[Sidenote] Trade obstructed by the Spaniards of Mexico.
For several years before an open rupture took place between Great Britain
and Spain, no good understanding subsisted between those two different
courts, neither with respect to the privileges of navigation on the
Mexican seas, nor to the limits between the provinces of Georgia and
Florida. On one hand, the Spaniards pretended that they had an exclusive
right to some latitudes in the bay of Mexico; and, on the other, though
the matter had never been clearly ascertained by treaty, the British
merchants claimed the privilege of cutting logwood on the bay of
Campeachy. This liberty indeed had been tolerated on the part of Spain
for several years, and the British merchants, from avaricious motives,
had begun a traffic with the Spaniards, and supplied them with goods of
English manufacture. To prevent this illicit trade, the Spaniards
doubled the number of ships stationed in Mexico for guarding the coast,
giving them orders to board and search every English vessel found in
those seas, to seize on all that carried contraband commodities, and
confine the sailors. At length not only smugglers, but fair traders were
searched and detained, so that all commerce in those seas was entirely
obstructed. The British merchants again and again complained to the
ministry of depredations committed, and damages sustained; which indeed
produced one remonstrance after another to the Spanish court; all which
were answered only by evasive promises and delays. The Spaniards
flattered the British minister, by telling him, they would enquire into
the occasion of such grievances, and settle all differences by way of
negotiation. Sir Robert Walpole, fond of pacific measures, and trusting
to such proposals of accommodation, for several years suffered the
grievances of the merchants to remain unredressed, and the trade of the
nation to suffer great losses.
[Sidenote] William Bull Lieut.-governor.
In the year 1738, Samuel Horsley was appointed Governor of South
Carolina, but he dying before he left England, the charge of the province
devolved on William Bull, a man of good natural abilities, and well
acquainted with the state of the province. The garrison at Augustine
having received a considerable reinforcement, it therefore became the
business of the people of Carolina, as well as those of Georgia, to watch
the motions of their neighbours. As the Spaniards pretended a right to
that province, they were pouring in troops into Augustine, which gave the
British colonists some reason to apprehend they had resolved to assert
their right by force of arms. William Bull despatched advice to England
of the growing power of Spain in East Florida, and at the same time
acquainted the Trustees, that such preparations were making there as
evidently portended approaching hostilities. The British ministers were
well acquainted with the state of Carolina, from a late representation
transmitted by its provincial legislature. The Trustees for Georgia
presented a memorial to the king, giving an account of the Spanish
preparations, and the feeble and defenceless condition of Georgia, and
imploring his Majesty's gracious assistance. In consequence of which, a
regiment of six hundred effective men was ordered to be raised, with a
view of sending them to Georgia. The King having made James Oglethorpe
Major-General of all the forces of the two provinces, gave him the
command of this regiment and ordered him out for the protection of the
southern frontiers of the British dominions in America.
[Sidenote] Oglethorpe's regiment sent to Georgia.
About the middle of the same year, the Hector, and Blandford ships of war
sailed, to convoy the transports which carried General Oglethorpe and his
regiment to that province. Forty supernumeraries followed the General to
supply the place of such officers or soldiers as might sicken and die by
the change of the climate. Upon the arrival of this regiment, the people
of Carolina and Georgia rejoiced, and testified their grateful sense of
his Majesty's paternal care in the strongest terms. The Georgians, who
had been for some time harassed with frequent alarms, now found
themselves happily relieved, and placed in such circumstances as enabled
them to bid defiance to the Spanish power. Parties of the regiment were
sent to the different garrisons, and the expence the Trustees had
formerly been at in maintaining them of course ceased. The General held
his head-quarters at Frederica, but raised forts on some other islands
lying nearer the Spaniards, particularly in Cumberland and Jekyl islands,
in which he also kept garrisons to watch the motions of his enemies.
[Sidenote] The Spaniards try in vain to seduce the Creeks.
While these hostile preparations were going on, it behoved General
Oglethorpe to cultivate the firmest friendship with Indian nations, that
they might be ready on every emergency to assist him. During his absence
the Spaniards had made several attempts to seduce the Creeks, who were
much attached to Oglethorpe, by telling them he was at Augustine, and
promised them great presents in case they would pay him a visit at that
place. Accordingly some of their leaders went down to see the beloved
man, but not finding him there, they were highly offended, and resolved
immediately to return to their nation. The Spanish Governor, in order to
cover the fraud, or probably with a design of conveying those leaders out
of the way, that they might the more easily corrupt their nation; told
them, that the General lay sick on board of a ship in the harbour, where
he would be extremely glad to see them. But the savages were jealous of
some bad design, and refused to go, and even rejected their presents and
offers of alliance. When they returned to their nation, they found an
invitation from General Oglethorpe to all the chieftains to meet him at
Frederica, which plainly discovered to them the insidious designs of the
Spaniards, and helped not a little to increase his power and influence
among them. A number of their head warriors immediately set out to meet
him at the place appointed, where the General thanked them for their
fidelity, made them many valuable presents, and renewed the treaty of
friendship and alliance with them. At this congress the Creeks seemed
better satisfied than usual, agreed to march a thousand men to the
General's assistance whenever he should demand them, and invited him up
to see their towns. But as he was then busy, he excused himself, by
promising to visit them next summer, and accordingly dismissed them no
less pleased with his kindness, than incensed against the Spaniards for
their falsehood and deceit.
[Sidenote] Matters hastening to a rupture with Spain.
By this time the King of England had resolved to vindicate the honour of
his crown, and maintain his right to those territories in Georgia,
together with the freedom of commerce and navigation in the Mexican seas.
The pacific system of Sir Robert Walpole had drawn upon him the
displeasure of the nation, particularly of the mercantile part; and that
amazing power and authority he had long maintained began to decline. The
spirit of the nation was rouzed, insomuch that the administration could
no longer wink at the insults, depredations, and cruelties of Spain.
Instructions were sent to the British ambassador at the court of Madrid,
to demand in the most absolute terms a compensation for the injuries of
trade, which, upon calculation, amounted to two hundred thousand pounds
sterling; and at the same time a squadron of ten ships of the line, under
the command of Admiral Haddock, were sent to the Mediterranean sea. This
produced an order from the Spanish Court to their ambassador, to allow
the accounts of the British merchants, upon condition that the Spanish
demand on the South-Sea Company be deducted: and that Oglethorpe be
recalled from Georgia, and no more employed in that quarter, as he had
there made great encroachments on his Catholic Majesty's dominions. These
conditions were received at the court of Britain with that indignation
which might have been expected from an injured and incensed nation. In
answer to which the Spanish ambassador was given to understand, that the
King of Great Britain was determined never to relinquish his right to a
single foot of land in the province of Georgia; and that he must allow
his subjects to make reprisals, since satisfaction for their losses in
trade could in no other way be obtained. In this unsettled situation,
however, matters remained for a little while between those two powerful
potentates.
[Sidenote] Mutiny in Oglethorpe's camp.
In the mean time preparations were making both in Georgia and Florida, by
raising fortifications on the borders of the two provinces, to hold each
other at defiance. The British soldiers finding themselves subjected to a
number of hardships in Georgia, to which they had not been accustomed in
Britain, several of them were discontented and ungovernable. At length a
plot was discovered in the camp for assassinating their general. Two
companies of the regiment had been drawn from Gibraltar, some of whom
could speak the Spanish language. While stationed on Cumberland island,
the Spanish out-posts on the other side could approach so near as to
converse with the British soldiers, one of whom had even been in the
Spanish service, and not only understood their language, but also had so
much of a Roman Catholic spirit as to harbour an aversion to Protestant
heretics. The Spaniards had found means to corrupt this villain, who
debauched the minds of several of his neighbours, insomuch that they
united and formed a design first to murder General Oglethorpe, and then
make their escape to Augustine. Accordingly, on a certain day a number of
soldiers under arms came up to the General, and made some extraordinary
demands; which being refused, they instantly cried out, one and all, and
immediately one of them discharged his piece at him: and being only at
the distance of a few paces, the ball whizzed over his shoulder, but the
powder singed his clothes, and burnt his face. Another presented his
piece, which flashed in the pan; a third drew his hanger and attempted to
stab him, but the General parrying it off, an officer standing by run the
ruffian through the body, and killed him on the spot. Upon which the
mutineers ran, but were caught and laid in irons. A court-martial was
called to try the ringleaders of this desperate conspiracy, some of whom
were found guilty and condemned to be shot, in order to deter others from
such dangerous attempts.
Nor was this the only concealed effort of Spanish policy, another of a
more dangerous nature soon followed in Carolina, which might have been
attended with much more bloody and fatal effects. At this time there were
above forty thousand negroes in the province, a fierce, hardy and strong
race, whose constitutions were adapted to the warm climate, whose nerves
were braced with constant labour, and who could scarcely be supposed to
be contented with that oppressive yoke under which they groaned. Long had
liberty and protection been promised and proclaimed to them by the
Spaniards at Augustine, nor were all the negroes in the province
strangers to the proclamation. At different times Spanish emissaries had
been found secretly tampering with them, and persuading them to fly from
slavery to Florida, and several had made their escape to that settlement.
Of these negro refugees the Governor of Florida had formed a regiment,
appointing officers from among themselves, allowing them the same pay and
clothing them in the same uniform with the regular Spanish soldiers. The
most sensible part of the slaves in Carolina were not ignorant of this
Spanish regiment, for whenever they run away from their masters, they
constantly directed their course to this quarter. To no place could negro
serjeants be sent for enlisting men where they could have a better
prospect of success. Two Spaniards were caught in Georgia, and committed
to jail, for enticing slaves to leave Carolina and join this regiment.
Five negroes, who were cattle hunters at Indian Land, some of whom
belonged to Captain McPherson, after wounding his son and killing another
man, made their escape. Several more attempting to get away were taken,
tried, and hanged at Charlestown.
[Sidenote] A negro insurrection in Carolina.
While Carolina was kept in a state of constant fear and agitation from
this quarter, an insurrection openly broke out in the heart of the
settlement which alarmed the whole province. A number of negroes having
assembled together at Stono, first surprised and killed two young men in
a warehouse, and then plundered it of guns and ammunition. Being thus
provided with arms, they elected one of their number captain, and agreed
to follow him, marching towards the south-west with colours flying and
drums beating, like a disciplined company. They forcibly entered the
house of Mr. Godfrey, and having murdered him, his wife, and children,
they took all the arms he had in it, set fire to the house, and then
proceeded towards Jacksonsburgh. In their way they plundered and burnt
every house, among which were those of Sacheveral, Nash, and Spry,
killing every white person they found in them, and compelling the negroes
to join them. Governor Bull returning to Charlestown from the southward,
met them, and, observing them armed, quickly rode out of their way. He
spread the alarm, which soon reached the Presbyterian church at Wiltown,
where Archibald Stobo was preaching to a numerous congregation of
planters in that quarter. By a law of the province all planters were
obliged to carry their arms to church, which at this critical juncture
proved a very useful and necessary regulation. The women were left in
church trembling with fear while the militia, under the command of
Captain Bee, marched in quest of the negroes, who by this time had become
formidable from the number that joined them. They had marched above
twelve miles, and spread desolation through all the plantations in their
way. Having found rum in some houses, and drank freely of it, they halted
in an open field, and began to sing and dance, by way of triumph. During
these rejoicings the militia discovered them, and stationed themselves in
different places around them, to prevent them from making their escape.
