CHAP. VII.

[Sidenote] The form of legal governments.

From that period in which the right and title to the lands of Carolina

were sold, and surrendered to the King, and he assumed the immediate care

and government of the province, a new aera commences in the annals of

that country, which may be called the aera of its freedom, security, and

happiness. The Carolineans who had long laboured under innumerable

hardships and troubles, from a weak proprietary establishment, at last

obtained the great object of their desires, a royal government, the

constitution of which depended on commissions issued by the crown to the

Governor, and the instructions which attended those commissions. The form

of all provincial governments was borrowed from that of their mother

country, which was not a plan of systematic rules drawn before-hand by

speculative men, but a constitution which was the result of many ages of

wisdom and experience. Its great object is the public good, in promoting

of which all are equally concerned. It is a constitution which has a

remedy within itself for every political disorder, which, when properly

applied, must ever contribute to its stability and duration. After the

model of this British constitution the government of Carolina now assumed

a form like the other regal ones on the continent, which were composed of

three branches, of a Governor, a Council, and an Assembly. The crown

having the appointment of the Governor, delegates to him; its

constitutional powers, civil and military, the power of legislation as

far as the King possesses it; its judicial and executive powers, together

with those of chancery and admiralty jurisdiction, and also those of

supreme ordinary: all these powers, as they exist in the crown, are known

by the laws of the realm; as they are entrusted to Governors, they are

declared and defined by their commissions patent. The council, though

differing in many respects from the house of peers, are intended to

represent that house, and are appointed by the King during pleasure, for

supporting the prerogatives of the crown in the province. The Assembly

consists of the representatives of the people, and are elected by them as

the House of Commons in Great Britain, to be the guardians of their

lives, liberties, and properties. Here also the constitution confides in

the good behaviour of the representatives; for should they presume in any

respect to betray their trust, it gives the people more frequent

opportunities than even in Britain, of chusing others in their stead. The

Governor convenes, prorogues, and dissolves these Assemblies, and has a

negative on the bills of both houses. After bills have received his

assent, they are sent to Great Britain for the royal approbation, in

consequence of which they have the force of laws in the province. This is

a general sketch of the royal governments, which are intended to resemble

the constitution of Great Britain, as nearly as the local circumstances

of the provinces will admit, and which, notwithstanding its

imperfections, is certainly the best form of government upon earth. By

the instructions which the Governor receives from time to time from

England, his power no doubt is greatly circumscribed; but it is his duty

to transmit authentic accounts of the state of his province, in order

that the instructions given him may be proper, and calculated for

promoting not only the good of the province, but also that of the British

empire.

[Sidenote] Sir Alexander Cumming sent out to treat of peace with the

Indians.

After the purchase of the province, the first object of the royal concern

was, to establish the peace of the colony on the most firm and permanent

foundation; and for this purpose treaties of union and alliance with

Indian nations were judged to be essentially necessary. Domestic security

being first established, the colonists might then apply themselves to

industry with vigour and success, and while they enriched themselves,

they would at the same time enlarge the commerce and trade of the

mother-country. For this purpose Sir Alexander Cumming was appointed, and

sent out to conclude a treaty of alliance with the Cherokees, at this

time a warlike and formidable nation of savages. These Indians occupied

the lands about the head of Savanna river, and backwards among the

Apalachian mountains. The country they claimed as their hunting grounds

was of immense extent; and its boundaries had never been clearly

ascertained. The inhabitants of their different towns were computed to

amount to more than twenty thousand, six thousand of whom were warriors,

fit on any emergency to take the field. An alliance with such a nation

was an object of the highest consequence to Carolina, and likewise to the

mother-country, now engaged for its defence and protection.

[Sidenote] Brings with him to England seven Cherokees.

About the beginning of the year 1730, Sir Alexander arrived in Carolina,

and made preparations for his journey to the distant hills. For his

guides he procured some Indian traders, well acquainted with the woods,

and an interpreter who understood the Cherokee language, to assist him in

his negociations. When he reached Keowee, abort three hundred miles from

Charlestown, the chiefs of the lower towns there met him, and received

him with marks of great friendship and esteem. He immediately dispatched

messengers to the middle, the valley, and over-hill settlements, and

summoned a general meeting of all their chiefs, to hold a congress with

him at Nequassee. Accordingly in the month of April the chief warriors of

all the Cherokee towns assembled at the place appointed. After the

various Indian ceremonies were over, Sir Alexander made a speech to them,

acquainting them by whose authority he was sent, and representing the

great power and goodness of his sovereign King George; how he, and all

his other subjects, paid a cheerful obedience to his laws, and of course

were protected by him from all harm: That he had come a great way to

demand of Moytoy, and all the chieftains of the nation, to acknowledge

themselves the subjects of his King, and to promise obedience to his

authority: and as he loved them, and was answerable to his Sovereign for

their good and peaceable behaviour, he hoped they would agree to what he

should now require of them. Upon which the chiefs, falling on their

knees, solemnly promised fidelity and obedience, calling upon all that

was terrible to fall upon them if they violated their promise. Sir

Alexander then, by their unanimous consent, nominated Moytoy commander

and chief of the Cherokee nation, and enjoined all the warriors of the

different tribes to acknowledge him for their King, to whom they were to

be accountable for their conduct. To this they also agreed, provided

Moytoy should be made answerable to Sir Alexander for his behaviour to

them. After which many useful presents were made them, and the congress

ended to the great satisfaction of both parties. The crown was brought

from Tenassee, their chief town, which with five eagle tails, and four

scalps of their enemies, Moytoy presented to Sir Alexander, requesting

him, on his arrival at Britain, to lay them at his Majesty's feet. But

Sir Alexander proposed to Moytoy, that he should depute some of their

chiefs to accompany him to England, there to do homage in person to the

great King. Accordingly six of them agreed, and accompanied Sir Alexander

to Charlestown, where being joined by another, they embarked for England

in the Fox man of war, and arrived at Dover in June 1730.

[Sidenote] Who enter into a treaty of peace and alliance.

