherokee country. For a guide he was

provided with an half-blooded Indian, who was well acquainted with the

roads though the woods, and the passages through the rivers. Having

little time allowed him, his march was uncommonly spirited and

expeditious. After reaching a place called Twelve-mile River, he encamped

on an advantageous ground, and marched with a party of his men in the

night to surprize Estatoe, an Indian town about twenty miles from his

camp. The first noise he heard by the way was the barking of a dog before

his men, where he was informed there was an Indian town called Little

Keowee, which he ordered the light infantry to surround, and, except

women and children, to put every Indian in it to the sword. Having done

this piece of service, he proceeded to Estatoe, which he found abandoned

by all the savages, excepting a few who had not had time to make their

escape. This town, which consisted of at least two hundred houses, and

was well provided with corn, hogs, poultry, and ammunition, he reduced to

ashes. Sugar Town, and every other settlement in the lower nation,

afterwards shared the same fate. The surprize to every one of them was

nearly equal; for as the army darted upon them like lightning, the

savages could scarcely save themselves, far less any little property that

they had. In these lower towns about sixty Indians were killed and forty

made prisoners, and the rest driven to seek for shelter among the

mountains. Having finished his business among these lower settlements

with the small loss of three or four men, he then marched to the relief

of Fort Prince George, which had been for some time invested by savages,

insomuch that no soldier durst venture beyond the bounds of the fort, and

where the garrison was in distress, not for the want of provisions, but

of wood to prepare them.

[Sidenote] Chastises them near Etchoe.

While the army rested at Fort Prince George, Edmund Atkin, agent for

Indian affairs, dispatched two Indian chiefs to the middle settlements,

to inform the Cherokees that by suing for peace they might obtain it, as

the former friends and allies of Britain. At the same time he sent a

messenger to Fort Loudon, requesting Captains Demere and Stuart, the

commanding officers at that place, to use their best endeavours for

obtaining peace with the Cherokees in the upper towns. Colonel Montgomery

finding that the savages were as yet disposed to listen to no terms of

accommodation, determined to carry the chastisement a little farther.

Dismal was the wilderness into which he entered, and many were the

hardships and dangers he had to encounter, from dark thickets, rugged

paths, and narrow passes; in which a small body of men, properly posted,

might harass and tire out the bravest army that ever took the field.

Having on all hands suspicious grounds, he found occasion for constant

vigilance and circumspection. While he was piercing through the thick

forest he had numberless difficulties to surmount, particularly from

rivers fordable only at one place, and overlooked by high banks on each

side, where an enemy might attack him with advantage, and retreat with

safety. When he had advanced within five miles of Etchoe, the nearest

town in the middle settlements, he found there a low valley, covered so

thick with bushes that the soldiers could scarcely see three yards before

them, and in the middle of which there was a muddy river, with steep clay

banks. Through this dark place, where it was impossible for any number of

men to act together, the army must necessarily march; and therefore

Captain Morison, who commanded a company of rangers, well acquainted with

the woods, had orders to advance and scour the thicket. He had scarcely

entered it, when a number of savages sprung from their lurking den, and

firing on them, killed the captain and wounded several of his party. Upon

which the light infantry and grenadiers were ordered to advance and

charge the invisible enemy, which they did with great courage and

alacrity. A heavy fire then began on both sides, and during some time the

soldiers could only discover the places where the savages were hid by the

report of their guns. Colonel Montgomery finding that the number of

Indians that guarded this place was great, and that they were determined

obstinately to dispute it, ordered the Royal Scots, who were in the rear,

to advance between the savages and a rising ground on the right, while

the Highlanders marched towards the left to sustain the light infantry

and grenadiers. The woods now resounded with horrible shouts and yells,

but these, instead of intimidating the troops, seemed rather to inspire

them with double firmness and resolution. At length the savages gave way,

and in their retreat falling in with the Royal Scots, suffered

considerably before they got out of their reach. By this time the Royals

being in the front and the Highlanders in the rear, the enemy stretched

away and took possession of a hill, seemingly disposed to keep at a

distance, and always retreating as the army advanced. Colonel Montgomery

perceiving that they kept aloof, gave orders to the line to face about,

and march directly for the town of Etchoe. The enemy no sooner observed

this movement, than they got behind the hill, and ran to alarm their

wives and children. During the action, which lasted above an hour,

Colonel Montgomery, who made several narrow escapes, had twenty men

killed, and seventy-six wounded. What number the enemy lost is uncertain,

but some places were discovered into which they had thrown several of

their slain, from which it was conjectured that they must have lost a

great number, as it is a custom among them to carry their dead off the

field. Upon viewing the ground, all were astonished to see with what

judgment and skill they had chosen it. Scarcely could the most

experienced officer have fixed upon a spot more advantageous for

way-laying and attacking an enemy, according to the method of fighting

practised among the Indian nations.

[Sidenote] And returns to Fort Prince George.