The intoxication of several of the slaves favoured the assailants. One
party advanced into the open field and attacked them, and, having killed
some negroes, the remainder took to the woods, and were dispersed. Many
ran back to their plantations, in hopes of escaping suspicion from the
absence of their masters; but the greater part were taken and tried. Such
as had been compelled to join them contrary to their inclination were
pardoned, but all the chosen leaders and first insurgents suffered death.
All Carolina was struck with terror and consternation by this
insurrection, in which above twenty persons were murdered before it was
quelled, and had not the people in that quarter been fortunately
collected together at church, it is probable many more would have
suffered. Or had it become general, the whole colony must have fallen a
sacrifice to their great power and indiscriminate fury. It was commonly
believed, and not without reason, that the Spaniards were deeply
concerned in promoting the mischief, and by their secret influence and
intrigues with slaves had instigated them to this massacre. Having
already four companies of negroes in their service, by penetrating into
Carolina, and putting the province into confusion, they might no doubt
have raised many more. But, to prevent farther attempts, Governor Bull
sent an express to General Oglethorpe with advice of the insurrection,
desiring him to double his vigilance in Georgia, and seize all straggling
Spaniards and negroes. In consequence of which a proclamation was issued
to stop all slaves found in that province, offering a reward for every
one they might catch attempting to run off. At the same time a company of
rangers were employed to patrole the frontiers, and block up all passages
by which they might make their escape to Florida.
[Sidenote] A war with Spain.
In the mean time things were hastening to a rupture in Europe, and a war
between England and Spain was thought unavoidable. The plenipotentiaries
appointed for settling the boundaries between Georgia and Florida, and
other differences and misunderstandings subsisting between the two
crowns, had met at Pardo in convention, where preliminary articles were
drawn up; but the conference ended to the satisfaction of neither party.
Indeed the proposal of a negotiation, and the appointment of
plenipotentiaries, gave universal offence to the people of Britain, who
breathed nothing but war and vengeance against the proud and arrogant
Spaniards. The merchants had lost all patience under their sufferings,
and became clamorous for letters of reprisal, which at length they
obtained. Public credit arose, and forwarded hostile preparations. All
officers of the navy and army were ordered to their stations, and with
the unanimous voice of the nation war was declared against Spain on the
23rd of October, 1739.
[Sidenote] A project for invading Florida.
While Admiral Vernon was sent to take the command of a squadron in the
West-India station, with orders to act offensively against the Spanish
dominions in that quarter, to divide their force, General Oglethorpe was
ordered also to annoy the subjects of Spain in Florida by every method in
his power. In consequence of which, the General immediately projected an
expedition against the Spanish settlement at Augustine. His design he
communicated by letter to Lieutenant Governor Bull, requesting the
support and assistance of Carolina in the expedition. Mr. Bull laid his
letter before the provincial assembly, recommending to them to raise a
regiment, and give him all possible assistance in an enterprize of such
interesting consequence. The assembly, sensible of the vast advantages
that must accrue to them from getting rid of such troublesome neighbours,
resolved that so soon as the General should communicate to them his plan
of operations, together with a state of the assistance requisite, at the
same time making it appear that there was a probability of success, they
would most cheerfully assist him. The Carolineans, however, were
apprehensive, that as that garrison had proved such a painful thorn in
their side in time of peace, they would have more to dread from it in
time of war; and although the colony had been much distressed by the
small-pox and the yellow fever for two years past, which had cut off the
hopes of many flourishing families; the people, nevertheless, lent a very
favourable ear to the proposal, and earnestly wished to give all the
assistance in their power towards dislodging an enemy so malicious and
cruel.
[Sidenote] Measures concerted for this purpose.
In the mean time General Oglethorpe was industrious in picking up all the
intelligence he could respecting the situation and strength of the
garrison, and finding it in great straits for want of provisions, he
urged the speedy execution of his project, with a view to surprise his
enemy before a supply should arrive. He declared, that no personal toil
or danger should discourage him from exerting himself towards freeing
Carolina from such neighbours as had instigated their slaves to massacre
them, and publicly protected them after such bloody attempts. To concert
measures with the greater secrecy and expedition, he went to Charlestown
himself, and laid before the legislature of Carolina an estimate of the
force, arms, ammunition, and provisions, which he judged might be
requisite for the expedition. In consequence of which, the Assembly voted
one hundred and twenty thousand pounds, Carolina money, for the service
of the war. A regiment, consisting of four hundred men, was raised,
partly in Virginia and partly in North and South Carolina, with the
greatest expedition, and the command was given to Colonel Vanderdussen.
Indians were sent for from the different tribes in alliance with Britain.
Vincent Price, commander of the ships of war on that station, agreed to
assist with a naval force consisting of four ships of twenty guns each,
and two sloops, which proved a great encouragement to the Carolineans,
and induced them to enter with double vigour on military preparations.
General Oglethorpe appointed the mouth of St. John's river, on the
Florida shore, for the place of rendezvous, and having finished his
preparations in Carolina, set out for Georgia to join his regiment, and
make all ready for the expedition.
[Sidenote] General Oglethorpe marches against Florida.
On the 9th of May 1740, the General passed over to Florida with four
hundred select men of his regiment, and a considerable party of Indians;
and on the day following invested Diego, a small fort, about twenty-five
miles from Augustine, which after a short resistance surrendered by
capitulation. In this fort he left a garrison of sixty men, under the
command of Lieutenant Dunbar, and returned to the place of general
rendezvous, where he was joined by Colonel Vanderdussen, with the
Carolina regiment, and a company of Highlanders, under the command of
Captain M'Intosh. But by this time six Spanish half-galleys, with long
brass nine pounders, and two sloops loaded with provisions, had got into
the harbour at Augustine. A few days afterwards, the General marched with
his whole force, consisting of above two thousand men, regulars,
provincials and Indians, to Fort Moosa, situated within two miles of
Augustine, which on his approach the Spanish garrison evacuated, and
retired into the town. He immediately ordered the gates of this fort to
be burnt, three breaches to be made in its walls, and then proceeded to
reconnoitre the town and castle.
Notwithstanding the dispatch of the British army, the Spaniards, during
their stay at Fort Diego, had collected all the cattle in the woods
around them, and drove them into the town; and the General found, both
from a view of the works, and the intelligence he had received from
prisoners, that more difficulty would attend this enterprize than he at
first expected. Indeed, if he intended a surprize, he ought not to have
stopped at Fort Diego, for by that delay the enemy had notice of his
approach, and time to gather their whole force, and put themselves in a
posture of defence. The castle was built of soft stone, with four
bastions; the curtain was sixty yards in length, the parapet nine feet
thick; the rampart twenty feet high, casemated underneath for lodgings,
arched over, and newly made bomb-proof. Fifty pieces of cannon were
mounted, several of which were twenty-four pounders. Besides the castle,
the town was entrenched with ten salient angles, on each of which some
small cannon were mounted. The garrison consisted of seven hundred
regulars, two troops of horse, four companies of armed negroes, besides
the militia of the province, and Indians.
[Sidenote] Invests Augustine.
The General now plainly perceived that an attack by land upon the town,
and an attempt to take the castle by storm would cost him dear before he
could reduce the place, and therefore changed his plan of operations.
With the assistance of the ships of war, which were now lying at anchor
off Augustine-bar, he resolved to turn the siege into a blockade, and try
to shut up every channel by which provisions could be conveyed to the
garrison. For this purpose he left Colonel Palmer with ninety-five
Highlanders, and forty-two Indians at Fort Moosa, with orders to scour
the woods around the town, and intercept all supplies of cattle from the
country by land. And, for the safety of his men, he at the same time
ordered him to encamp every night in a different place, to keep strict
watch around his camp, and by all means avoid coming to any action. This
small party was the whole force the General left for guarding the land
side. Then he sent Colonel Vanderdussen, with the Carolina regiment, over
a small creek, to take possession of a neck of land called Point Quartel,
above a mile distant from the castle, with orders to erect a battery upon
it; while he himself, with his regiment, and the greatest part of the
Indians, embarked in boats, and landed on the island of Anastatia. In
this island the Spaniards had a small party of men stationed for a guard,
who immediately fled to town, and as it lay opposite to the castle, from
this place, the General resolved to bombard the town. Captain Pierce
stationed one of his ships to guard the passage, by way of the Motanzas,
and with the others blocked up the mouth of the harbour, so that the
Spaniards were cut off from all supplies by sea. On the island of
Anastatia batteries were soon erected, and several cannon mounted by the
assistance of the active and enterprising sailors. Having made these
dispositions, General Oglethorpe then summoned the Spanish Governor to a
surrender; but the haughty Don, secure in his strong hold, sent him for
answer, that he would be glad to shake hands with him in his castle.
This insulting answer excited the highest degree of wrath and indignation
in the General's mind, and made him resolve to exert himself to the
utmost for humbling his pride. The opportunity of surprizing the place
being now lost, he had no other secure method left but to attack it at
the distance in which he then stood. For this purpose he opened his
batteries against the castle, and at the same time threw a number of
shells into the town. The fire was returned with equal spirit both from
the Spanish fort and from six half-gallies in the harbour, but so great
was the distance, that though they continued the cannonade for several
days, little execution was done on either side. Captain Warren, a brave
naval officer, perceiving that all efforts in this way for demolishing
the castle were vain and ineffectual, proposed to destroy the Spanish
gallies in the harbour, by an attack in the night, and offered to go
himself and head the attempt. A council of war was held to consider of
and concert a plan for that service; but, upon sounding the bar, it was
found it would admit no large ship to the attack, and with small ones it
was judged rash and impracticable, the gallies being covered by the
cannon of the castle, and therefore that design was dropt.
[Sidenote] Raises the siege.