We shall not pretend to describe their behaviour at the sight of London,

or their wonder and astonishment at the greatness of the city, the number

of the people, and the splendour of the army and court. Being admitted

into the presence of the King, they, in the name of their nation,

promised to continue for ever his Majesty's faithful and obedient

subjects. A treaty was accordingly drawn up, and signed by Alured Popple,

secretary to the Lords Commissioners of trade and plantations, on one

side; and by the marks of the six chiefs, on the other. The preamble to

this treaty recites, "That whereas the six Chiefs, with the consent of

the whole nation of Cherokees, at a general meeting of their nation at

Nequassee, were deputed by Moytoy, their chief warrior, to attend Sir

Alexander Cumming to Great Britain, where they had seen the great King

George: and Sir Alexander, by authority from Moytoy and all the

Cherokees, had laid the crown of their nation, with the scalps of their

enemies and feathers of glory, at his Majesty's feet, as a pledge of

their loyalty: And whereas the great King had commanded the Lords

Commissioners of trade and plantations to inform the Indians, that the

English on all sides of the mountains and lakes were his people, their

friends his friends, and their enemies his enemies; that he took it

kindly the great nation of Cherokees had sent them so far, to brighten

the chain of friendship between him and them, and between his people and

their people; that the chain of friendship between him and the Cherokees

is now like the sun, which shines both in Britain and also upon the great

mountains where they live, and equally warms the hearts of Indians and

Englishmen; that as there is no spots or blackness in the sun, so neither

is there any rust or foulness on this chain. And as the King had fastened

one end to his breast, he defied them to carry the other end of the chain

and fasten it to the breast of Moytoy of Telliquo, and to the breasts of

all their old wise men, their captains, and people, never more to be made

loose or broken.

"The great King and the Cherokees being thus fastened together by a chain

of friendship, he has ordered, and it is agreed, that his children in

Carolina do trade with the Indians, and furnish them with all manner of

goods they want, and to make haste to build houses and plant corn from

Charlestown, towards the towns of Cherokees behind the great mountains:

That he desires the English and Indians may live together as children of

one family; that the Cherokees be always ready to fight against any

nation, whether white men or Indians, who shall dare to molest or hurt

the English; that the nation of Cherokees shall, on their part, take care

to keep the trading path clean, that there be no blood on the path where

the English tread, even though they should be accompanied with other

people with whom the Cherokees may be at war: That the Cherokees shall

not suffer their people to trade with white men of any other nation but

the English, nor permit white men of any other nation to build any forts

or cabins, or plant any corn among them, upon lands which belong to the

great King: and if any such attempt shall be made, the Cherokees must

acquaint the English Governor therewith, and do whatever he directs, in

order to maintain and defend the great King's right to the country of

Carolina: That if any negroes shall run away into the woods from their

English masters, the Cherokees shall endeavour to apprehend them, and

bring them to the plantation from whence they run away, or to the

Governor, and for every slave so apprehended and brought back, the Indian

that brings him shall receive a gun and a watch-coat: and if by any

accident it shall happen, that an Englishman shall kill a Cherokee, the

King or chief of the nation shall first complain to the English Governor,

and the man who did the harm shall be punished by the English laws as if

he had killed an Englishman; and in like manner, if any Indian happens to

kill an Englishman, the Indian shall be delivered up to the Governor, to

be punished by the same English laws as if he were an Englishman."

This was the substance of the first treaty between the King and the

Cherokees, every article of which was accompanied with presents of

different kinds, such as cloth, guns, shot, vermilion, flints, hatchets,

knives. The Indians were given to understand, "That these were the words

of the great King, whom they had seen, and as a token that his heart was

open and true to his children the Cherokees, and to all their people, a

belt was given the warriors, which they were told the King desired them

to keep, and shew to all their people, to their children, and children's

children, to confirm what was now spoken, and to bind this agreement of

peace and friendship between the English and Cherokees, as long as the

rivers shall run, the mountains shall last, or the sun shall shine."

[Sidenote] Speech of a Cherokee warrior.

This treaty, that it might be the easier understood, was drawn up in

language as similar as possible to that of the Indians, which at this

time was very little known in England, and given to them, certified and

approved by Sir Alexander Cumming. In answer to which, Skijagustah, in

name of the rest, made a speech to the following effect:--"We are come

hither from a mountainous place, where nothing but darkness is to be

found--but we are now in a place where there is light.--There was a

person in our country--he gave us a yellow token of warlike honour, which

is left with Moytoy of Telliquo,--and as warriors we received it.--He

came to us like a warrior from you.--A man he is;--his talk is

upright--and the token he left preserves his memory among us.--We look

upon you as if the great King were present;--we love you as representing

the great King;--we shall die in the same way of thinking.--The crown of

our nation is different from that which the great King George wears, and

from that we saw in the tower.--But to us it is all one.--The chain of

friendship shall be carried to our people.--We look upon the great King

George as the Sun, and as our father, and upon ourselves as his

children.--For though we are red, and you are white, yet our hands and

hearts are joined together.--When we shall have acquainted our people

with what we have seen, our children from generation to generation will

always remember it.--In war we shall always be one with you. The enemies

of the great King shall be our enemies;--his people and ours shall be

one, and shall die together.--We came hither naked and poor as the worms

of the earth, but you have every thing,--and we that have nothing must

love you, and will never break the chain of friendship which is between

us.--Here stands the Governor of Carolina, whom we know.--This small rope

we show you is all that we have to bind our slaves with, and it may be

broken.--But you have iron chains for yours.--However, if we catch your

slaves, we will bind them as well as we can, and deliver them to our

friends, and take no pay for it.--We have looked round for the person

that was in our country--he is not here;--however, we must say he talked

uprightly to us, and we shall never forget him.--Your white people may

very safely build houses near us;--we shall hurt nothing that belongs to

them, for we are children of one father, the great King, and shall live

and die together." Then laying down his feathers upon the table he added:

"This is our way of talking, which is the same thing to us as your

letters in the book are to you, and to you beloved men we deliver these

feathers in confirmation of all we have said."

The Cherokees, however barbarous, were a free and independent people; and

this method of obtaining a share of their lands by the general consent,

was fair and honourable in itself, and most agreeable to the general

principles of equity, and the English constitution. An agreement is made

with them, in consequence of which the King could not only give a just

title to Indian lands; but, by Indians becoming his voluntary subjects,

the colonists obtained peaceable possession. The Cherokees held abundance

of territory from nature, and with little injury to themselves could

spare a share of it; but reason and justice required that it be obtained

by paction or agreement. By such treaties mutual presents were made,

mutual obligations were established, and, for the performance of the

conditions required, the honour and faith of both parties were pledged.

Even to men in a barbarous state such policy was the most agreeable, as

will afterwards clearly appear; for the Cherokees, in consequence of this

treaty, for many years, remained in a state of perfect friendship and

peace with the colonists, who followed their various employments in the

neighbourhood of those Indians, without the least terror or molestation.