This action, though it terminated much in favour of the British army, had

nevertheless reduced it to such a situation as made it very imprudent, if

not altogether impracticable, to penetrate farther into those woods. The

repulse was far from being decisive, for the enemy had only retired from

one to another advantageous situation, in order to renew their attack

when the army should again advance. Humanity would not suffer the

commander to leave so many wounded men exposed to the vengeance of

savages, without any strong-hold in which he might lodge them, or some

detachment, which he could not spare, to protect them. Should he proceed

farther, he saw plainly that he must expect frequent skirmishes, which

would increase the number, and the burning of so many Indian towns would

be a poor compensation for the great risque and perhaps wanton sacrifice

of so many valuable lives. To furnish horses for the men already wounded

obliged him to throw so many bags of flour into the river, and what

remained was no more than sufficient for his army during their return to

Fort Prince George. Orders were therefore given for a retreat, which was

made with great regularity, although the enemy continued hovering around

them, and annoying them to the utmost of their power. A large train of

wounded men was brought above sixty miles through a hazardous country in

safety, for which no small share of honour and praise was due to the

officer that conducted the retreat. Never did men endure greater

hardships and fatigues with fewer complaints than this little army during

the expedition. Such confidence did they repose in their leader, that

they seemed to despise all difficulties and dangers which he shared along

with them in the service of their King and country.

[Sidenote] The consternation of the inhabitants from Indians.

After Colonel Montgomery had returned to the settlements, and was

preparing to embark for New York, agreeable to his orders from General

Amherst, the Carolineans were again thrown under the most dreadful

apprehensions from the dangers which hung over the province. This appears

from the following address of the General Assembly, presented to

Lieutenant-Governor Bull on the 11th of July, 1760. "We, his Majesty's

most dutiful and loyal subjects, the Commons House of Assembly of this

province, return your Honour our sincere thanks for the advices you have

been pleased to communicate to us in the morning; and being deeply

affected with the contents of Colonel Grant's letter, which imports, that

Colonel Montgomery will soon embark with his Majesty's troops under his

command to join General Amherst; humbly beg leave to represent to your

Honour, that we apprehend the province to be in a much more dangerous

situation at this juncture, than it was at the time when the said troops

arrived here; as the Upper Creek Indians have since murdered several

English traders in their towns, and made no offer to give up the

murderers, or make any other satisfaction whatever; whence we have the

greatest reason to believe they will soon break out into open war. And by

what is mentioned in Colonel Grant's letter, we fear that our implacable

enemies the French have already spirited up and prevailed with the

Choctaws to assist the Cherokees against us. And notwithstanding the

present rupture with the Cherokees has cost the province, in less than

nine months, near 50,000 pounds sterling, yet all our endeavours to raise

a number of forces capable of preventing the Cherokees from ravaging the

back settlements have proved ineffectual. This being the situation of the

province when we had only the Cherokees to contend with, how deplorable

then must our case be, should Colonel Montgomery depart with the King's

troops under his command, and we have the united attacks of the

Cherokees, Creeks and Choctaws, (the three most powerful nations of

Indians on the continent), to repel, can be better imagined than

described. Being truely sensible of your Honour's good inclinations to

render every service in your power to this province, we unanimously

intreat your Honour to use the most pressing instances with Colonel

Montgomery not to depart with the King's troops, as it may be attended

with the most pernicious consequences." Accordingly the

Lieutenant-Governor having given the Colonel the fullest view of those

extensive dangers to which the province after his departure would be

exposed, prevailed with him to leave four companies of the royal

regiment, under the command of Major Frederick Hamilton, for covering the

frontiers, while he embarked with the battalion of Highlanders, and

sailed for New York.

[Sidenote] Great distress of the garrison at Fort Loudon.

[Sidenote] The terms obtained for the garrison.

In the mean time the distant garrison of Fort Loudon, consisting of two

hundred men, was reduced to the dreadful alternative of perishing by

hunger or submitting to the mercy of the enraged Cherokees. The Governor

having information that the Virginians had undertaken to relieve it, for

a while seemed satisfied, and anxiously waited to hear the news of that

happy event. But the Virginians were equally ill qualified with their

neighbours of Carolina to send them any assistance. So remote was the

fort from every settlement, and so difficult was it to march an army

through the barren wilderness, where the various thickets were lined with

enemies, and to carry at the same time sufficient supplies along with

them, that the Virginians had dropped all thoughts of the attempt.