In the mean time the Spanish commander observing the besiegers
embarrassed, and their operations beginning to relax, sent out a
detachment of three hundred men against Colonel Palmer, who surprised him
at Fort Moosa, and, while most of his party lay asleep, cut them almost
entirely to pieces. A few that accidentally escaped, went over in a small
boat to the Carolina regiment at Point Quartel. Some of the Chickesaw
Indians coming from that fort having met with a Spaniard, cut off his
head, agreeable to their savage manner of waging war, and presented it to
the General in his camp: but he rejected it with abhorrence, calling them
barbarous dogs, and bidding them begone. At this disdainful behaviour,
however, the Chickesaws were offended, declaring, that if they had
carried the head of an Englishman to the French, they would not have
treated them so: and perhaps the General discovered more humanity than
good policy by it, for these Indians, who knew none of the European
customs and refinements in war, soon after deserted him. About the same
time the vessel stationed at the Metanzas being ordered off, some small
ships from the Havanna with provisions, and a reinforcement of men, got
into Augustine, by that narrow channel, to the relief of the garrison. A
party of Creeks having surprised one of their small boats, brought four
Spanish prisoners to the General, who informed him, that the garrison had
received seven hundred men, and a large supply of provisions. Then all
prospects of starving the enemy being lost, the army began to despair of
forcing the place to surrender. The Carolinean troops, enfeebled by the
heat, dispirited by sickness, and fatigued by fruitless efforts, marched
away in large bodies. The navy being short of provisions, and the usual
season of hurricanes approaching, the commander judged it imprudent to
hazard his Majesty's ships, by remaining longer on that coast. Last of
all, the General himself, sick of a fever, and his regiment worn out with
fatigue, and rendered unfit for action by a flux, with sorrow and regret
followed, and reached Frederica about the 10th of July 1740.
Thus ended the unsuccessful expedition against Augustine, to the great
disappointment of both Georgia and Carolina. Many heavy reflections were
afterwards thrown out against General Oglethorpe for his conduct during
the whole enterprize. Perhaps the only chance of success he had from the
beginning was by surprising this garrison in the night by some sudden
attempt. He was blamed for remaining so long at fort Diego, by which
means the enemy had full intelligence of his approach, and time to
prepare for receiving him. He was charged with timidity afterwards, in
making no bold attempt on the town. It was said, that the officer who
means to act on the offensive, where difficulties must be surmounted,
ought to display some courage; and that too much timidity in war is often
as culpable as too much temerity. Great caution he indeed used for saving
his men, for excepting those who fell by the sword in fort Moosa, he lost
more men by sickness than by the hands of the enemy. Though the disaster
of Colonel Palmer, in which many brave Highlanders were massacred, was
perhaps occasioned chiefly by want of vigilance and a disobedience of
orders, yet many were of opinion, that it was too hazardous to have left
so small a party on the main land, exposed to sallies from a superior
enemy, and entirely cut off from all possibility of support and
assistance from the main body. In short, the Carolineans called in
question the General's military judgment and skill in many respects; and
protested that he had spent the time in barren deliberations, harassed
the men with unnecessary marches, allowed them not a sufficient quantity
of provisions, and poisoned them with breakish water. He, on the other
hand, declared he had no confidence in the firmness and courage of the
provincials; for that they refused obedience to his orders, and at last
abandoned his camp, and retreated to Carolina. The truth was, so strongly
fortified was the place, both by nature and art, that probably the
attempt must have failed, though it had been conducted by the ablest
officer, and executed by the best disciplined troops. The miscarriage,
however, was particularly ruinous to Carolina, having not only subjected
the province to a great expence, but also left it in a worse situation
than it was before the attempt.
[Sidenote] A great fire at Charlestown.
The same year stands distinguished in the annals of Carolina, not only
for this unsuccessful expedition against the Spaniards, but also for a
desolating fire, which in November following broke out in the capital,
and laid the half of it in ruins. This fire began about two o'clock in
the afternoon, and burnt with unquenchable violence until eight at night.
The houses being built of wood, and the wind blowing hard at north-west,
the flames spread with astonishing rapidity. From Broad-street, where the
fire kindled, to Granville's Bastion, almost every house was at one time
in flames, and exhibited an awful and striking scene. The vast quantities
of deerskins, rum, pitch, tar, turpentine and powder, in the different
stores, served to increase the horror, and the more speedily to spread
the desolation. Amidst the cries and shrieks of women and children, and
the bursting forth of flames in different quarters, occasioned by the
violent wind, which carried the burning shingles to a great distance, the
men were put into confusion, and so anxious were they about the safety of
their families, that they could not be prevailed upon to unite their
efforts for extinguishing the fire. The sailors from the men of war, and
ships in the harbour were the most active and adventurous hands engaged
in the service. But such was the violence of the flames, that it baffled
all the art and power of man, and burnt until the calmness of the evening
closed the dreadful scene. Three hundred of the best and most convenient
buildings in the town were consumed, which, together with lots of goods,
and provincial commodities, amounted to a prodigious sum. Happily few
lives were lost, but the lamentations of ruined families were heard in
every quarter. In short, from a flourishing condition the town was
reduced in the space of six hours to the lowest and most deplorable
state. All those inhabitants whose houses escaped the flames, went around
and kindly invited their unfortunate neighbours to them, so that two and
three families were lodged in places built only for the accommodation of
one. After the legislature met, to take the miserable state of the people
under consideration, they agreed to make application to the British
parliament for relief. The British parliament voted twenty thousand
pounds sterling, to be distributed among the sufferers at Charlestown,
which relief was equally seasonable and useful on the one side, as it was
generous and noble on the other. No time should obliterate the
impressions of such benevolent actions. This gift certainly deserved to
be wrote on the table of every heart, in the most indelible characters.
For all men must acknowledge, that it merited the warmest returns of
gratitude, not only from the unfortunate objects of such bounty, but from
the whole province.
[Sidenote] A petition in favour of the rice trade.
While the war between Great Britain and Spain continued, a bill was
brought into parliament to prevent the exportation of rice, among other
articles of provision, to France or Spain, with a view to distress these
enemies as much as possible. In consequence of which, a representation to
the following effect, in behalf of the province of Carolina, and the
merchants concerned in that trade, was presented to the House of Commons
while the bill was depending before them, praying that the article of
rice might be excepted out of the bill, and endeavouring to prove, that
the prohibiting its importation would be highly detrimental to Great
Britain, and in no respect to her enemies: "The inhabitants of South
Carolina have not any manufactures of their own, but are supplied from
Great Britain with all their clothing, and the other manufactures by them
consumed, to the amount of one hundred and fifty thousand pounds sterling
a-year. The only commodity of consequence produced in South Carolina is
rice, and they reckon it as much their staple commodity as sugar is to
Barbadoes and Jamaica, or tobacco to Virginia and Maryland; so that if
any stop be put to the exportation of rice from South Carolina to Europe,
it will not only render the planters there incapable of paying their
debts, but also reduce the government of that province to such
difficulties for want of money, as at this present precarious time may
render the whole colony an easy prey to their neighbours the Indians and
Spaniards, and also to those yet more dangerous enemies their own
negroes, who are ready to revolt on the first opportunity, and are eight
times as many in number as there are white men able to bear arms, and the
danger in this respect is greater since the unhappy expedition to
Augustine.
"From the year 1729, when his Majesty purchased South Carolina, the trade
of it hath so increased, that their annual exports and imports of late
have been double the value of what they were in the said year; and their
exports of rice in particular have increased in a greater proportion:
for, from the year 1720 to 1729, being ten years, both included, the
whole export of rice was 264,488 barrels, making 44,081 tons. From the
1730 to 1739, being also ten years, the whole export of rice was 499,525
barrels, making 99,905 tons; so that the export of the latter ten years
exceeded the former by 235,037 barrels, or 55,824 tons: and of the vast
quantities of rice thus exported, scarcely one fifteenth part is consumed
either in Great Britain or in any part of the British dominions; so that
the produce of the other fourteen parts is clear gain to the nation;
whereas almost all the sugar, and one fourth part of the tobacco,
exported from the British colonies, are consumed by the people of Great
Britain, or by British subjects; from whence it is evident, that the
national gain arising from rice is several times as great in proportion,
as the national gain arising from either sugar or tobacco.
"This year, _viz._ 1740, in particular, we shall export from South
Carolina above ninety thousand barrels of rice, of which quantity there
will not be three thousand barrels used here, so that the clear national
gain upon that export will be very great; for at the lowest computation,
of twenty-five shillings sterling _per_ barrel, the eighty-seven thousand
barrels exported will amount in value to one hundred and eight thousand
seven hundred and fifty pounds, at the first hand; whereto there must be
added the charge of freight, _&c._ from South Carolina to Europe, which
amount to more than the first cost of the rice, and are also gain to
Great Britain; so that the least gain upon this article for the present
year will be two hundred and twenty thousand pounds, over and above the
naval advantage of annually employing more than one hundred and sixty
ships of one hundred tons each."
"Rice being an enumerated commodity, it cannot be exported from South
Carolina without giving bond for double the value that the same shall be
landed in Great Britain, or in some of the British plantations, excepting
to the southward of Cape Finisterre, which last was permitted by a law
made in the year 1729; and the motive for such permission was, that the
rice might arrive more seasonably and in better condition at market. We
have hereunto added an account of the several quantities of rice which
have been exported from South Carolina to the different European markets
since the said law was made; and it will thereby appear, that we have not
in those ten years been able to find sale for any considerable quantity
of rice in Spain; for in all that time we have not sold above three
thousand five hundred and seventy barrels to the Spaniards, making only
three hundred and fifty-seven barrels annually upon a medium; nor can we
in the time to come expect any alteration in favour of our rice trade
there, because the Spaniards are supplied with an inferior sort of rice
from Turkey, _&c._ equally agreeable to them and a great deal cheaper
than ours; the truth whereof appears by the rice taken in a ship called
the Baltic Merchant and carried into St. Sebastians, where it was sold at
a price so much under the market rate here, or in Holland, as to
encourage the sending of it thence to Holland and Hamburgh.
"In France the importation of Carolina rice without licence is
prohibited; and though during the last and present years there hath, by
permission, been some consumption of it there, yet the whole did not
exceed nine thousand barrels, and they have received from Turkey so much
rice of the present year's growth, as to make that commodity five
shillings _per_ 100 _lb._ cheaper at Marseilles than here, and even at
Dunkirk it is one shilling and sixpence _per_ 100 _lb._ cheaper than
here; so that there is not any prospect of a demand for Carolina rice in
France, even if liberty could be obtained for sending the same to any
port of that kingdom.
"Germany and Holland are the countries where we find the best market for
our rice, and there the greater part of it is consumed; so that the
present intended embargo, or prohibitory law, cannot have any other
effect, in relation to rice, than that of preventing our allies from
using what our enemies do not want, nor we ourselves consume more than a
twentieth part of, and which is of so perishable a nature, that even in a
cold climate it doth not keep above a year without decaying, and in a
warm climate it perishes entirely. The great consumption of rice in
Germany and Holland is during the winter season, when pease and all kinds
of pulse, _&c._ are scarce; and the rice intended for those markets ought
to be brought there before the frost begins, time enough to be carried up
the rivers; so that preventing the exportation only a few days may be
attended with this had consequence, that by the frost the winter sale may
be lost.