[Sidenote] Robert Johnson Governor.

About the beginning of the year 1731, Robert Johnson, who had been

Governor of Carolina while in the possession of the Lords Proprietors,

having received a commission from the King, investing him with the same

office and authority, arrived in the province. He brought back these

Indian chiefs, possessed with the highest ideas of the power and

greatness of the English nation, and not a little pleased with the kind

and generous treatment they had received. The Carolineans, who had always

entertained the highest esteem for this gentleman, even in the time of

their greatest confusion, having now obtained him in the character of

King's Governor, a thing they formerly had so earnestly desired, received

him with the greatest demonstrations of joy. Sensible of his wisdom and

virtue, and his strong attachment to the colony, they promised themselves

much prosperity and happiness under his gentle administration.

This new Governor, from his knowledge of the province, and the

dispositions of the people, was not only well qualified for his high

office, but he had a council to assist him, composed of the most

respectable inhabitants. Thomas Broughton was appointed

Lieutenant-governor, and Robert Wright Chief Justice. The other members

of the council were, William Bull, James Kinloch, Alexander Skene, John

Fenwick, Arthur Middleton, Joseph Wragg, Francis Yonge, John Hamerton,

and Thomas Waring. At the first meeting of Assembly, the Governor

recommended to both houses, to embrace the earliest opportunity of

testifying their gratitude to his Majesty for purchasing seven-eight

parts of the province, and taking it under his particular care; he

enjoined them to put the laws in execution against impiety and

immorality, and as the most effectual means of discouraging vice, to

attend carefully to the education of youth. He acquainted them of the

treaty which had been concluded in England with the Cherokees, which he

hoped would be attended with beneficial and happy consequences; he

recommended the payment of public debts, the establishment of public

credit, and peace and unanimity among themselves as the chief objects of

their attention; for if they should prove faithful subjects to his

Majesty, and attend to the welfare and prosperity of their country, he

hoped soon to see it, now under the protection of a great and powerful

nation, in as flourishing and prosperous a situation as any of the other

settlements on the continent. They in return presented to him the most

loyal and affectionate addresses, and entered on their public

deliberations with uncommon harmony and great satisfaction.

[Sidenote] Several indulgences granted the people.

For the encouragement of the people, now connected with the mother

country both by mutual affection and the mutual benefits of commerce,

several favours and indulgences were granted them. The restraint upon

rice, an innumerated commodity, was partly taken off; and, that it might

arrive more seasonably and in better condition at the market, the

colonists were permitted to send it to any port southward of Cape

Finisterre. A discount upon hemp was also allowed by parliament. The

arrears of quit-rents bought from the Proprietors were remitted by a

bounty from the Crown. For the benefit and enlargement of trade their

bills of credit were continued, and seventy-seven thousand pounds were

stamped and issued by virtue of an act of the legislature, called the

Appropriation Law. Seventy pieces of cannon were sent out by the King,

and the Governor had instructions to build one fort at Port-Royal, and

another on the river Alatamaha. An independent company of foot was

allowed for their defence by land, and ships of war were stationed there

for the protection of trade. These and many more favours flowed to the

colony, now emerging from the depths of poverty and oppression, and

arising to a state of freedom, ease and affluence.

[Sidenote] Happy effects of peace and security.

As a natural consequence of its domestic security, the credit of the

province in England increased. The merchants of London, Bristol, and

Liverpool turned their eyes to Carolina, as a new and promising channel

of trade, and established houses in Charlestown for conducting their

business with the greater ease and success. They poured in slaves from

Africa for cultivating their lands, and manufactures of Britain for

supplying the plantations; by which means the planters obtained great

credit, and goods at a much cheaper rate than they could be obtained from

any other nation. In consequence of which the planters having greater

strength, turned their whole attention to cultivation, and cleared the

lands with greater facility and success. The lands arose in value, and

men of foresight and judgment began to look out and secure the richest

spots for themselves, with that ardour and keenness which the prospects

of riches naturally inspire. The produce of the province in a few years

was doubled. During this year above thirty-nine thousand barrels of rice

were exported, besides deer-skins, furs, naval stores, and provisions;

and above one thousand five hundred negroes were imported into it. From

this period its exports kept pace with its imports, and secured its

credit in England. The rate of exchange had now arisen to seven hundred

_per cent. i. e._ seven hundred Carolina money was given for a bill of an

hundred pounds sterling on England; at which rate it afterwards

continued, with little variation, for upwards of forty years.

Hitherto small and inconsiderable was the progress in cultivation

Carolina had made, and the face of the country appeared like a desert,

with little spots here and there cleared, scarcely discernible amidst the

immense forest. The colonists were slovenly farmers, owing to the vast

quantities of lands, and the easy and cheap terms of obtaining them; for

a good crop they were more indebted to the great power of vegetation and

natural richness of the soil, than to their own good culture and

judicious management. They had abundance of the necessaries, and several

of the conveniencies of life. But their habitations were clumsy and

miserable huts, and having no chaises, all travellers were exposed in

open boats or on horseback to the violent heat of the climate. Their

houses were constructed of wood, by erecting first a wooden frame, and

then covering it with clap-boards without, and plastering it with lime

within, of which they had plenty made from oyster-shells. Charlestown, at

this time, consisted of between five and six hundred houses, mostly built

of timber, and neither well constructed nor comfortable, plain

indications of the wretchedness and poverty of the people. However, from

this period the province improved in building as well as in many other

respects; many ingenious artificers and tradesmen of different kinds

found encouragement in it, and introduced a taste for brick buildings,

and more neat and pleasant habitations. In process of time, as the colony

increased in numbers, the face of the country changed, and exhibited an

appearance of industry and plenty. The planters made a rapid progress

towards wealth and independence, and the trade being well protected,

yearly increased and flourished.

[Sidenote] A project formed for planting a new colony

At the same time, for the relief of poor and indigent people of Great

Britain and Ireland, and for the farther security of Carolina, the

settlement of a new colony between the rivers Alatamaha and Savanna was

projected in England. This large territory, situated on the south-west of

Carolina, yet lay waste, without an inhabitant except its original

savages. Private compassion and public spirit conspired towards promoting

the excellent design. Several persons of humanity and opulence having

observed many families and valuable subjects oppressed with the miseries

of poverty at home, united, and formed a plan for raising money and

transporting them to this part of America. For this purpose they applied

to the King, obtained from him letters-patent, bearing date June 9th,

1732, for legally carrying into execution what they had generously

projected. They called the new province Georgia, in honour of the King,

who likewise greatly encouraged the undertaking. A Corporation consisting

of twenty-one persons was constituted, by the name of Trustees, for

settling and establishing the Colony of Georgia; which was separated from

Carolina by the river Savanna. The Trustees having first set an example

themselves, by largely contributing towards the scheme, undertook also to

solicit benefactions from others, and to apply the money towards

clothing, arming, purchasing utensils for cultivation, and transporting

such poor people as should consent to go over and begin a settlement.