Provisions being entirely exhausted at Fort Loudon, the garrison was

reduced to the most deplorable situation. For a whole month they had no

other subsistence but the flesh of lean horses and dogs, and a small

supply of Indian beans, which some friendly Cherokee women procured for

them by stealth. Long had the officers endeavoured to animate and

encourage the men with the hopes of relief; but now being blockaded night

and day by the enemy, and having no resource left, they threatened to

leave the fort, and die at once by the hands of savages, rather than

perish slowly by famine. In this extremity the commander was obliged to

call a council of war, to consider what was proper to be done; when the

officers were all of opinion that it was impossible to hold out any

longer, and therefore agreed to surrender the fort to the Cherokees on

the best terms that could be obtained from them. For this purpose Captain

Stuart, an officer of great sagacity and address, and much beloved by all

the Indians that remained in the British interest, procured leave to go

to Chote, one of the principal towns in the neighbourhood, where he

obtained the following terms of capitulation, which were signed by the

commanding officer and two of the Cherokee chiefs. "That the garrison of

Fort Loudon march out with their arms and drums, each soldier having as

much powder and ball as their officer shall think necessary for their

march, and all the baggage they may chuse to carry: That the garrison be

permitted to march to Virginia, or Fort Prince George, as the commanding

officer shall think proper, unmolested; and that a number of Indians be

appointed to escort them, and hunt for provisions during their march:

That such soldiers as are lame, or by sickness disabled from marching, be

received into the Indian towns, and kindly used until they recover, and

then be allowed to return to Fort Prince George: That the Indians do

provide for the garrison as many horses as they conveniently can for

their march, agreeing with the officers and soldiers for payment: That

the fort great guns, powder, ball, and spare arms, be delivered to the

Indians without fraud or further delay, on the day appointed for the

march of the troops."

[Sidenote] Treacherously broken by the savages.

Agreeable to those terms stipulated, the garrison delivered up the fort,

and marched out with their arms, accompanied by Occonostota, Judd's

friend, the prince of Chote, and several other Indians, and that day went

fifteen miles on their way to Fort Prince George. At night they encamped

on a plain about two miles from Taliquo, an Indian town, when all their

attendants, upon one pretence or another, left them; which the officers

considered as no good sign, and therefore placed a strict guard round

their camp. During the night they remained unmolested, but next morning

about break of day a soldier from an out-post came running in, and

informed them that he saw a vast number of Indians, armed, and painted in

the most dreadful manner, creeping among the bushes, and advancing in

order to surround them. Scarcely had the officer time to order his men to

stand to their arms, when the savages poured in upon them a heavy fire

from different quarters, accompanied with the most hideous yells, which

struck a panic into the soldiers, who were so much enfeebled and

dispirited that they were incapable of making any effectual resistance.

Captain Demere, with three other officers, and about twenty-five private

men, fell at the first onset. Some fled into the woods, and were

afterwards taken prisoners and confined among the towns in the valley.

Captain Stuart, and those that remained, were seized, pinioned, and

brought back to Fort Loudon. No sooner had Attakullakulla heard that his

friend Mr. Stuart had escaped, than he hastened to the fort, and

purchased him from the Indian that took him, giving him his rifle,

clothes, and all he could command, by way of ransom. He then took

possession of Captain Demere's house, where he kept his prisoner as one

of his family, and freely shared with him the little provisions his table

afforded, until a fair opportunity should offer for rescuing him from

their hands; but the poor soldiers were kept in a miserable state of

captivity for some time, and then redeemed by the province at a great

expence.

[Sidenote] A proposal for attacking Fort Prince George.

During the time these prisoners were confined at Fort Loudon, Occonostota

formed a design of attacking Fort Prince George, and for this purpose

dispatched a messenger to the settlements in the valley, requesting all

the warriors there to join him at Stickoey old town. By accident a

discovery was made of ten bags of powder, and ball in proportion, which

the officers had secretly buried in the fort, to prevent their falling

into the enemy's hands. This discovery had nearly proved fatal to Captain

Stuart, and would certainly have cost him his life, had not the

interpreter had so much presence of mind as to assure the enemy that

these warlike stores had been concealed without his knowledge or consent.

The Indians having now abundance of ammunition for the siege, a council

was called at Chote, to which the captain was brought, and put in mind of

the obligations he lay under to them for sparing his life; and as they

had resolved to carry six cannon and two cohorns with them against Fort

Prince George, to be managed by men under his command, they told him he

must go and write such letters to the commandant as they should dictate

to him. They informed him at the same time, that if that officer should

refuse to surrender, they were determined to burn the prisoners one after

another before his face, and try if he could be so obstinate as to hold

out while he saw his friends expiring in the flames. Captain Stuart was

much alarmed at his situation, and from that moment resolved to make his

escape or perish in the attempt. His design he privately communicated to

Attakullakulla, and told him how uneasy he was at the thoughts of being

compelled to bear arms against his countrymen. He acknowledged that he

had always been a brother, and hoped he would assist him to get out of

his present perilous circumstances. The old warrior, taking him by the

hand, told him he was his friend, he had already given one proof of his

regard, and intended to give another so soon as his brother should return

and help him to concert the measure. He said he was well apprized of the

ill designs of his countrymen, and should he go and persuade the garrison

of Fort Prince George to do as he had done, what could he expect but that

they should share the same dismal fate. Strong and uncultivated minds

carry their friendship, as well as their enmity, to an astonishing pitch.

Among savages family friendship is a national virtue, and civilized

mortals may blush when they consider how much barbarians have often

surpassed them in the practice of it. The instance I am going to relate

is as singular and memorable as many that have been recorded in the

annals of past ages.