"And as we have now, _viz._ since November 11th, above ten thousand
barrels of old rice arrived, so we may in a few weeks expect double that
quantity, besides the new crop now shipping off from Carolina; the
stopping of all which, in a country where there is not any sale for it,
instead of permitting the same to be carried to the only places of
consumption, must soon reduce the price thereof to so low a rate, that
the merchants who have purchased that rice will not be able to sell it
for the prime cost, much less will they be able to recover the money they
have paid for duty, freight, and other charges thereon, which amount to
double the first cost: for the rice that an hundred pounds sterling will
purchase in South Carolina, costs the importer two hundred more in
British duties, freight, and other charges[1]."
[1] An Account of Rice exported in Ten Years after the Province was
purchased for the King.
_Barrels._
To Portugal, - - - - - - - 83,379
To Gibraltar, - - - - - - 958
To Spain, - - - - - - - - 3,570
To France, - - - - - - - - 9,500
To Great Britain,
Ireland, and the
British Plantations, - - - 30,000
To Holland, Hamburgh
and Bremen, including
7000 barrels to Sweden
and Denmark, - - - - - - - 372,118
-------
Total quantity exported
in those ten years, - - - 499,525
"Thus it appears, that by prohibiting the exportation of rice from this
kingdom, the merchants who have purchased the vast quantities before
mentioned will not only lose the money it cost them, but twice as much
more in duties, freight, and other charges, by their having a perishable
commodity embargoed in a country where it is not used. Or if, instead of
laying the prohibition here, it be laid in South Carolina; that province,
the planters there, and the merchants who deal with them, must all be
involved in ruin; the province, for want of means to support the expense
of government; the planters, for want of the means to pay their debts and
provide future supplies; and the merchants, by not only losing those
debts, but twice as much more in the freight, duties, and other charges,
upon rice which they cannot sell. So that, in either case, a very
profitable colony, and the merchants concerned in the trade of it, would
be ruined for the present, if not totally lost to this kingdom, by
prohibiting the exportation of rice; and all this without doing any
national good in another way, for such prohibition could not in any shape
distress our enemies. It is therefore humbly hoped, that rice will be
excepted out of the bill now before the honourable House of Commons."
As this representation contains a distinct account of the produce and
trade of the province, and shews its usefulness and importance to Great
Britain, we judged it worthy of the particular attention of our readers,
and therefore have inserted it. With respect to the internal dangers
arising from the savage nature and vast number of the slaves, mentioned
in this and a former state of the province, we shall now make some
remarks, in which we will be naturally led to consider their miserable
condition, and the harsh treatment to which slavery necessarily subjects
them.
[Sidenote] Remarks on the treatment of slaves.
That slavery has been practiced by many of the most civilized nations in
the world, is indeed a truth evident from the history of them. In war the
conquerors were supposed to have a right to the life of their captives,
insomuch that they might kill, torture or enslave them, as they thought
proper. Yet, though war may be justifiable on the principles of
self-preservation and defence, it is no easy matter to vindicate the
conqueror's right to murder or enslave a disarmed enemy. Slavery in
general, like several other enormities, ought to be ascribed to the
corruption and avarice of men, rather than to any principles of nature
and humanity, which evidently testify against it; and that vindication
which is drawn from the custom and practice of ancient nations in favour
of such an institution, is equally applicable to many other enormities
which are a shame and disgrace to human nature. Helpless children have
been exposed to the fury of wild beasts; pride and ambition have spread
their desolations far and wide; but such practices are not therefore
humane and just. That many nations have encouraged slavery, and that the
remains of it are still observable among the freest of them, are argument
which none will plead for their honour and credit. That species of
servitude which still remains in Britain among the labourers in the coal
mines, _&c._ is very different from that to which the natives of Africa
are subjected in the western world; because such labourers voluntarily
enter on such servitude, they acquire wages as their reward, and both
their persons and properties are under the protection of the laws of the
realm.
Upon the slightest reflection all men must confess, that those Africans,
whom the powers of Europe have conspired to enslave, are by nature
equally free and independent, equally susceptible of pain and pleasure,
equally averse from bondage and misery, as Europeans themselves. Like all
rude nations, they have a strong attachment to their native country, and
to those friends and relations with whom they spent the early years of
life. By this trade being torn from those nearest connections, and
transported to a distant land, it is no easy thing to describe the
uneasiness and pain they must endure from such violence and banishment.
During the passage being loaded with irons, and cooped up in a ship,
oppressed with the most gloomy apprehensions, many of them sicken and die
through fear and regret. The provisions made for the voyage by the
merchants and masters of ships, who consult their worldly interest more
than the dictates of humanity, we may be sure are neither of the best
kind, nor distributed among them in the most plentiful manner. After
their arrival they are sold and delivered over to the colonists, to whose
temper, language and manners they are utter strangers; where their
situation for some time, in case of harsh usage, is little better than
that of the dumb beasts, having no language but groans in which they can
express their pains, nor any friend to pity or relieve them. Some destroy
themselves through despair, and from a persuasion they fondly entertain,
that, after death, they will return to their beloved friends and native
country.
[Sidenote] The hardships of their situation.
After the sale the purchasers become vested with the absolute property of
them, according to the laws, usages, and customs of the trade, and
whatever hardships are thereby imposed on those foreigners, the planters
are so far excusable, having the sanction of the supreme legislature for
the purchase they make. The laws of England, from necessity or
expediency, have permitted such labourers to be imported among them; and
therefore, on their part, the purchase, however injurious, cannot be
illegal. Having acquired this kind of property, it then lies with the
colonists to frame laws and regulations for the future management of
their slaves. In doing this, absolute obedience and non-resistance are
fundamental principles established for the government of them, and
enforced by the severest penalties. All laws framed with respect to them,
give their masters such authority over them as is under few limitations.
Their power of correction may be said to be only not allowed to extend to
death. However severely beat and abused, no negro can bring an action
against his owner, or appear as an evidence against white men, in any
court of law or justice. Their natural rights as human creatures are
entirely disregarded, and punishments are commonly inflicted according to
the will of their master, however cruel and barbarous his disposition may
be. A common place of correction is instituted, to which they are sent to
receive such a number of stripes as their owners shall order, and such
blunders have been committed in giving and executing those orders, that
the innocent sometimes have suffered along with the guilty. In short,
such is their miserable condition, that they are exposed defenceless to
the insolence, caprice, and passions of owners, obliged to labour all
their life without any prospect of reward, or any hope of an end of their
toil until the day of their death. At the decease of their masters they
descend, like other estates of inheritance, to the heir at law, and
sometimes to thoughtless and giddy youth, habituated from their earliest
days to treat them like brutes. At other times, no doubt, they are more
fortunate, but their condition of life evidently subjects them to harsh
usage even from the best of masters, and we leave the world to judge what
they have to expect from the worst.
Indeed it must be acknowledged, in justice to the planters of Carolina in
general, that they treat their slaves with as much, and perhaps more
tenderness, than those of any British colony where slavery exists; yet a
disinterested stranger must observe, even among the best of masters,
several instances of cruelty and negligence in the manner of managing
their slaves. Comparatively speaking, they are well clothed and fed in
that province, which while they continue in health fits and qualifies
them for their task. When they happen to fall sick, they are carefully
attended by a physician; in which respect their condition is better than
that of the poorest class of labourers in Europe. But in the West Indies,
we have been told, they are both covered with rags and have a scanty
portion of provisions allowed them, in which case urgent necessity and
pinching hunger must often urge them to pilfer, and commit many injuries
to which otherwise they would have no inclination, and for which they
incur severe punishment. In cases of violence and murder committed on
these wretched creatures, it is next to impossible to have the
delinquents brought to punishment; for either the grand jury refuse to
find the bill, or the petty jury bring in the verdict not guilty. When
they are tempted to fly to the woods to shun severe labour or punishment
then they may be hunted down or shot as wild beasts. When whipped to
death, the murderer, after all, is only subjected to an inconsiderable
fine, or a short imprisonment, by the provincial laws. It is impossible
that the Author of nature ever intended human beings for such a wretched
fate; for surely he who gave life, gave also an undoubted right to the
means of self-preservation and happiness, and all the common rights and
privileges of nature.
But there is another circumstance which renders their case still more
wretched and deplorable. Good masters and mistresses, whose humanity and
a sense of interest will not permit them to treat their negroes in a
harsh manner, do not always reside at their plantations. Many planters
have several settlements at considerable distances from the place where
they usually live, which they visit perhaps only three or four times in a
year. In their absence the charge of negroes is given to overseers, many
of whom are ignorant and cruel, and all totally disinterested in the
welfare of their charge. In such a case it can scarcely be expected that
justice will be equally dispensed, or punishments properly inflicted. The
negroes, however, ly entirely at the mercy of such men, and such monsters
they sometimes are, as can inflict misery in sport, and hear the groans
extorted from nature with laughter and triumph. All slaves under their
care must yield absolute obedience to their orders, however unreasonable
and difficult, or suffer punishment for their disobedience. It would
rouze the anguish and indignation of a humane person to stand by while a
puny overseer chastises those slaves, and behold with what piercing
stripes he furrows the back of an able negro, whose greatness of soul
will not suffer him to complain, and whose strength could crush his
tormentor to atoms. The unmerciful whip with which they are chastised is
made of cow-skin, hardened, twisted, and tapering, which brings the blood
with every blow, and leaves a scar on their naked back which they carry
with them to their grave. At the arbitrary will of such managers, many of
them with hearts of adamant, this unfortunate race are brought to the
post of correction, often no doubt through malice and wantonness, often
for the most trifling offences, and sometimes, O horrid! when entirely
innocent. Can it be deemed wonderful, that such unhappy creatures should
now and then be tempted to assert the rights of nature? Must not such
harsh usage often fire them with desires of liberty and vengeance? What
can be expected but that they should sometimes give those oppressors
grounds of fear, who have subjected them to such intolerable hardships.
But from those labourers in the field the colonials have perhaps less
danger to dread, than from the number of tradesmen and mechanics in
towns, and domestic slaves. Many negroes discover great capacities, and
an amazing aptness for learning trades, where dangerous tools are used;
and many owners, from motives of profit and advantage, breed them to be
coopers, carpenters, bricklayers, smiths, and other trades. Out of mere
ostentation the colonists also keep a number of them about their
families, who attend their tables, and hear their conversation, which
very often turns upon their own various arts, plots, and assassinations.
From such open and imprudent conversation those domestics may no doubt
take dangerous hints, which, on a fair opportunity, may be applied to
their owners hurt. They have also easy access to fire arms, which gives
them a double advantage for mischief. When they are of a passionate and
revengeful disposition, such domestic slaves seldom want an opportunity
of striking a sudden blow, and avenging themselves, in case of ill usage,
by killing or poisoning their owners. Such crimes have often been
committed in the colonies, and punished; and there is reason to believe
they have also frequently happened, when they have passed undiscovered.