They however confined not their views to the subjects of Britain alone,

but wisely opened a door also for oppressed and indigent Protestants from

other nations. To prevent any misapplication or abuse of charitable

donations, they agreed to deposit the money in the bank of England, and

to enter in a book the names of all the charitable benefactors, together

with the sums contributed by each of them; and to bind and oblige

themselves, and their successors in office, to lay a state of the money

received and expended before the Lord Chancellor of England, the Lord

Chief Justice of the King's Bench and Common Pleas, the Master of the

Rolls, and the Lord Chief Baron of the Exchequer.

When this scheme of the Trustees with respect to the settlement of

Georgia was made public, the well-wishers of mankind in every part of

Britain highly approved of an undertaking so humane and disinterested. To

consult the public happiness, regardless of private interest, and to

stretch forth a bountiful hand for relief of distressed fellow-creatures,

were considered as examples of uncommon benevolence and virtue, and

therefore worthy of general imitation. The ancient Romans, famous for

their courage and magnanimity, ranked the planting of colonies among

their noblest works, and such as added greater lustre to their empire

than their most glorious wars and victories. By the latter old cities

were plundered and destroyed; by the former new ones were founded and

established. The latter ravaged the dominions of enemies, and depopulated

the world; the former improved new territories, provided for unfortunate

friends, and added strength to the state. The benevolent founders of the

colony of Georgia perhaps may challenge the annals of any nation to

produce a design more generous and praise-worthy than that they had

undertaken. They voluntarily offered their money, their labour, and time,

for promoting what appeared to them the good of others, leaving

themselves nothing for reward but the inexpressible satisfaction arising

from virtuous actions. Among other great ends they had also in view the

conversion and civilization of Indian savages. If their public

regulations were afterwards found improper and impracticable; if their

plan of settlement proved too narrow and circumscribed; praise,

nevertheless, is due to them. Human policy at best is imperfect; but,

when the design appears so evidently good and disinterested, the candid

and impartial part of the world will make many allowances for them,

considering their ignorance of the country, and the many defects that

cleave to all codes of laws, even when framed by the wisest legislators.

About the middle of July, 1732, the trustees for Georgia held their first

general meeting, when Lord Percival was chosen President of the

Corporation. After all the members had qualified themselves, agreeable to

the charter, for the faithful discharge of the trust, a common seal was

ordered to be made. The device was, on one side, two figures resting upon

urns, representing the rivers Alatamaha and Savanna, the boundaries of

the province; between them the genius of the colony seated, with a cap of

liberty on his head, a spear in one hand and a cornucopia in the other,

with the inscription, COLONIA GEORGIA AUG.: on the other side was a

represention of silk worms, some beginning and others having finished

their web, with the motto, NON SIBI SED ALIIS; a very proper emblem,

signifying, that the nature of the establishment was such, that neither

the first trustees nor their successors could have any views of interest,

it being entirely designed for the benefit and happiness of others.

[Sidenote] James Oglethorpe carries a colony to Georgia.

In November following, one hundred and sixteen settlers embarked at

Gravesend for Georgia, having their passage paid, and every thing

requisite for building and cultivation furnished them by the Corporation.

They could not properly be called adventurers, as they run no risque but

what arose from the change of climate, and as they were to be maintained

until by their industry they were able to support themselves. James

Oglethorpe, one of the Trustees, embarked along with them, and proved a

zealous and active promoter of the settlement. In the beginning of the

year following Oglethorpe arrived in Charlestown, where he was received

by the Governor and Council in the kindest manner, and treated with every

mark of civility and respect. Governor Johnson, sensible of the great

advantage that must accrue to Carolina from this new colony; gave all the

encouragement and assistance in his power to forward the settlement. Many

of the Carolineans sent them provisions, and hogs, and cows to begin

their stock. William Bull, a man of knowledge and experience, agreed to

accompany Mr. Oglethorpe, and the rangers and scout-boats were ordered to

attend him to Georgia. After their arrival at Yamacraw, Oglethorpe and

Bull explored the country, and having found an high and pleasant spot of

ground, situated on a navigable river, they fixed on this place as the

most convenient and healthy situation for the settlers. On this hill they

marked out a town, and, from the Indian name of the river which ran past

it, called it Savanna. A small fort was erected on the banks of it as a

place of refuge, and some guns were mounted on it for the defence of the

colony. The people were set to work in felling trees and building huts

for themselves, and Oglethorpe animated and encouraged them, by exposing

himself to all the hardships which the poor objects of his compassion

endured. He formed them into a company of militia, appointed officers

from among themselves, and furnished them with arms and ammunition. To

shew the Indians how expert they were at the use of arms, he frequently

exercised them; and as they had been trained beforehand by the serjeants

of the guards in London, they performed their various parts in a manner

little inferior to regular troops.

[Sidenote] He treats with Indians for a share of their lands.

Having thus put his colony in as good a situation as possible, the next

object of his attention was to treat with the Indians for a share of

their possessions. The principal tribes that at this time occupied the

territory were the Upper and Lower Creeks; the former were numerous and

strong, the latter, by diseases and war, had been reduced to a smaller

number: both tribes together were computed to amount to about twenty-five

thousand, men, women and children. Those Indians, according to a treaty

formerly made with Governor Nicolson, laid claim to the lands lying

south-west of Savanna river, and, to procure their friendship for this

infant colony, was an object of the highest consequence. But as the tribe

of Indians settled at Yamacraw was inconsiderable, Oglethorpe judged it

necessary to have the other tribes also to join with them in the treaty.