[Sidenote] Captain Stuart escapes to Virginia.

Attakullakulla claimed Captain Stuart as his prisoner, and had resolved

to deliver him from danger and for this purpose there was no time to be

lost. Accordingly he gave out among his countrymen that he intended to go

a-hunting for a few days, and carry his prisoner along with him to eat

venison, of which he declared he was exceedingly fond. At the same time

the Captain went through among his soldiers, telling them that they could

never expect to be ransomed by the province, if they gave the smallest

assistance to the Indians against Fort Prince George. Having settled all

matters, they set out on their journey, accompanied by the warrior's

wife, his brother, and two soldiers, who were the only persons in the

garrison that knew how to convey great guns through the woods. For

provisions they depended on what they might kill by the way. The distance

to the frontier settlements was great, and the utmost expedition

necessary to prevent any surprize from Indians pursuing them. Nine days

and nights did they travel through a dreary wilderness, shaping their

course by the light of the sun and moon for Virginia, and traversing many

hills, valleys and paths that had never been crossed before but by

savages and wild beasts. On the tenth they arrived at the banks of

Holston's river, where they fortunately fell in with a party of three

hundred men, sent out by Colonel Bird for the relief of such soldiers as

might make their escape that way from Fort Loudon. On the fourteenth day

the Captain reached Colonel Bird's camp on the frontiers of Virginia,

where having loaded his faithful friend with presents and provisions, he

sent him back to protect the unhappy prisoners till they should be

ransomed, and to exert his influence among the Cherokees for the

restoration of peace.

No sooner had Captain Stuart made his escape from the hands of the

savages, than he immediately began to concert ways and means for the

relief of his garrison. An express was dispatched to Lieutenant-Governor

Bull, informing him of the sad disaster that had happened to the garrison

of Fort Loudon, and of the designs of the enemy against Fort Prince

George. In consequence of which orders were given to Major Thomson, who

commanded the militia on the frontiers, to throw in provisions for ten

weeks into that fort, and warn the commanding officer of his danger. At

the same time a messenger was sent to Attakullakulla desiring him to

inform the Cherokees that Fort George was impregnable, having vast

quantities of powder buried under ground every where around it, to blow

up all enemies that should attempt to come near it. Presents of

considerable value were sent to redeem the prisoners at Fort Loudon, a

few of whom had by this time made their escape; and afterwards not only

those that were confined among the towns in the valley, but also all that

had survived the hardships of hunger, disease and captivity in the upper

towns were released, and delivered up to the commanding officer at Fort

Prince George.

[Sidenote] The war continues.

It might now have been expected that the vindictive spirit of the savages

would be satisfied, and that they would he disposed to listen to some

terms of accommodation. This treacherous conduct to the soldiers at Fort

Loudon, they intended as a satisfaction for the harsh treatment their

relations had met with at Fort Prince George; and dearly had the province

paid for the base imprisonment and horrid massacre of the chiefs at that

place. Still, however, a great majority of the nation spurned at every

offer of peace. The lower towns had all been destroyed by Colonel

Montgomery; the warriors in the middle settlements had lost many friends

and relations; and several Frenchmen had crept in among the uppertowns,

and helped to foment their ill humour against Carolina. Lewis Latinac, a

French officer, was among them, and proved an indefatigable instigator to

mischief. He persuaded the Indians that the English had nothing less in

view than to exterminate them from the face of the earth; and, furnishing

them with arms and ammunition, urged them on to war. At a great meeting

of the nation he pulled out his hatchet, and, striking it into a log of

wood, called out, Who is the man that will take this up for the King of

France? Saloue, the young warrior of Estatoe, instantly laid hold of it,

and cried out, "I am for war. The spirits of our brothers who have been

slain still call upon us to avenge their death. He is no better than a

woman that refuses to follow me." Many others seized the tomahawk, yet

dyed in British blood, and burnt with impatience for the field.

[Sidenote] The Highlanders return to Carolina.

Under the flattering appearance of a calm were those clouds again

gathering; however, Lieutenant-Governor Bull, who knew well how little

Indians were to be trusted on any occasion, kept the Royal Scots and

militia on the frontiers in a posture of defence. But finding the

province still under the most dreadful apprehensions from their savage

neighbours, who continued insolent and vindictive, and ready to renew

their ravages and murders, he made application a second time to General

Amherst for assistance. Canada being now reduced; the commander in chief

could the more easily spare a force adequate to the purpose intended. The

brave Colonel Montgomery, who conducted the former expedition, having by

this time embarked for England, the command of the Highlanders devolved

on Lieutenant-Colonel James Grant, who received orders to return to the

relief of Carolina. Early in the year 1761 he landed at Charlestown,

where he took up his winter quarters, until the proper season should

approach for taking the field. Unfortunately during this time many of the

soldiers, by drinking brackish water, were taken sick, which afforded the

inhabitants an opportunity of showing their kindness and humanity. They

considered themselves, and with reason, under the strongest obligations

to treat men with tenderness, who came to protect them against their

enemies, and therefore they brought the sick soldiers into their houses,

and nursed them with the greatest care and attention.