Prudence and self-preservation strongly dictate to the Carolineans the
necessity of guarding against those dangers which arise from domestic
slaves, many of whom are idle, cunning and deceitful.
[Sidenote] Oppressed with ignorance and superstition.
In other respects the policy of the colonists, with respect to the
management and treatment of slaves is extremely defective. The hardships
to which their bodies are exposed, would be much more tolerable and
justifiable, were any provision made for civilizing and improving their
minds. But how grievous their circumstances when we consider, that,
together with their bodily toil and misery, they are also kept in heathen
ignorance and darkness, destitute of the means of instruction, and
excluded in a manner from the pale of the Christian church. Humanity
places every rational creature upon a level, and gives all an equal title
those rights of nature, which are essential to life and happiness.
Christianity breathes a spirit of benevolence, gentleness, and compassion
for mankind in general, of what nation or complexion soever they be. As
government has tolerated and established slavery in the plantations, the
supreme charge of these creatures may be regarded rather as a national
than a provincial concern. Being members of a great empire, living under
its supreme care and jurisdiction, and contributing to the increase of
trade and commerce, to the improvement and opulence of the British
dominions, they are unquestionably entitled to a share of national
benevolence and Christian charity. An institution for their religious
instruction was an object of such usefulness and importance, that it
merited the attention of the supreme legislature; and the expence of a
few superb and perhaps empty churches in England, would certainly have
been better employed in erecting some neat buildings in the plantations
for this beneficial purpose. To such an institution the merchants of
Britain, especially those who owe a great part of their opulence to the
labours of Africans, and whose plea for the trade was the bringing them
within the pale of the Christian church, ought certainly to have
contributed in the most liberal manner. The profits of the trade,
abstracting from other considerations, could well admit of it; but every
principle of compassion for the ignorant, the poor, and the unfortunate,
powerfully dictates the same duty, the neglect of which, to every
impartial judge, must appear in a very inexcusable and criminal light.
Masters of slaves under the French and Spanish jurisdictions, are obliged
by law to allow them time for instruction, and to bring them up in the
knowledge and practice of the Catholic religion. Is it not a reproach to
the subjects of Britain, who profess to be the freest and most civilized
people upon earth, that no provision is made for this purpose, and that
they suffer so many thousands of these creatures, residing in the British
dominions, to live and die the slaves of ignorance and superstition? How
can they expect the blessing of heaven on the riches flowing from their
foreign plantations, when they are at no pains to introduce those objects
of their care to the knowledge of the true God, and to make them
partakers of the benefits and hopes of Christianity.
The advantages of religion, like the other gifts of heaven, ought to be
free and common as the air we breathe to every human creature, capable of
making a proper use and improvement of them. To the honour of the society
for the propagation of the Gospel it must indeed be acknowledged, that
they have made some efforts for the conversion and instruction of those
heathens. Not many years ago they had no less than twelve missionaries in
Carolina, who had instructions to give all the assistance in their power
for this laudable purpose, and to each of whom they allowed fifty pounds
a-year, over and above their provincial salaries. But it is well known,
that the fruit of their labours has been very small and inconsiderable.
Such feeble exertions were no ways equal to the extent of the work
required, nor to the greatness of the end proposed. Whether their small
success ought to be ascribed to the rude and untractable dispositions of
the negroes, to the discouragements and obstructions thrown in the way by
their owners, or to the negligence and indolence of the missionaries
themselves we cannot pretend to determine. Perhaps we may venture to
assert, that it has been more or less owing to all these different
causes. One thing is very certain, that the negroes of that country, a
few only excepted, are to this day as great strangers to Christianity,
and as much under the influence of Pagan darkness, idolatry and
superstition, as they were at their first arrival from Africa.
But, though neglected by the British nation, they are entitled to a share
of the common privileges of humanity and Christianity, from their
provincial owners. It is their duty and interest to use slaves with
tenderness and compassion, and render them as happy and contented as
their situation will admit. Were they to allow them certain portions of
time from their labours of body for the improvement of their mind, and
open the way for, and provide the means of instruction, would not kind
usage be productive of many beneficial effects? The loss of labour none
but avaricious wretches would grudge, and the day of rest allotted for
man and beast since the beginning of the world, and properly improved for
that purpose, might of itself be attended with good consequences;
whereas, to encourage them to labour on that day for themselves, is not
only robbing them of the opportunities of instruction, but abusing the
Sunday, by making it to them the most laborious day of the week. It would
strike a stranger with astonishment and indignation, to hear the excuses
planters make for this criminal neglect. Some will tell you they are
beings of an inferior rank, and little exalted above brute creatures;
that they have no souls, and therefore no concern need be taken about
their salvation. Others affirm, that they would become more expert in
vice by being taught, and greater knaves by being made Christians. But
such advocates for heathen ignorance and barbarism merit no serious
notice, being enemies to all improvements in human nature, and all the
benefits resulting to society from civilization and Christianity. Certain
it is, the inhabitants of Africa have the same faculties with those of
Europe. Their minds are equally capable of cultivation, equally
susceptible of the impressions of religion. Ridiculous is it to imagine,
that the black tincture of their skin, or the barbarous state in which
they were there found, can make any material alteration. Though fortune
has put the former under the power of the latter, and assigned them the
portion of perpetual labour to procure the mere luxuries of life for
other men; yet, if such a traffic be reasonable and just, there is no
crime negroes can commit that may not be defended and justified upon the
same principles. If Europe, to obtain sugar, rum, rice, and tobacco, has
a right to enslave Africa; surely Africa, if she had the power, has a
much better right to rob Europe of those commodities, the fruits of her
children's labour. Every argument that can be brought in support of the
institution of slavery, tends to the subversion of justice and morality
in the world. The best treatment possible from the colonists cannot
compensate for so great a loss. Freedom, in its meanest circumstances, is
infinitely preferable to slavery, though it were in golden fetters, and
accompanied with the greatest splendour, ease, and abundance.
If then the greatest advantages are not a sufficient compensation for the
loss of liberty, what shall we think of those who deny them the smallest?
But one would imagine that, exclusive of every other motive, personal
safety would even induce the colonists to provide for them those
advantages which would render them as easy and contented as possible with
their condition. Were they duly impressed with a sense of their duty to
God and man; were they taught the common rules of honesty, justice, and
truth; were their dispositions to humility, submission, and obedience,
cultivated and improved; would not such advantages place them more on a
level with hired servants, who pay a ready and cheerful obedience to
their masters? Were they favoured with the privileges of Christianity,
would they not be more faithful and diligent, and better reconciled to
their servile condition? Besides, Christianity has a tendency to tame
fierce and wild tempers. It is not an easy thing to display the great and
extensive influence which the fear of God, and the expectation of a
future account, would have upon their minds: Christianity enforces the
obligations of morality, and produces a more regular and uniform
obedience to its laws. A due sense of the divine presence, the hopes of
his approbation, and the fears of his displeasure, are motives that
operate powerfully with the human mind, and in fact would prove stronger
barriers against trespasses, murders, plots, and conspiracies, than any
number of stripes from the hands of men, or even the terrors of certain
death. Whereas, to keep the minds of human creatures under clouds of
darkness, neither disciplined by reason, nor regulated by religion, is a
reproach to the name of Protestants, especially in a land of Christian
light and liberty. Sundays and holidays are indeed allowed the negroes in
Carolina, the former cannot consistent with the laws be denied them; the
latter, as they are commonly spent are nuisances to the province.
Holidays there are days of idleness, riot, wantonness and excess; in
which the slaves assemble together in alarming crowds, for the purposes
of dancing, feasting and merriment. At such seasons the inhabitants have
the greatest reason to dread mischief from them; when let loose from
their usual employments, they have fair opportunities of hatching plots
and conspiracies, and of executing them with greater facility, from the
intemperance of their owners and overseers.
After all, it must be confessed, that the freemen of Carolina themselves
were for many years in a destitute condition with respect to religious
instruction; partly owing to their own poverty and the unhealthiness of
the climate, and partly owing to troubles and divisions subsisting among
them during the proprietary government. At that time the first object of
their concern would no doubt be to provide for themselves and their
children: but since the province has been taken under the royal care,
their circumstances in every respect have changed for the better,
insomuch that they are not only able to provide instruction for
themselves and families, but also to extend the benefit to those living
in a state of servitude among them. Now they are arrived to such an easy
and flourishing situation, as renders their neglect entirely without
excuse. The instruction of negroes would no doubt be a difficult, but by
no means an impracticable undertaking, and the more difficult the end,
the more praise and merit would be due to those who should effectually
accomplish it. Even the Catholics of Spain pitied the miserable condition
of negroes living among the protestant colonies, and to induce them to
revolt, proffered them the advantages of liberty and religion at
Augustine. Is it not a shame to a Protestant nation to keep such a number
of human creatures so long among them, beings of the same nature,
subjects of the same government, who have souls to be saved, and capable
of being eternally happy or miserable in a future world, not only in a
miserable state of slavery, but also of pagan darkness and superstition.
What could be expected from creatures thus doomed to endless labour, and
deprived of the natural rights of humanity and the privileges of
Christianity, but that they should snatch at the least glimmering hopes
and prospects of a better state, and give their task-masters reason to
dread, that they would lay hold of some opportunity of forcing their way
to it. This inexcusable negligence with respect to them may be considered
of itself as no small source of danger to the colonists, as the hazard is
greater from savage and ferocious, than mild and civilized dispositions,
and, as the restraints of terror and temporal punishments are less
constant and powerful than those of conscience and religion. The
political and commercial connection subsisting between the mother country
and the colonies, makes the charge of negroes, in reason and justice, to
fall equally upon both. And whatever other men may think, we are of
opinion, that an institution for their instruction was an object of the
highest consequence, and that, by all the laws of God and man, that
nation which brought this unfortunate race into such a situation, was
bound to consult both their temporal and eternal felicity.
[Sidenote] James Glen governor.