To accomplish this union he found an Indian woman named Mary, who had

married a trader from Carolina, and who could speak both the English and

Creek languages; and perceiving that she had great influence among

Indians, and might be made useful as an interpreter in forming treaties

of alliance with them; he therefore first purchased her friendship with

presents, and afterwards settled an hundred pounds yearly on her, as a

reward for her services. By her assistance he summoned a general meeting

of the chiefs, to hold a congress with him at Savanna, in order to

procure their consent to the peaceable settlement of his colony. At this

congress fifty chieftains were present, when Oglethorpe represented to

them the great power, wisdom and wealth of the English nation, and the

many advantages that would accrue to Indians in general from a connection

and friendship with them; and as they had plenty of lands, he hoped they

would freely resign a share of them to his people, who were come for

their benefit and instruction to settle among them. After having

distributed some presents, which must always attend every proposal of

friendship and peace, an agreement was made, and then Tomochichi, in name

of the Creek warriors, addressed him in the following manner: "Here is a

little present, and, giving him a buffaloe's skin, adorned on the inside

with the head and feathers of an eagle, desired him to accept it, because

the eagle was an emblem of speed, and the buffalo of strength. He told

him, that the English were as swift as the bird and as strong as the

beast, since, like the former, they flew over vast seas to the uttermost

parts of the earth; and, like the latter, they were so strong that

nothing could withstand them. He said, the feathers of the eagle were

soft, and signified love; the buffalo's skin was warm, and signified

protection; and therefore he hoped the English would love and protect

their little families." Oglethorpe accordingly accepted the present, and

after having concluded this treaty limited by the nature of their

government, was nevertheless great, as they always directed the public

councils in all affairs relative to peace and war. It is true their young

men, fond of fame and glory from warlike exploits, and rejoicing in

opportunities of distinguishing themselves, will now and then, in

contempt to the power of their old leaders, break out in scalping

parties. To moderate and restrain the fiery passions of the young men,

the sages find generally the greatest difficulties, especially as these

passions are often roused by gross frauds and impositions. Unprincipled

and avaricious traders sometimes resided among them, who, that they might

the more easily cheat them, first filled the savages drunk, and then took

all manner of advantages of them in the course of traffic. When the

Indian recovered from his fit of drunkenness, and finding himself robbed

of his treasures, for procuring which he had perhaps hunted a whole year,

he is filled with fury, and breathes vengeance and resentment. No

authority can then restrain him within the bounds of moderation. At such

a juncture in vain does the leader of the greatest influence interpose.

He spurns at every person that presumes to check that arm by which alone

he defends his property against the hands of fraud and injustice. Among

themselves indeed theft is scarcely known, and injuries of this kind are

seldom committed; and had the traders observed in general the same

justice and equity in their dealings with them, as they commonly practice

among themselves, it would have been an easy matter with their wise and

grave leaders to maintain peace in all the different intercourses between

Europeans and Indians. Tomochichi acknowledged, that the Governor of the

world had given the English great wisdom, power and riches, insomuch that

they wanted nothing; he had given Indians great territories, yet they

wanted every thing; and he prevailed on the Creeks freely to resign such

lands to the English as were of no use to themselves, and to allow them

to settle among them, on purpose that they might get instruction, and be

supplied with the various necessaries of life. He persuaded them, that

the English were a generous nation, and would trade with them on the most

just and honourable terms; that they were brethren and friends, and would

protect them from danger, and go with them to war against all their

enemies.

Some say that James Oglethorpe, when he came out to settle this colony in

Georgia, brought along with him Sir Walter Raleigh's journals, written by

his own hand; and by the latitude of the place, and the traditions of the

Indians, it appeared to him that Sir Walter had landed at the mouth of

Savanna river. Indeed during his wild and chimerical attempts for finding

out a golden country, it is not improbable that this brave adventurer

visited many different places. The Indians acknowledged that their

fathers once held a conference with a warrior who came over the great

waters. At a little distance from Savanna, there is an high mount of

earth, under which they say the Indian King lies interred, who talked

with the English warrior, and that he desired to be buried in the same

place where this conference was held. But having little authority with

respect to this matter, we leave the particular relation of it to men in

circumstances more favourable for intelligence.

[Sidenote] The colony of Switzers brought to Carolina.

While the security of Carolina, against external enemies, by this

settlement of Georgia, engaged the attention of British government, the

means of its internal improvement and population at the same time were

not neglected. John Peter Pury, a native of Neufchatel in Switzerland,

having formed a design of leaving his native country, paid a visit to

Carolina, in order to inform himself of the circumstances, and situation

of the province. After viewing the lands there, and procuring all the

information he could, with respect to the terms of obtaining them, he

returned to Britain. The government entered into a contract with him,

and, for the encouragement of the people, agreed to give lands and four

hundred pounds sterling for every hundred effective men he should

transport from Switzerland to Carolina. Pury, while in Carolina, having

furnished himself with a flattering account of the soil and climate, and

of the excellence and freedom of the provincial government, returned to

Switzerland, and, published it among the people. Immediately one hundred

and seventy poor Switzers agreed to follow him, and were transported to

the fertile and delightful province as he described it; and not long

afterwards two hundred more came over, and joined them. The Governor,

agreeable to instructions, allotted forty thousand acres of lands for the

use of the Swiss settlement on the north-east side of Savanna river; and

a town was marked out for their accommodation, which he called

Purisburgh, from the name of the principal promoter of the settlement.

Mr. Bignion, a Swiss minister, whom they had engaged to go with them,

having received episcopal ordination from the bishop of London, settled

among them for their religious instruction. On the one hand the Governor

and council, happy in the acquisition of such a force, allotted each of

them his separate tract of land, and gave every encouragement in their

power to the people: On the other, the poor Swiss emigrants began their

labours with uncommon zeal and courage, highly elevated with the idea of

possessing landed estates, and big with the hopes of future success.

However, in a short time they felt the many inconveniencies attending a

change of climate. Several of them sickened and died, and others found

all the hardships of the first state of colonization falling heavily upon

them. They became discontented with the provisions allowed them, and

complained to government of the persons employed to distribute them; and,

to double their distress, the period for receiving the bounty expired

before they had made such progress in cultivation as to raise sufficient

provisions for themselves and families. The spirit of murmur crept into

the poor Swiss settlement, and the people finding themselves oppressed

with indigence and distress, could consider their situation in no other

light than a state of banishment, and not only blamed Pury for deceiving

them, but also heartily repented their leaving their native country.

[Sidenote] Eleven townships marked out.

According to the new plan adopted in England for the more speedy

population and settlement of the province; the Governor had instructions

to mark out eleven townships, in square plats, on the sides of rivers,

consisting each of twenty thousand acres, and to divide the lands within

them into shares of fifty acres for each man, woman, and child, that

should come over to occupy and improve them. Each township was to form a

parish, and all the inhabitants were to have an equal right to the river.