In this campaign the province determined to exert itself to the utmost,

that, in conjunction with the regular forces, a severe correction might

be given to those troublesome savages. For this purpose a provincial

regiment was raised, and the command of it given to Colonel Middleton.

Presents were provided for the Indian allies, and several of the

Chickesaws and Catabaws engaged to assist them against the Cherokees. But

the Creeks, whose help was also strongly solicited, played an artful game

between the English and the French, and gave the one or the other

encouragement, according to the advantages they reaped from them. All

possible preparations were made for supplying the army with provisions at

different stages, and with such carts and horses as were thought

necessary to the expedition. Great had been the expence which this

quarrel with the Cherokees had already occasioned; now they flattered

themselves that by one resolute exertion more they would tire the savages

of war, and oblige them to accept of such terms of peace as they thought

proper to dictate.

As all white men in the province, of the military age, were soldiers as

well as citizens, and trained in some measure to the use of arms, it was

no difficult matter to complete the provincial regiment. Their names

being registered in the list of militia; on every emergency they were

obliged to be ready for defence, not only against the incursions of

Indians, but also against the insurrection of negroes; and although the

same prompt obedience to orders could not be expected from them that is

necessary in a regular army, yet the provincials had other advantages

which compensated for that defect. They were better acquainted than

strangers with the woods, and the nature of that country in which their

military service was required. They were seasoned to the climate, and had

learned from experience what clothes, meat and drink were most proper to

enable them to do their duty. In common occasions, when the militia was

called out, the men received no pay, but when employed, as in this

Cherokee war, for the public defence, they were allowed the same pay with

the King's forces.

[Sidenote] Colonel Grant marches against the Cherokees.

So soon as the Highlanders had recovered from their sickness, and were in

a condition to take the field, Colonel Grant began his march for the

Cherokee territories. After being joined by the Provincial regiment and

Indian allies, he mustered in all about two thousand six hundred men.

Having served some years in America, and been in several engagements with

Indians, he was now no stranger to their methods of making war. He was

sensible how ready they were to take all advantages, by surprize,

stratagem, or otherwise, that the nature of their country afforded them.

Caution and vigilance were not only necessary on his part, but, to

prepare an army for such services, the dress, the arms, and discipline,

should all be adapted to the nature of the country, in order to give the

men every advantage, according to the Indian manner of attack. The eye

should be habituated to perpetual watchfulness, the body should be

clothed in green, the prevailing colour of the woods, that it may be

difficult to distinguish it, and equipped in such light armour as is

easiest managed in a thicket. The feet and legs should be fortified

against prickly briers and bushes, and those men who have been accustomed

to hunt in the woods, being quick-sighted, are best qualified for

scouring the dark thickets, and for guards to the main body. Europeans,

who are strangers to such things, are ill prepared for military services

in America. Many brave officers have suffered by inattention to them, and

being ignorant of the peculiar circumstances of the country, have fallen

a sacrifice to their own rashness, or the numberless snares to which they

are exposed in it.

On the 27th of May, 1761, Colonel Grant arrived at Fort Prince George,

and Attakullakulla, having got information that he was advancing against

his nation with a formidable army, hastened to his camp, to signify his

earnest desire of peace. He told the Colonel that he always had been, and

ever would continue to be, a firm friend to the English; that the

outrages of his countrymen covered him with shame, and filled his heart

with grief; yet nevertheless he would gladly interpose in their behalf,

in order to bring about an accommodation. Often, he said, had he been

called an old woman by the mad young men of his nation, who delighted in

war and despised his counsels. Often had he endeavoured to get the

hatchet buried, and the former good correspondence with the Carolineans

established. Now he was determined to set out for the Cherokee towns, to

persuade them to consult their safety, and speedily agree to terms of

peace, and again and again begged the Colonel to proceed no farther until

he returned.

[Sidenote] Engages and defeats them.

[Sidenote] Defeats them and destroys their towns.