About this time James Glen received a commission from his majesty,
investing him with the government of South Carolina, and at the same time
was appointed Colonel of a new regiment of foot to be raised in the
province. He was a man of considerable knowledge, courteous, and polite;
exceedingly fond of military parade and ostentation, which commonly have
great force on ordinary minds, and by these means he maintained his
dignity and importance in the eyes of the people. All governors invested
with extensive powers ought to be well acquainted with the common and
civil laws of their country; and every wise prince will guard against
nominating weak or wicked persons to an high office, which affords them
many opportunities of exercising their power to the prejudice of the
people. When men are promoted to the government of provinces on account
of their abilities and merit, and not through the interest of friends,
then we may expect to see public affairs wisely managed, authority
revered, and every man sitting secure under his vine, and enjoying the
fruits of his industry with contentment and satisfaction. But when such
offices are bestowed on ignorant or needy persons, because they happen to
be favourites of some powerful and clamorous Lord at court, without any
view to the interest and happiness of the people, then avarice and
oppression commonly prevail on one hand, and murmur and discontent on the
other. The appointment of Governor Glen was so far proper, as he
possessed those qualifications which rendered his government respectable,
and the people living under it for several years happy and contented. His
council, consisting of twelve men, were appointed also by the King, under
his sign manual. The assembly of representatives consisted of forty-four
members, and were elected every third year by the freeholders of sixteen
parishes. The court of chancery was composed of the Governor and Council,
to which court belonged a master of chancery and a register. There was a
court of vice-admiralty, the Judge, Register, and Marshal of which were
appointed by the Lords Commissioners of the Admiralty in England. The
Court of King's Bench consisted of a Chief Justice appointed by the King,
who sat with some assistant justices of the province; and the same judges
constituted the Court of Common Pleas. There were likewise an
Attorney-General, a Clerk, and Provost-Marshal. The Secretary of the
province, who was also Register, the Surveyor-general of the lands, and
the Receiver-general of the quit-rents, were all appointed by the Crown.
The Comptroller of the customs, and three Collectors, at the ports of
Charlestown, Port-Royal, and Georgetown, were appointed by the
Commissioners of the Customs in England. The provincial Treasurer was
appointed by the General Assembly. The clergy were elected by the
freeholders of the parish. All Justices of the peace, and officers of the
militia, were appointed by the Governor in Council. This is the nature of
the provincial government and constitution, and in this way were the
principal officers of each branch appointed or elected, under the royal
establishment.
[Sidenote] Ld. Carteret's property divided from that of the Crown.
About the same time John Lord Carteret (now Earl of Granville) applied by
petition to his Majesty, praying that the eighth part of the lands and
soil granted by King Charles, and referred to him by the act of
parliament establishing an agreement with the other seven Lords
Proprietors for the surrender of their title and interest to his Majesty,
might be set apart and allotted to him and his heirs for ever, and
proposing to appoint persons to divide the same; at the same time
offering to resign to the King his share of, and interest in the
government, and to convey, release and confirm to his Majesty, and his
heirs, the other seven parts of the province. This petition being
referred to the Lords Commissioners of trade and plantations, they
reported, that it would be for his Majesty's service that Lord Carteret's
property should be separated from that of his Majesty, and that the
method proposed by his Lordship would be the most proper and effectual
for the purpose. Accordingly five commissioners were appointed on the
part of the King, and five on that of Lord Carteret for separating his
Lordship's share, and making it one entire district by itself. The
territory allotted him was divided on the north-east by the line which
separated North Carolina from Virginia; on the east by the Atlantic
ocean; on the south by a point on the sea-shore, in latitude thirty-five
degrees and thirty-four minutes; and, agreeable to the charter, westward
from these points on the sea-shore it extended, in a line parallel to the
boundary line of Virginia, to the Pacific Ocean. Not long afterwards, a
grant of the eighth part of Carolina, together with all yearly rents and
profits arising from it, passed the great seal, to John Lord Carteret and
his heirs. But the power of making laws, calling and holding assemblies,
erecting courts of justice, appointing judges and justices, pardoning
criminals, granting titles of honour, making ports and havens, taking
customs or duties on goods, executing the martial law, exercising the
royal rights of a county palatine, or any other prerogatives relating to
the administrations of government, were all excepted out of the grant.
Lord Carteret was to hold this estate upon condition of yielding and
paying to his Majesty and his heirs and successors, the annual-rent of
one pound thirteen shillings and fourpence, on the feast of All-Saints,
for ever, and also one fourth part of all the gold and silver ore found
within this eighth part of the territory so separated and granted him.
[Sidenote] The country much exposed to invasion.
As Carolina abounds with navigable rivers, while it enjoys many
advantages for commerce and trade, it is also much exposed to foreign
invasions. The tide on that coast flows from six to ten feet
perpendicular, and makes its way up into the flat country by a variety of
channels. All vessels that draw not above seventeen feet water, may
safely pass over the bar of Charlestown, which at spring-tides will admit
ships that draw eighteen feet. This bar lies in thirty-two degrees and
forty minutes north latitude, and seventy-eight degrees and forty-five
minutes west longitude from London. Its situation is variable, owing to a
sandy foundation and the rapid flux and reflux of the sea. The channel
leading to George-town is twelve or thirteen feet deep, and likewise
those of North and South Edisto rivers, and will admit all ships that
draw not above ten or eleven feet of water. At Stono there is also a
large creek, which admits vessels of the same draught of water; but Sewee
and Santee rivers, and many others of less note, are for smaller craft
which draw seven, eight, or nine feet. The channel up to Port Royal
harbour is deep enough for the largest ships that sail on the sea; and
the whole royal navy of England may ride with safety in it. Nature has
evidently ordained this place for trade and commerce, by the many
advantages with which she hath favoured it. It lies in thirty-two degrees
and five minutes north latitude, and in longitude seventy-nine degrees
five minutes. Its situation renders it an excellent station for a
squadron of ships in time of war, as the run from it is short to the
windward islands, but especially as it lies so convenient for distressing
the immense trade coming through the Gulf of Florida. From this harbour
ships may run out to the Gulf stream in one day, and return with equal
ease the next, so that it would be very difficult to escape a sufficient
number of cruisers stationed at Beaufort. The harbour is also defended by
a small fort, built of tappy, which is a kind of cement composed of
oyster-shells beat small, and mixed with lime and water, which when dry
becomes hard and durable. The fort has two demi-bastions to the river,
and one bastion to the land, with a gate and ditch, mounting sixteen
heavy cannon, and containing barracks for an hundred men.
Several leagues to the southward of Port-Royal, Savanna river empties
itself into the ocean, which is also navigable for ships that draw not
above fourteen feet water. At the southern boundary of Georgia the great
river Alatamaha falls into the Atlantic sea, about sixteen leagues
north-east of Augustine, which lies in twenty-nine degrees fifty minutes.
This river admits ships of large burden as far as Frederica, a small town
built by General Oglethorpe, on an eminence in Simon's Island. The island
on the west end is washed by a branch of the river Alatamaha, before it
empties itself into the sea at Jekyl sound. At Frederica the river forms
a kind of bay. The fort General Oglethorpe erected here for the defence
of Georgia had several eighteen pounders mounted on it and commanded the
river both upwards and downwards. It was built of tappy, with four
bastions, surrounded by a quadrangular rampart, and a palisadoed ditch,
which included also the King's stores, and two large buildings of brick
and timber. The town was surrounded with a rampart, in the form of a
pentagon, with flankers of the same thickness with that at the fort, and
a dry ditch. On this rampart several pieces of ordnance were also
mounted. In this situation General Oglethorpe had pitched his camp, which
was divided into streets, distinguished by the names of the several
Captains of his regiment. Their little huts were built of wood, and
constructed for holding each four or five men. At some distance from
Frederica was the colony of Highlanders, situated on the same river, a
wild and intrepid race, living in a state of rural freedom and
independence. Their settlement being near the frontiers, afforded them
abundance of scope for the exercise of their warlike temper; and having
received one severe blow from the garrison at Augustine, they seemed to
long for an opportunity of revenging the massacre of their beloved
friends.
[Sidenote] The Spaniards invade Georgia.
The time was fast approaching for giving them what they desired. For
although the territory granted by the second charter to the proprietors
at Carolina extended far to the south-west of the river Alatamaha, the
Spaniards had never relinquished their pretended claim to the province of
Georgia. Their ambassador at the British court had even declared that his
Catholic Majesty would as soon part with Madrid as his claim to that
territory. The squadron commanded by Admiral Vernon had for some time
occupied their attention in the West Indies so much, that they could
spare none of their forces to maintain their supposed right. But no
sooner had the greatest part of the British fleet left those seas, and
returned to England, than they immediately turned their eyes to Georgia,
and began to make preparations for dislodging the English settlers in
that province. Finding that threats could not terrify General Oglethorpe
to compliance with their demands, an armament was prepared at the Havanna
to go against him, and expel him by force of arms from their frontiers.
With this view two thousand forces, commanded by Don Antonio de Rodondo,
embarked at the Havanna, under the convoy of a strong squadron, and
arrived at Augustine in May 1742.
But before this formidable fleet and armament had reached Augustine, they
were observed by Captain Haymer, of the Flamborough man of war, who was
cruising on that coast; and advice was immediately sent to General
Oglethorpe of their arrival in Florida. Georgia now began to tremble in
her turn. The General sent intelligence to Governor Glen at Carolina,
requesting him to collect all the forces he could with the greatest
expedition, and send them to his assistance; and at the same time to
dispatch a sloop to the West Indies, to acquaint Admiral Vernon with the
intended invasion.
Carolina by this time had found great advantage from the settlement of
Georgia, which had proved an excellent barrier to that province, against
the incursions of Spaniards and Spanish Indians. The southern parts being
rendered secure by the regiment of General Oglethorpe in Georgia, the
lands backward of Port-Royal had become much in demand, and risen four
times their former value. But though the Carolineans were equally
interested with their neighbours in the defence of Georgia, having little
confidence in General Oglethorpe's military abilities, since his
unsuccessful expedition against Augustine, the planters, struck with
terror, especially those on the southern parts, deserted their
habitations, and flocked to Charlestown with their families and effects.
The inhabitants of Charlestown, many of whom being prejudiced against the
man, declared against sending him any assistance, and determined rather
to fortify their town, and stand upon their own grounds in a posture of
defence. In this resolution, however, it is plain they acted from bad
motives, in leaving that officer to stand alone against such a superior
force. At such an emergency, good policy evidently required the firmest
union, and the utmost exertion of the force of both colonies; for so soon
as General Oglethorpe should be crushed, the reduction of Georgia would
open to the common enemy an easy access into the bowels of Carolina, and
render the force of both provinces, thus divided, unequal to the public
defence.
In the mean time General Oglethorpe was making all possible preparations
at Frederica for a vigorous stand. Message after message was sent to his
Indian allies, who were greatly attached to him, and crowded to his camp.
A company of Highlanders joined him on the first notice; and seemed
joyful at the opportunity of retorting Spanish vengeance on their own
heads. With his regiment, and a few rangers, Highlanders, and Indians,
the General fixed his head quarters at Frederica, never doubting of a
reinforcement from Carolina, and expecting their arrival every day; but
in the mean time determined, in case he should be attacked, to sell his
life as dear as possible in defence of the province.