So soon as the parish should increase to the number of an hundred

families, they were to have right to send two members of their own

election to the Assembly, and to enjoy the same privileges as the other

parishes already established. Each settler was to pay four shillings a

year for every hundred acres of land, excepting the first ten years,

during which term they were to be rent free. Governor Johnson issued a

warrant to St. John, Surveyor-general of the province, empowering him to

go and mark out those townships. But he having demanded an exorbitant sum

of money for his trouble, the members of the council agreed among

themselves to do this piece of service for their country. Accordingly

eleven townships were marked out by them in the following situations; two

on river Alatamacha, two on Savanna, two on Santee, one on Pedee, one on

Wacamaw, one on Watcree, and one on Black rivers.

[Sidenote] A struggle about lands.

The old planters now acquiring every year greater strength of hands, by

the large importation of negroes, and extensive credit from England,

began to turn their attention more closely than ever to the lands of the

province. A spirit of emulation broke out among them for securing tracts

of the richest ground, but especially such as were most conveniently

situated for navigation. Complaints were made to the Assembly, that all

the valuable lands on navigable rivers and Creeks adjacent to Port-Royal

had been run out in exorbitant tracts, under colour of patents granted by

the Proprietors to Cassiques and Landgraves, by which the complainants,

who had, at the hazard of their lives, defended the country, were

hindered from obtaining such lands as could be useful and beneficial, at

the established quit-rents, though the Attorney and Solicitor-General of

England had declared such patents void. Among others, Job Rothmaller and

Thomas Cooper, having been accused of some illegal practices with respect

to this matter, a petition was presented to the Assembly by thirty-nine

inhabitants of Granville county in their vindication. When the Assembly

examined into the matter, they ordered their messenger forthwith to take

into custody Job Rothmaller and Thomas Cooper, for aiding, assisting, and

superintending the deputy-surveyor in marking out tracks of land already

surveyed, contrary to the quit rent act. But Cooper, being taken into

custody, applied to Chief Justice Wright for a writ of _habeas corpus_,

which was granted. The Assembly, however, sensible of the ill

consequences that would attend such illegal practices, determined to put

a stop to them by an act made on purpose. They complained to the Governor

and Council against the Surveyor-General, for encouraging land-jobbers,

and allowing such liberties as tended to create litigious disputes in the

province, and to involve it in great confusion. In consequence of which,

the Governor, to give an effectual check to such practices, prohibited

St. John to survey lands to any person without an express warrant from

him. The Surveyor-general, however, determined to make the most of his

office, and having a considerable number to support him, represented both

Governor and Council as persons disaffected to his Majesty's government,

and enemies to the interest of the country. Being highly offended at the

Assembly, he began to take great liberties without doors, and to turn

some of their speeches into ridicule. Upon which an order was issued to

take St. John also into custody; and then the Commons came to the

following spirited resolutions: "That it is the undeniable privilege of

this Assembly to commit such persons they may judge to deserve it: That

the freedom of speech and debate ought not to be impeached or questioned

in any court or place out of that house: That it is a contempt and

violation of the privileges of that house, to call in question any of

their commitments: That no writ of _habeas corpus_ lies in favour of any

person committed by that house, and that the messenger attending do yield

no obedience to such; and that the Chief Justice be made acquainted with

these resolutions." In consequence of which, Wright complained before the

Governor and Council of these resolutions, as tending to the dissolution

of all government, and charged the lower house with disallowing his

Majesty's undoubted prerogative, and with renouncing obedience to his

writs of _habeas corpus_. But the Council in general approved of their

conduct, and were of opinion, that the Assembly of Carolina had that same

privilege there, that the House of Commons had in England. In short, this

affair created some trouble in the colony. For while a strong party, from

motives of private interest, supported the Chief Justice; the Assembly

resolved, "That he appeared to be prejudiced against the people, and was

therefore unworthy of the office he held, and that it would tend to the

tranquillity of the province immediately to suspend him."

In this situation was the colony about the end of the year 1733. Each

planter, eager in the pursuit of large possessions of land, which were

formerly neglected, because of little value, strenuously vied with his

neighbour for a superiority of fortune, and seemed impatient of every

restraint that hindered or cramped him in his favourite pursuit. Many

favours and indulgences had already been granted them from the Crown, for

promoting their success and prosperity, and for securing the province

against external enemies. What farther favours they expected, we may

learn from the following Memorial and Representation of the state of

Carolina, transmitted to his Majesty, bearing date April 9th, 1734, and

signed by the Governor, the President of the Council, and the Speaker of

the Commons House of Assembly.

[Sidenote] State of the colony.

"Your Majesty's most dutiful subjects of this province, having often

felt, with hearts full of gratitude, the many signal instances of your

Majesty's peculiar favour and protection, to those distant parts of your

dominions, and especially those late proofs of your Majesty's most

gracious and benign care, so wisely calculated for the preservation of

this your Majesty's frontier province on the continent of America, by

your royal charter to the Trustees for establishing the colony of

Georgia, and your great goodness so timely applied, for the promoting the

settlement of the Swiss at Purisburgh; encouraged by such views of your

Majesty's wise and paternal care, extended to your remotest subjects, and

excited by the duty we owe to your most sacred Majesty, to be always

watchful for the support and security of your Majesty's interest,

especially at this very critical conjuncture, when the flame of a war

breaking out in Europe may very speedily be lighted here, in this your

Majesty's frontier province, which, in situation, is known to be of the

utmost importance to the general trade and traffic in America: we,

therefore, your Majesty's most faithful Governor, Council, and Commons,

convened in your Majesty's province of South Carolina, crave leave with

great humility to represent to your Majesty the present state and

condition of this your province, and how greatly it stands in need of

your Majesty's gracious and timely succour in case of a war, to assist

our defence against the French and Spaniards, or any other enemies to

your Majesty's dominions, as well as against the many nations of savages

which so nearly threaten the safety of your Majesty's subjects.