Colonel Grant, however, gave him no encouragement to expect that his

request could be granted; but, on the 7th of June, began his march from

Fort Prince George, carrying with him provisions to the army for thirty

days. A party of ninety Indians, and thirty woodmen painted like Indians,

under the command of Captain Quintine Kennedy, had orders to march in

front and scour the woods. After them the light infantry and about fifty

rangers, consisting in all of about two hundred men, followed, by whose

vigilance and activity the commander imagined that the main body of the

army might be kept tolerably quiet and secure. For three days he made

forced marches, in order to get over two narrow and dangerous defiles,

which he accomplished without a shot from the enemy, but which might have

cost him dear, had they been properly guarded and warmly disputed. On the

day following he found suspicious ground on all hands, and therefore

orders were given for the first time to load and prepare for action, and

the guards to march slowly forward, doubling their vigilance and

circumspection. As they frequently spied Indians around them, all were

convinced that they should that day have an engagement. At length, having

advanced near to the place where Colonel Montgomery was attacked the year

before, the Indian allies in the van-guard, about eight in the morning,

observed a large body of Cherokees posted upon a hill on the right flank

of the army, and gave the alarm. Immediately the savages, rushing down,

began to fire on the advanced guard, which being supported, the enemy

were repulsed, and recovered their heights. Under this hill the line was

obliged to march a considerable way. On the left there was a river, from

the opposite banks of which a large party of Indians fired briskly on the

troops as they advanced. Colonel Grant ordered a party to march up the

hill and drive the enemy from the heights, while the line faced about and

gave their whole charge to the Indians that annoyed them from the side of

the river. The engagement became general, and the savages seemed

determined obstinately to dispute the lower grounds, while those on the

hill were dislodged only to return with redoubled ardour to the charge.

The situation of the troops was in several respects deplorable; fatigued

by a tedious march, in rainy weather, surrounded with woods, so that they

could not discern the enemy, galled by the scattered fire of savages, who

when pressed always kept aloof, but rallied again and again, and returned

to the ground. No sooner did the army gain an advantage over them in one

quarter, than they appeared in another. While the attention of the

commander was occupied in driving the enemy from their lurking-place on

the river's side, the rear was attacked, and so vigorous an effort made

for the flour and cattle, that he was obliged to order a party back to

the relief of the rear-guard. From eight o'clock in the morning until

eleven the savages continued to keep up an irregular and incessant fire,

sometimes from one place and sometimes from another, while the woods

resounded with hideous shouts and yells, to intimidate the troops. At

length the Cherokees gave way, and, being pursued for some time, popping

shots continued till two o'clock, when they disappeared. What loss the

enemy sustained in this action we have not been able to learn, but of

Colonel Grant's army there were between fifty and sixty men killed and

wounded; and it is probable the loss of the savages could not be much

greater, and perhaps not so great, owing to their manner of fighting.

Orders were given not to bury the slain, but to sink them in the river,

to prevent their being dug up from their graves and scalped. To provide

horses for those that were wounded, several bags of flour were thrown

into the river. After which the army proceeded to Etchoe, a pretty large

Indian town, which they reached about midnight, and next day reduced to

ashes. Every other town in the middle settlements, fourteen in number,

shared the same fate. Their magazines and corn fields were likewise

destroyed, and those miserable savages, with their families, were driven

to seek for shelter and provisions among the barren mountains.

It would be no easy matter to describe the various hardships which this

little army endured in the wilderness, from heat, thirst, watching,

danger and fatigue. Thirty days did Colonel Grant continue in the heart

of the Cherokee territories, and, upon his return to Fort Prince George,

the feet and legs of many of his army were so mangled, and their strength

and spirits so much exhausted, that they were utterly unable to march

farther. He resolved therefore to encamp at that place for a while, both

to refresh his men and wait the resolutions of the Cherokees, in

consequence of the heavy chastisement which they had received. Besides

the numberless advantages their country afforded for defence, it was

supposed that some French officers had been among them, and given them

all the assistance in their power. It is true the savages supported their

attack for some hours with considerable spirit; but being driven from

their advantageous posts and thickets they were wholly disconcerted, and

though the repulse was far from being decisive, yet after this engagement

they returned no more to the charge, but remained the tame spectators of

their towns in flames, and their country laid desolate.

Such engagements in Europe would be considered as trifling skirmishes,

scarcely worthy of relation, but in America a great deal is often

determined by them. It is no easy matter to describe the distress to

which the savages were reduced by this severe correction. Even in time of

peace they are destitute of that foresight, in a great measure, which

provides for future events; but in time of war, when their villages are

destroyed and their fields laid desolate, they are reduced to extreme

want. Being driven to the barren mountains, the hunters furnished with

ammunition might indeed make some small provision for themselves, but

women, children, and old men, must perish, being deprived of the means of

subsistence.

[Sidenote] Peace with the Cherokees

A few days after Colonel Grant's arrival at Fort Prince George,

Attakullakulla, attended by several chieftains, came to his camp, and

expressed a desire of peace. Severely had they suffered for breaking

their alliance with Britain, and giving ear to the deceitful promises of

France. Convinced at last of the weakness and perfidy of the French, who

were neither able to assist them in time of war, nor supply their wants

in time of peace, they resolved to renounce all connection with them for

ever. Accordingly terms of peace were drawn up and proposed, which were

no less honourable to Colonel Grant than advantageous to the province.

The different articles being read and interpreted, Attakullakulla agreed

to them all excepting one, by which it was demanded, That four Cherokee

Indians be delivered up to Colonel Grant at Fort Prince George, to be put

to death in the front of his camp; or four green scalps be brought to him

in the space of twelve nights. The warrior having no authority from his

nation, declared he could not agree to this article, and therefore the

Colonel sent him to Charlestown, to see whether the Lieutenant-Governor

would consent to mitigate the rigour of it.