About the end of June, 1742, the Spanish fleet, amounting to thirty-two
sail; and carrying above three thousand men, under the command of Don
Manuel de Monteano, came to anchor off Simons's bar. Here they continued
for some time sounding the channel, and after finding a depth of water
sufficient to admit their ships, they came in with the tide of flood into
Jekyl sound. General Oglethorpe, who was at Simons's fort, fired at them
as they passed the sound, which the Spaniards returned from their ships,
and proceeded up the river Alatamaha, out of the reach of his guns. There
the enemy having hoisted a red flag at the mizen top-mast-head of the
largest ship, landed their forces upon the island, and erected a battery,
with twenty eighteen pounders mounted on it. Among their land forces they
had a fine company of artillery, under the command of Don Antonio de
Rodondo, and a regiment of negroes. The negro commanders were clothed in
lace, bore the same rank with white officers, and with equal freedom and
familiarity walked and conversed with their commander and chief. Such an
example might justly have alarmed Carolina. For should the enemy
penetrate into that province, where there were such numbers of negroes,
they would soon have acquired such a force, as must have rendered all
opposition fruitless and ineffectual.
General Oglethorpe having found that he could not stop the progress of
the enemy up the river, and judging his situation at Fort Simons too
dangerous, nailed up the guns, burst the bombs and coehorns, destroyed
the stores, and retreated to his head quarters at Frederica. So great was
the force of the enemy, that he plainly perceived that nothing remained
for him to achieve, with his handful of men, and therefore resolved to
use his utmost vigilance, and to act only on the defensive. On all sides
he sent out scouting parties to watch the motions of the Spaniards, while
the main body were employed in working at the fortifications, making them
as strong as circumstances would admit. Day and night he kept his Indian
allies ranging through the woods, to harass the outposts of the enemy,
who at length brought in five Spanish prisoners, who informed him of
their number and force, and that the Governor of Augustine was commander
in chief of the expedition. The General, still expecting a reinforcement
from Carolina, used all his address in planning measures for gaining
time, and preventing the garrison from sinking into despair. For this
purpose he sent out the Highland company also to assist the Indians, and
obstruct as much as possible the approach of the enemy till he should
obtain assistance and relief. His provisions for the garrison were
neither good nor plentiful, and his great distance from all settlements,
together with the enemy keeping the command of the river, cut off
entirely all prospects of a supply. To prolong the defence, however, he
concealed every discouraging circumstance from his little army, which,
besides Indians, did not amount to more than seven hundred men; and to
animate them to perseverance, exposed himself to the same hardships and
fatigues with the meanest soldier in his garrison.
[Sidenote] A stratagem to get rid of the enemy.
While Oglethorpe remained in this situation, the enemy made several
attempts to pierce through the woods, with a view to attack the fort; but
met with such opposition from deep morasses, and dark thickets, lined
with fierce Indians, and wild Highlanders, that they honestly confessed
that the devil himself could not pass through them to Frederica. Don
Manuel de Monteano, however, had no other prospect left, and these
difficulties must either be surmounted, or the design dropt; and
therefore one party after another was sent out to explore the thickets,
and to take possession of every advantageous post to be found in them. In
two skirmishes with the Highlanders and Indians, the enemy had one
captain, and two lieutenants killed, with above one hundred men taken
prisoners. After which the Spanish commander changed his plan of
operations, and keeping his men under cover of his cannon, proceeded with
some gallies up the river with the tide of flood, to reconnoitre the
fort, and draw the General's attention to another quarter. To this place
Oglethorpe sent a party of Indians, with orders to lie in ambuscade in
the woods, and endeavour to prevent their landing. About the same time an
English prisoner escaped from the Spanish camp, and brought advice to
General Oglethorpe of a difference subsisting in it, in so much that the
forces from Cuba, and those from Augustine encamped in separate places.
Upon which the General resolved to attempt a surprise on one of the
Spanish camps, and taking the advantage of his knowledge of the woods,
marched out in the night with three hundred chosen men, the Highland
company, and some rangers. Having advanced within two miles of the
enemy's camp, he halted, and went forward with a small party to take a
view of the posture of the enemy. But while he wanted above all things to
conceal his approach, a Frenchman fired his musket, run off and alarmed
the enemy. Upon which Oglethorpe finding his design defeated, retreated
to Frederica, and being apprehensive that the deserter would discover his
weakness, began to study by what device he might most effectually defeat
the credit of his informations. For this purpose he wrote a letter,
addressing it to the deserter, in which he desired him to acquaint the
Spaniards with the defenceless state of Frederica, and how easy and
practicable it would be to cut him and his small garrison to pieces. He
begged him, as his spy, to bring them forward to the attack, and assure
them of success; but if he could not prevail with them to make that
attempt, to use all his art and influence to persuade them to stay at
least three days more at Fort Simons, for within that time, according to
the advice he had just received from Carolina, he would have a
reinforcement of two thousand land-forces, and six British ships of war,
with which he doubted not he would be able to give a good account of the
Spanish invaders. He intreated the deserter to urge them to stay, and
above all things cautioned him against mentioning a single word of Vernon
coming against Augustine, assuring him, that for such services he should
be amply rewarded by his Britannic Majesty. This letter he gave to one of
the Spanish prisoners, who for the sake of liberty and a small reward,
promised to deliver it to the French deserter; but, instead of that, as
Oglethorpe expected, he delivered it to the commander and chief of the
Spanish army.
[Sidenote] The Spaniards retreat to Augustine.
Various were the speculations and conjectures which this letter
occasioned in the Spanish camp, and the commander, among others, was not
a little perplexed what to infer from it. In the first place he ordered
the French deserter to be put in irons, to prevent his escape, and then
called a council of war, to consider what was most proper to be done in
consequence of intelligence, so puzzling and alarming. Some officers were
of opinion, that the letter was intended to deceive, and to prevent them
from attacking Frederica; others thought that the things mentioned in it
appeared so feasible, that there were good grounds to believe, the
English General wished them to take place, and therefore gave their voice
for consulting the safety of Augustine, and dropping a plan of conquest
attended with so many difficulties, and which, in the issue, might
perhaps hazard the loss of both army and fleet, if not of the whole
province of Florida. While the Spanish leaders were employed in these
deliberations, and much embarrassed, fortunately three ships of force,
which the Governor of South Carolina had sent out, appeared at some
distance on the coast. This corresponding with the letter, convinced the
Spanish commander of its real intent, and struck such a panic into the
army, that they immediately set fire to their fort, and in great hurry
and confusion embarked, leaving behind them several cannon, and a
quantity of provisions and military stores. The wind being contrary, the
English ships could not, during that day, beat up to the mouth of the
river, and before next morning the invaders got past them, and escaped to
Augustine.
In this manner was the province of Georgia delivered, when brought to the
very brink of destruction by a formidable enemy. Fifteen days had Don
Manuel de Monteano been on the small island on which Frederica was
situated, without gaining the smallest advantage over an handful of men,
and in different skirmishes lost some of his bravest troops. What number
of men Oglethorpe lost we have not been able to learn, but it must have
been very inconsiderable. In this resolute defence of the country he
displayed both military skill and personal courage, and an equal degree
of praise was due to him from the Carolineans as from the Georgians. It
is not improbable that the Spaniards had Carolina chiefly in their eye,
and had meditated an attack where rich plunder could have been obtained,
and where, by an accession of slaves, they might have increased their
force in proportion to their progress. Never did the Carolineans make so
bad a figure in defence of their country. When union, activity and
dispatch were so requisite, they ingloriously stood at a distance, and
suffering private pique to prevail over public spirit, seemed determined
to risk the safety of their country, rather than General Oglethorpe, by
their help, should gain the smallest degree of honour and reputation.
Money, indeed, they voted for the service, and at length sent some ships,
but, by coming so late, they proved useful rather from the fortunate
co-operation of an accidental cause, than from the zeal and public spirit
of the people. The Georgians with justice blamed their more powerful
neighbours, who, by keeping at a distance in the day of danger, had
almost hazarded the loss of both provinces. Had the enemy pursued their
operations with vigour and courage, the province of Georgia must have
fallen a prey to the invaders, and Carolina had every thing to dread in
consequence of the conquest. Upon the return of the Spanish troops to the
Havanna, the commander was imprisoned, and ordered to take his trial for
his conduct during this expedition, the result of which proved so
shameful and ignominious to the Spanish arms. Though the enemy threatened
to renew the invasion, yet we do not find that after this repulse they
made any attempts by force of arms to gain possession of Georgia.
[Sidenote] Ill treatment of General Oglethorpe.
The Carolineans having had little or no share of the glory gained by this
brave defence, were also divided in their opinions with respect to the
conduct of General Oglethorpe. While one party acknowledged his signal
services, and poured out the highest encomiums on his wisdom and courage;
another shamefully censured his conduct, and meanly detracted from his
merit. None took any notice of his services, except the inhabitants in
and about Port-Royal, who addressed him in the following manner: "We the
inhabitants of the southern parts of Carolina beg leave to congratulate
your Excellency on your late wonderful success over your and our
inveterate enemies the Spaniards, who so lately invaded Georgia, in such
a numerous and formidable body, to the great terror of his Majesty's
subjects in these southern parts. It was very certain, had the Spaniards
succeeded in those attempts against your Excellency, they would also have
entirely destroyed us, laid our province waste and desolate, and filled
our habitations with blood and slaughter; so that his Majesty must have
lost the fine and spacious harbour of Port-Royal, where the largest ships
of the British nation may remain in security on any occasion. We are very
sensible of the great protection and safety we have long enjoyed, by your
Excellency being to the southwards of us, and keeping your armed sloops
cruising on the coast, which has secured our trade and fortunes more than
all the ships of war ever stationed at Charlestown; but more by your late
resolution in frustrating the attempts of the Spaniards, when nothing
could have saved us from utter ruin, next to the Providence of Almighty
God, but your Excellency's singular conduct, and the bravery of the
troops under your command. We think it our duty to pray God to protect
your Excellency, and send you success in all your undertakings for his
Majesty's service; and we assure your Excellency, that there is not a man
of us but would most willingly have ventured his all, in support of your
Excellency and your gallant troops, had we been assisted, and put in a
condition to have been of service to you; and that we always looked upon
our interest to be so united to that of the colony of Georgia, that had
your Excellency been cut off, we must have fallen of course."
But while the inhabitants in and about Port-Royal were thus addressing
General Oglethorpe, reports were circulating in Charlestown to his
prejudice, insomuch that both his honour and honesty were called in
question. Such malicious rumours had even reached London, and occasioned
some of his bills to return to America protested. Lieutenant-Colonel
William Cook, who owed his preferment to the General's particular
friendship and generosity, and who, on pretence of sickness, had left
Georgia before this invasion, had filed no less than nineteen articles of
complaint against him, summoning several officers and soldiers from
Georgia to prove the charge. As the General had, in fact, stretched his
credit, exhausted his strength, and risqued his life for the defence of
Carolina in its frontier colony, such a recompence must have been equally
provoking, as it was unmerited. We are apt to believe, that such
injurious treatment could not have arisen from the wiser and better part
of the inhabitants, and therefore must be solely ascribed to some envious
and malicious spirits, who are to be found in all communities. Envy
cannot bear the blaze of superior virtue, and malice rejoices in the
stains which even falsehood throws on a distinguished character; and such
is the extensive freedom of the British form of government that every
one, even the meanest, may step forth as an enemy to great abilities and
an unblemished reputation. The charges of envy and malice, Oglethorpe
might have treated with contempt; but to vindicate himself against the
rude attacks of an inferior officer, he thought himself at this time
bound in honour to return to England.