"The province of South Carolina, and the new colony of Georgia, are the

southern frontiers of all your Majesty's dominions on the continent of

America; to the south and south-west of which is situated the strong

castle of St. Augustine, garrisoned by four hundred Spaniards, who have

several nations of Indians under their subjection, besides several other

small settlements and garrisons, some of which are not eighty miles

distant from the colony of Georgia. To the south-west and west of us the

French have erected a considerable town, near Fort Thoulouse on the

Moville river, and several other forts and garrisons, some not above

three hundred miles distant from our settlements; and at New Orleans on

the Mississippi river, since her late Majesty Queen Anne's war, they have

exceedingly increased their strength and traffic, and have now many forts

and garrisons on both sides of that great river for several hundred miles

up the same; and since his most Christian Majesty has taken out of the

Mississippi Company the government of that country into his own hands,

the French natives in Canada come daily down in shoals to settle all

along that river, where many regular forces have of late been sent over

by the King to strengthen the garrisons in those places, and, according

to our best and latest advices, they have five hundred men in pay,

constantly employed as wood-rangers, to keep their neighbouring Indians

in subjection, and to prevent the distant ones from disturbing the

settlements; which management of the French has so well succeeded, that

we are very well assured they have now wholly in their possession and

under their influence, the several numerous nations of Indians that are

situated near the Mississippi river, one of which, called the Choctaws,

by estimation consists of about five thousand fighting men, and who were

always deemed a very warlike nation, lies on this side the river, not

above four hundred miles distant from our out-settlements, among whom, as

well as several other nations of Indians, many French Europeans have been

sent to settle, whom the priests and missionaries among them encourage to

take Indian wives, and use divers other alluring methods to attach the

Indians the better to the French alliance, by which means the French are

become throughly acquainted with the Indian way, warring and living in

the woods, and have now a great number of white men among them, able to

perform a long march with an army of Indians upon any expedition.

"We further beg leave to inform your Majesty, that if the measures of

France should provoke your Majesty to a state of hostility against it in

Europe, we have great reason to expect an invasion will be here made upon

your Majesty's subjects by the French and Indians from the Mississippi

settlements. They have already paved a way for a design of that nature,

by erecting a fort called the Albama fort, alias Fort Lewis, in the

middle of the Upper Creek Indians, upon a navigable river leading to

Mobile, which they have kept well garrisoned and mounted with fourteen

pieces of cannon, and have lately been prevented from erecting a second

nearer to us on that quarter. The Upper Creeks are a nation very bold,

active and daring, consisting of about two thousand five hundred fighting

men, (and not above one hundred and fifty miles distant from the

Choctaws), whom, through we heretofore have traded with, claimed and held

in our alliance, yet the French, on account of that fort and a superior

ability to make them liberal presents, have been for some time striving

to draw them over to their interest, and have succeeded with some of the

towns of the Creeks; which, if they can be secured in your Majesty's

interest, are the only nation which your Majesty's subjects here can

depend upon as the best barrier against any attempts either of the French

or their confederate Indians.

"We most humbly beg leave farther to inform your Majesty, that the French

at Mobile perceiving that they could not gain the Indians to their

interest without buying their deer-skins, (which is the only commodity

the Indians have to purchase necessaries with), and the French not being

able to dispose of those skins by reason of their having no vent for them

in Old France, they have found means to encourage vessels from hence,

New-York, and other places, (which are not prohibited by the acts of

trade), to truck those skins with them for Indian trading goods,

especially the British woollen manufactures, which the French dispose of

to the Creeks and Choctaws, and other Indians, by which means the Indians

are much more alienated from our interest, and on every occasion object

to us that the French can supply them with strouds and blankets as well

as the English, which would have the contrary effect if they were wholly

supplied with those commodities by your Majesty's subjects trading with

them. If a stop were therefore put to that pernicious trade with the

French, the chief dependence of the Creek Indians would be on this

government, and that of Georgia, to supply them with goods; by which

means great part of the Choctaws, living next the Creeks, would see the

advantage the Creek Indians enjoyed by having British woollen

manufactures wholly from your Majesty's subjects, and thereby be invited

in a short time to enter into a treaty of commerce with us, which they

have lately made some offers for, and which, if effected, will soon

lessen the interest of the French with those Indians, and by degrees

attach them to that of your Majesty.

"The only expedient we can propose to recover and confirm that nation to

your Majesty's interest, is by speedily making them presents to withdraw

them from the French alliance, and by building some forts among them your

Majesty may be put in such a situation, that on the first notice of

hostilities with the French, your Majesty may be able at once to reduce

the Albama fort, and we may then stand against the French and their

Indians, which, if not timely prepared for before a war breaks out, we

have too much reason to fear we may be soon over-run by the united

strength of the French, the Creeks and Choctaws, with many other nations

of their Indian allies: for, should the Creeks become wholly enemies, who

are well acquainted with all our settlements, we probably should also be

soon deserted by the Cherokees, and a few others, small tribes of

Indians, who, for the sake of our booty, would readily join to make us a

prey to the French and savages. Ever since the late Indian war, the

offences given us then by the Creeks have made that nation very jealous

of your Majesty's subjects of this province. We have therefore concerted

measures with the honourable James Oglethorpe, Esq; who, being at the

head of a new colony, will (we hope) be successful for your Majesty's

interest among that people. He has already by presents attached the Lower

Creeks to your Majesty, and has laudably undertaken to endeavour the

fixing a garrison among the Upper Creeks, the expence of which is already

in part provided for in this session of the General Assembly of this

province. We hope therefore to prevent the French from encroaching

farther on your Majesty's territories, until your Majesty is graciously

pleased further to strengthen and secure the same.

"We find the Cherokee nation has lately become very insolent to your

Majesty's subjects trading among them, notwithstanding the many favours

the chiefs of that nation received from your Majesty in Great-Britain,

besides a considerable expence which your Majesty's subjects of this

province have been at in making them presents, which inclines us to

believe that the French, by their Indians, have been tampering with them.

We therefore beg leave to inform your Majesty, that the building and

mounting some forts likewise among the Cherokees, and making them

presents will be highly necessary to keep them steady in their duty to

your Majesty, lest the French may prevail in seducing that nation, which

they may the more readily be inclined to from the prospect of getting

considerable plunder in slaves, cattle, _&c._ commodities which they very

well know we have among us, several other forts will be indispensibly

necessary, to be a cover to your Majesty's subjects settled backwards in

this province, as also to those of the colony of Georgia, both which in

length are very extensive; for though the trustees for establishing the

colony of Georgia, by a particular scheme of good management, painfully

conducted by the gentleman engaged here in that charitable enterprise,

has put that small part of the colony, which he has not yet been able to

establish, in a tenable condition, against the Spaniards of Florida which

lie to the southward; yet the back exposition of those colonies to the

vast number of French and Indians which border on the westward, must, in

case of a war, cry greatly aloud for your Majesty's gracious and timely

succour. The expense of our safety on such an occasion, we must, with all

humility, acquaint your Majesty, either for men or money, can never be

effected by your Majesty's subjects of this province, who, in conjunction

with Georgia, do not in the whole amount to more than three thousand five

hundred men, which compose the militia, and wholly consist of planters,

tradesmen, and other men of business.