Accordingly Attakullakulla and the other chieftains, being furnished with

a safeguard, set out for Charlestown to hold a conference with Mr. Bull,

who, on their arrival, called a council to meet at Ashley Ferry, and then

spoke to the following effect. "Attakullakulla, I am glad to see you, and

as I have always heard of your good behaviour, that you have been a good

friend to the English, I take you by the hand, and not only you but all

those with you also, as a pledge for their security whilst under my

protection. Colonel Grant acquaints me that you have applied for peace;

now that you are come, I have met with my beloved men to hear what you

have to say, and my ears are open for that purpose." Then a fire was

kindled, the pipe of peace was lighted, and all smoked together for some

time in great silence and solemnity.

Then Attakullakulla arose, and addressed the Lieutenant-Governor and

Council to the following effect. "It is a great while since I last saw

your honour; now I am glad to see you, and all the beloved men present--I

am come to you as a messenger from the whole nation--I have now seen you,

smoked with you, and hope we shall live together as brothers.--When I

came to Keowee, Colonel Grant sent me to you--You live at the water side,

and are in light--We are in darkness, but hope all will be yet clear with

us.--I have been constantly going about doing good, and though I am

tired, yet I am come to see what can be done for my people, who are in

great distress." Here he produced the strings of wampum he had received

from the different towns, denoting their earnest desire of peace; and

then added, "As to what has happened, I believe it has been ordered by

our Father above.--We are of a different colour from the white

people--They are superior to us--But one God is father of all, and we

hope what is past will be forgotten.--God Almighty made all people--There

is not a day but some are coming into, and others are going out of, the

world.--The great King told me the path should never be crooked, but open

for every one to pass and repass.--As we all live in one land, I hope we

shall all live as one people." After which peace was formally ratified

and confirmed by both parties, and their former friendship being renewed,

all hoped that it would last as long as the sun shall shine and the

rivers run.

[Sidenote] A quarrel between the commanding officers.

Thus ended the Cherokee war, which was among the last humbling strokes

given to the expiring power of France in North America, and Colonel Grant

returned to Charlestown to wait further orders. But no sooner was peace

concluded, and the province secured against external enemies, than an

unhappy difference broke out between the two principal commanders of the

regular and provincial forces. Colonel Grant, a native of Scotland, was

naturally of an high spirit, to which he added that pride of rank which

he held among those British soldiers who had carried their arms

triumphant through the continent. During this expedition it is probable

that he scorned to ask the advice of a provincial officer, whom he deemed

an improper judge of military operations, and claimed the chief glory of

having restored peace to the province. Colonel Middleton was equally warm

and proud, and considering such neglect as an affront, resented it, and

while some reflections were cast upon the provincial troops, being the

chief in command, he thought himself bound to stand forth as a champion

for the honour of the province. This ill-humour, which appeared between

the officers on their return to Charlestown, was encouraged and fomented

by persons delighting in broils, who, by malicious surmises and false

reports, helped to widen the difference. The dispute became serious, and

was carried on for some time in the public papers by mutual charges of

misconduct, and at length terminated in a duel. Mr. Middleton called out

Colonel Grant to the single combat, after they had both given the best

proof of their courage against the common enemy. The duel, however,

happily terminated without bloodshed, and not a little to the credit of

the Scots officer, though his antagonist shewed no less spirit in the

field of honour, falsely so called, than in defence of his country. The

citizens of Charlestown seemed interested in the dispute, and each spoke

of the conduct of the two officers as they were differently affected.

Indeed, however much we may applaud the brave man who is first in the

field in defence of his country, with justice we with-hold our praises

from him that is first at the single combat with a private friend.

Colonel Grant, with great reason, considered such treatment, after having

brought the enemies of the colony to the most advantageous terms of

peace, as a base recompence for his services. From this period a

party-spirit appeared in Carolina. All the malicious aspersions and

inflammatory accusations against the inhabitants of North Britain, which

were at this time wantonly and wickedly published in England, were

greedily swallowed by one party in the province, and industriously

propagated. Prejudices were contracted, cherished, and unhappily gained

ground among the people. Terms of reproach and abuse were collected from

those factious publications in London, and poured indiscriminately upon

all the natives of Scotland, who were by no means backward in retorting

the abuse. In a growing province, where the utmost harmony and liberality

of sentiment ought to have been cherished by all, as the most certain

means of promoting the public strength and prosperity, such a

party-spirit was attended, as might have been expected, with the most

pernicious consequence.

[Sidenote] A whirlwind at Charlestown.