[Sidenote] His character cleared, and conduct vindicated.
Soon after his arrival a court-martial of general officers was called,
who sat two days at the Horse Guards, examining one by one the various
articles of complaint lodged against him. After the most mature
examination, the board adjudged the charge to be false, malicious, and
groundless, and reported the same to his Majesty. In consequence of which
Lieutenant-Colonel Cook was dismissed from the service, and declared
incapable of serving his Majesty in any military capacity whatever. By
this means the character of General Oglethorpe was divested of those dark
stains with which it had been overclouded, and began to appear to the
world in its true and favourable light. Carolina owed this benefactor her
friendship and love. Georgia was indebted to him for both her existence
and protection. Indeed his generous services for both colonies deserved
to be deeply imprinted on the memory of every inhabitant and the benefits
resulting from them to be remembered to the latest age with joy and
gratitude.
After this period General Oglethorpe never returned to the province of
Georgia, but upon all occasions discovered in England an uncommon zeal
for its prosperity and improvement. From its first settlement the colony
had hitherto been under a military government, executed by the General
and such officers as he thought proper to nominate and appoint. But now
the Trustees thought proper to establish a kind of civil government, and
committed the charge of it to a president and four assistants, who were
to act agreeable to the instructions they should receive from them, and
to be accountable to that corporation for their public conduct. William
Stephens was made chief magistrate, and Thomas Jones, Henry Parker, John
Fallowfield, and Samuel Mercer, were appointed assistants. They were
instructed to hold four general courts at Savanna every year, for
regulating public affairs, and determining all differences relating to
private property. No public money could be disposed of but by a warrant
under the seal of the President and major part of the Assistants in
council assembled, who were enjoined to send monthly accounts to England
of money expended, and of the particular services to which it was
applied. All officers of militia were continued, for the purpose of
holding musters, and keeping the men properly trained for military
services; and Oglethorpe's regiment was left in the colony for its
defence.
By this time the Trustees had transported to Georgia, at different times,
above one thousand five hundred men, women and children. As the colony
was intended as a barrier to Carolina, by their charter the Trustees were
at first laid under several restraints with respect to the method of
granting lands, as well as the settlers with respect to the terms of
holding and disposing of them. Now it was found expedient to relieve both
the former and latter from those foolish and impolitic restrictions.
Under the care of General Oglethorpe the infant province had surmounted
many difficulties, yet still it promised a poor recompense to Britain for
the vast sums of money expended for its protection. The indigent
emigrants, especially those from England, having little acquaintance with
husbandry, and less inclination to labour, made bad settlers; and as
greater privileges were allowed them on the Carolina side of the river,
they were easily decoyed away to that colony. The Highlanders and Germans
indeed, being more frugal and industrious, succeeded better, but hitherto
had made very small progress, owing partly to wars with the Spaniards,
and to severe hardships attending all kinds of culture in such an
unhealthy climate and woody country. The staple commodities intended to
be raised in Georgia were silk and wine, which were indeed very
profitable articles; but so small was the improvement made in them, that
they had hitherto turned out to little account. The most industrious and
successful settlers could as yet scarcely provide for their families, and
the unfortunate, the sick, and indolent part, remained in a starved and
miserable condition.
[Sidenote] The Carolineans petition for three independent companies.
Soon after the departure of General Oglethorpe, the Carolineans
petitioned the King, praying that three independent companies, consisting
each of an hundred men, might be raised in the colonies, paid by Great
Britain, and stationed in Carolina, to be entirely under the command of
the Governor and Council of that province. This petition was referred to
the Lords of his Majesty's Privy-council, and a time appointed for
considering, whether the present state of Carolina was such as rendered
this additional charge to the nation proper and necessary. Two reasons
were assigned by the colonists for the necessity of this military force:
the first was, to preserve peace and security at home; the second, to
protect the colony against foreign invasions. They alledged, that as the
country was overstocked with negroes, such a military force was requisite
to overawe them, and prevent insurrections; and as the coast was so
extensive, and the ports lay exposed to every French and Spanish
plunderer that might at any time invade the province, their security
against such attempts was of the highest consequence to the nation. But
though they afterwards obtained some independent companies, those
reasons, at this time, did not appear to the Privy-council of weight
sufficient to induce them to give their advice for this military
establishment. It was their opinion, that it belonged to the provincial
legislature to make proper laws for limiting the importation of negroes,
and regulating and restraining them when imported; rather than put the
mother country to the expence of keeping a standing force in the province
to overawe them: that Georgia, and the Indians on the Apalachian hills,
were a barrier against foreign enemies on the western frontiers: that
Fort Johnson, and the fortifications in Charlestown, were a sufficient
protection for that port; besides, that as the entrance over the bar was
so difficult to strangers, before a foreign enemy could land five hundred
men in that town, half the militia in the province might be collected for
its defence. Georgetown and Port-Royal indeed were exposed, but the
inhabitants being both few in number and poor, it could not be worth the
pains and risque of a single privateer to look into those harbours. For
which reasons it was judged, that Carolina could be in little danger till
a foreign enemy had possession of Georgia; and therefore it was agreed to
maintain Oglethorpe's regiment in that settlement complete; and give
orders to the commandant to send detachments to the forts in James's
Island, Port-Royal, and such other places where their service might be
thought useful and necessary to the provincial safety and defence.
[Sidenote] The colony's advantages from Britain.
Many are the advantages Carolina has derived from its political and
commercial connection with Britain. Its growing and flourishing state the
colony owes almost entirely to the mother-country, without the protection
and indulgence of which, the people had little or no encouragement to be
industrious. Britain first furnished a number of bold and enterprising
settlers, who carried with them the knowledge, arts, and improvements of
a civilized nation. This may be said to be the chief favour for which
Carolina stands indebted to the parent state during the proprietary
government. But since the province has been taken under the royal care,
it has been nursed and protected by a rich and powerful nation. Its
government has been stable, private property secure, and the privileges
and liberties of the people have been extensive. Lands the planters
obtained from the King at a cheap rate. To cultivate them the
mother-country furnished them with labourers upon credit. Each person had
entire liberty to manage his affairs for his own profit and advantage,
and having no tythes, and very trifling taxes to pay, reaped almost the
whole fruits of his industry. The best and most extensive market was
allowed to the commodities he produced, and his staples increased in
value in proportion to the quantity raised, and the demand for them in
Europe. All British manufactures he obtained at an easy rate, and
drawbacks were allowed on articles of foreign manufacture, that they
might be brought the cheaper to the American market. In consequence of
which frugal planters, every three or four years, doubled their capital,
and their progress towards independence and opulence was rapid. Indeed,
the colonists had many reasons for gratitude, and none for fear, except
what arose from their immoderate haste to be rich, and from purchasing
such numbers of slaves, as exposed them to danger and destruction.
The plan of settling townships, especially as it came accompanied with
the royal bounty, had proved beneficial in many respects. It encouraged
multitudes of poor oppressed people in Ireland, Holland and Germany to
emigrate, by which means the province received a number of frugal and
industrious settlers. As many of them came from manufacturing towns in
Europe, it might have been expected that they would naturally have
pursued those occupations to which they had been bred, and in which their
chief skill consisted. But this was by no means the case; for, excepting
a few of them that took up their residence in Charlestown, they procured
lands, applied to pasturage and agriculture, and by raising hemp, wheat
and maize in the interior parts of the country, and curing hams, bacon,
and beef, they supplied the market with abundance of provision, while at
the same time they found that they had taken the shortest way of arriving
at easy and independent circumstances.
[Sidenote] Its advantage and importance to Britain.
Indeed while such vast territories in Carolina remained unoccupied, it
was neither for the interest of the province, nor that of the
mother-country, to employ any hands in manufactures. So long as labour
bestowed on lands was most profitable, no prudent colonist would direct
his attention or strength to any other employment, especially as the
mother-country could supply him with all kinds of manufactures at a much
cheaper rate than he could make them. The surplus part of British
commodities and manufactures for which there was no vent in Britain,
found in Carolina a good market, and in return brought the English
merchant such articles as were in demand at home, by which means the
advantages were mutual and reciprocal. The exclusive privilege of
supplying this market encouraged labour in England, and augmented the
annual income of the nation. From the monopoly of this trade with
America, which was always increasing, Britain derived many substantial
advantages. These colonies consumed all her superfluities which lay upon
hand, and enlarged her commerce, which, without such a market, must have
been confined to its ancient narrow channel. In the year 1744, two
hundred and thirty vessels were loaded at the port of Charlestown, so
that the national value of the province was not only considerable in
respect of the large quantity of goods it consumed, but also in respect
to the naval strength it promoted. Fifteen hundred seamen at least found
employment in the trade of this province, and, besides other advantages,
the profits of freight must make a considerable addition to the account
in favour of Britain.
Nor is there the smallest reason to expect that manufactures will be
encouraged in Carolina, while landed property can be obtained on such
easy terms. The cooper, the carpenter, the brick-layer, the shipbuilder,
and every other artificer and tradesman, after having laboured for a few
years at their respective employments, and purchased a few negroes,
commonly retreat to the country, and settle tracts of uncultivated land.
While they labour at their trades, they find themselves dependent on
their employers; this is one reason for their wishing at least to be
their own masters; and though the wages allowed them are high, yet the
means of subsistence in towns are also dear, and therefore they long to
be in the same situation with their neighbours, who derive an easy
subsistence from a plantation, which they cultivate at pleasure, and are
answerable to no master for their conduct. Even the merchant becomes
weary of attending the store, and risking his flock on the stormy seas,
or in the hands of men where it is often exposed to equal hazards, and
therefore collects it as soon as possible, and settles a plantation. Upon
this plantation he sets himself down, and being both landlord and farmer,
immediately finds himself an independent man. Having his capital in lands
and negroes around him, and his affairs collected within a narrow circle,
he can manage and improve them as he thinks fit. He soon obtains plenty
of the necessaries of life from his plantation; nor need he want any of
its conveniencies and luxuries. The greatest difficulties he has to
surmount arise from the marshy soil, and unhealthy climate, which often
cut men off in the midst of their days. Indeed in this respect Carolina
is the reverse of most countries in Europe, where the rural life, when
compared with that of the town, is commonly healthy and delightful.