I have already observed, that the province is subject to whirlwinds,

especially among the hills in the back country; but this year one of

those, which was indeed the most violent and dreadful that had ever been

known, passed Charlestown in the month of May. It appeared at first to

the west of the town, like a large column of smoke, approaching fast in

an irregular direction. The vapour of which it was composed resembled

clouds rolling one over another in violent tumult and agitation, assuming

at one time a dark, at another a bright flaming colour. Its motion was

exceedingly swift and crooked. As it approached the inhabitants were

alarmed with an uncommon sound, like the continual roaring of distant

thunder, or the noise made by a stormy sea beating upon the shore, which

brought numbers of people to witness the dreadful phenomenon. While it

passed down Ashley river, such was its incredible velocity and force,

that it plowed the waters to the bottom, and laid the channel bare. The

town narrowly and providentially escaped, but it threatened destruction

to a fleet consisting of no less than forty sail of loaded ships, lying

at anchor in Rebellion road, about four miles below the town, and waiting

a fair wind to sail for England. When it reached the fleet, five vessels

were sunk in an instant by it, and his Majesty's ship the Dolphin, with

eleven others, were dismasted. Such was the situation of the fleet, and

so rapid was the motion of the whirlwind, that though the seaman observed

it approaching, it was impossible to provide against it. In its oblique

course it struck only a part of the fleet, and the damage, though

computed at L. 20,000 sterling, was by no means so great as might have

been expected. Nor were many lives lost, for the channel of the river not

being very deep, while the ships sat down in the mud and were covered by

the waves, the sailors saved themselves by running up the shrouds. The

whirlwind passed the town a little before three o'clock, and before four

the sky was so clear and serene, that we could scarcely have believed

such a dreadful scene had been exhibited, had it not left many striking

proofs behind it. Its route was not only marked in the woods, having

levelled the loftiest trees, or swept them away before it like chaff, but

its effects were visible in the fleet, by the number of vessels sunk and

dismasted.

It has been also remarked, that the province is subject to violent storms

of lightning and thunder throughout the year; but from the end of April

until October they are very frequent and terrible. There are few nights

during the summer in which lighting is not visible in some part of the

horizon. Sometimes indeed those storms are of short duration,

particularly when they come attended with brisk gales of wind; but when

that is not the case, they will often last for four or five hours. While

the clouds are gathering, it is surprising how quickly the atmosphere,

which was formerly serene, will be covered with darkness. To the

inhabitants, accustomed to view such appearances, the thunder-shower is

rather welcome than alarming, as it cools the air and earth, and enables

them to live comfortably during the remainder of the day; but to every

stranger it is exceedingly grand and awful. As the flashes of lightning

from the clouds commonly strike the highest objects, and the whole

country is covered with woods, the fury of the storm for the most part

falls upon them, and its amazing effects are visible from the vast number

of blasted trees every where appearing throughout the forest. The country

being as yet but thinly peopled, the inhabitants do not suffer so

severely as might be expected, considering the violence of these storms;

yet few years pass without some accidents from lightning. I never knew

more than five houses in the town, but others have observed nine, two

churches and five ships struck with lightning during one thunder-shower.

Such storms often occasion considerable damage, particularly to the ships

in the harbour, and sometimes they are attended with showers of hail, or

rather solid pieces of ice, which fall with such force as to beat down

the corn in the fields, to break glass windows, and occasion danger to

children exposed to them. But since the inhabitants have found out the

method of erecting iron rods on their houses, less damage has been done

to them, and fewer lives have been lost by lightning in this province.

[Sidenote] Of the heat at Savanna.

The climate of Georgia, like that of Carolina, is more mild and pleasant

in the inland than maritime parts. Governor Ellis has left us the

following account of the heat of the summer at Savanna. In the 7th of

July, while he was writing in his piazza, which was open at each end, he

says the mercury in Fahrenheit's thermometer stood at 102 in the shade.

Twice had it risen to that height during the summer, several times to

100, and for many days together to 98; and in the night did not sink

below 89. He thought it highly probable, that the inhabitants of Savanna

breathed a hotter air than any other people upon earth. The town being

situated on a sandy eminence, the reflection from the dry sand, when

there is little or no agitation in the air, greatly increases the heat;

for by walking an hundred yards from his house upon the sand, under his

umbrella, with the thermometer suspended by a thread to the height of his

nostrils, the mercury rose to 105. The same thermometer he had with him

in the equatorial parts of Africa, in Jamaica, and in the Leeward

Islands; yet by his journals he found that it had never in any of these

places risen so high. Its general station was between 79 and 86. He

acknowledges, however, that he felt those degrees of heat in a moist air

more disagreeable than at Savanna, when the thermometer stood at 81 in

his cellar, at 102 in the storey above it, and in the upper storey of his

house at 105. On the 10th of December the mercury was up at 86, on then

11th down as low as 38, on the same instrument. Such sudden and violent

changes, especially when they happen frequently, must make havock of the

human constitution; yet he asserts that few people die at Savanna out of

the ordinary course, though many were working in the open air, exposed to

the sun during this extreme heat.--As this governor was a man of sense

and erudition, and no doubt made his observations with great accuracy, we

shall not presume to call in question the facts he relates; but we must

say, we never saw the mercury rise so high in the shade at Charlestown,

and believe it very seldom happens to do so in Georgia. We may add, that

such is the situation of Savanna, surrounded with low and marshy lands,

and so sudden and great are the changes in the weather there, as well as

in Carolina, that the maritime parts of both provinces must be ranked

among the most unhealthy climates in the world.