"Besides the many dangers which by land we are exposed to from so many

enemies that lie on the back of us; we further beg leave to represent to

your Majesty, the defenceless condition of our ports and harbours, where

any enemies of your Majesty's dominions may very easily by sea invade us,

there being no fortifications capable of making much resistance. Those in

Charlestown harbour are now in a very shattered condition, occasioned by

the late violent storms and hurricanes, which already cost this country a

great deal of money, and now requires several thousands of pounds to

repair the old and build new ones, to mount the ordnance which your

Majesty was graciously pleased to send us, which, with great concern, we

must inform your Majesty we have not yet been able to accomplish, being

lately obliged, for the defence and support of this your Majesty's

province and government, to raise, by a tax on the inhabitants, a supply

of above forty thousand pounds paper currency _per annum_, which is a

considerable deal more than a third part of all the currency among us; a

charge which your Majesty's subjects of this province are but barely able

to sustain. Since your Majesty's royal instruction to your Majesty's

Governor here, an entire stop has been put to the duties which before

accrued from European goods imported; and if a war should happen, or any

thing extraordinary, to be farther expensive here, we should be under the

utmost difficulties to provide additionally for the same, lest an

increase of taxes with an apprehension of danger, should drive away many

of our present inhabitants, as well as discourage others from coming here

to settle for the defence and improvement of your Majesty's province,

there being several daily moving with their families and effects to North

Carolina, where there are no such fears and burdens.

"We must therefore beg leave to inform your Majesty, that, amidst our

other perilous circumstances, we are subject to many intestine dangers

from the great number of negroes that are now among us, who amount at

least to twenty-two thousand persons, and are three to one of all your

Majesty's white subjects in this province. Insurrections against us have

been often attempted, and would at any time prove very fatal if the

French should instigate them, by artfully giving them an expectation of

freedom. In such a situation we most humbly crave leave to acquaint your

Majesty, that even the present ordinary expences necessary for the care

and support of this your Majesty's province and government, cannot be

provided for by your Majesty's subjects of this province, without your

Majesty's gracious pleasure to continue those laws for establishing the

duty on negroes and other duties for seven years, and for appropriating

the same, which now lie before your Majesty for your royal assent and

approbation; and the further expences that will be requisite for the

erecting some forts, and establishing garrisons in the several necessary

places, so as to form a barrier for the security of this your Majesty's

province, we most humbly submit to your Majesty.

"Your Majesty's subjects of this province, with fulness of zeal, duty and

affection to your most gracious and sacred Majesty, are so highly

sensible of the great importance of this province to the French, that we

must conceive it more than probable, if a war should happen, they will

use all endeavours to bring this country under their subjection; they

would be thereby enabled to support their sugar islands with all sorts of

provisions and lumber by an easy navigation, which to our great advantage

is not so practicable from the present French colonies, besides the

facility of gaining then to their interest most of the Indian trade on

the northern continent; they might then easily unite the Canadees and

Choctaws, with the many other nations of Indians which are now in their

interest. And the several ports and harbours of Carolina and Georgia,

which now enable your Majesty to be absolute master of the passage

through the Gulf of Florida, and to impede, at your pleasure, the

transportation home of the Spanish treasure, would then prove for many

convenient harbours for your Majesty's enemies, by their privateers or

ships of war to annoy a great part of the British trade to America, as

well as that which is carried on through the Gulf from Jamaica; besides

the loss which Great Britain must feel in so considerable a part of its

navigation, as well as the exports of masts, pitch, tar, and turpentine,

which, without any dependence on the northern parts of Europe, are from

hence plentifully supplied for the use of the British shipping.

"This is the present state and condition of your Majesty's province of

South Carolina, utterly incapable of finding funds sufficient for the

defence of this wide frontier, and so destitute of white men, that even

money itself cannot here raise a sufficient body of them.

"With all humility we therefore beg leave to lay ourselves at the feet of

your Majesty, humbly imploring your Majesty's most gracious care in the

extremities we should be reduced to on the breaking out of a war; and

that your Majesty would be graciously pleased to extend your protection

to us, as your Majesty, in your great wisdom, shall think proper."

[Sidenote] The regulations of the Trustees.

In the mean time the Trustees for Georgia had been employed in framing a

plan of settlement and establishing such public regulations as they

judged most proper for answering the great end of the corporation. In

this general plan they considered each inhabitant both as a planter and a

soldier who must be provided with arms and ammunition for defence, as

well as with tools and utensils for cultivation. As the strength of the

province was their chief object in view, they agreed to establish such

tenures for holding lands in it as they judged most favourable for a

military establishment. Each tract of land granted was considered as a

military fief, for which the possessor was to appear in arms, and take

the field, when called upon for the public defence. To prevent large

tracts from falling in process of time into one hand, they agreed to

grant their lands in tail male in preference to tail general. On the

termination of the estate in tail male, the lands were to revert to the

trust; and such lands thus reverting were to be granted again to such

persons, as the common council of the trust should judge most

advantageous for the colony; only the Trustees in such a case were to pay

special regard to the daughters of such persons as had made improvements

on their lots, especially when not already provided for by marriage. The

wives of such persons as should survive them, were to be during their

lives entitled to the mansion-house, and one-half of the lands improved

by their husbands. No man was to be permitted to depart the province

without licence. If any part of the lands granted by the Trustees, shall

not by cultivated, cleared, and fenced round about with a worm fence, or

pales, six feet high, within eighteen years from the date of the grant,

such part was to revert to the trust, and the grant with respect to it to

be void. All forfeitures for non-residence, high-treason, felonies, _&c._

were to the Trustees for the use and benefit of the colony. The use of

negroes was to be absolutely prohibited, and also the importation of rum.

None of the colonists were to be permitted to trade with Indians, but

such as should obtain a special licence for that purpose.

[Sidenote] Their impolitical restrictions.

These were some of the fundamental regulations established by the

Trustees of Georgia, and perhaps the imagination of man could scarcely

have framed a system of rules worse adapted to the circumstances and

situation of the poor settlers, and of more pernicious consequence to the

prosperity of the province. Yet, although the Trustees were greatly

mistaken, with respect to their plan of settlement, it must be

acknowledged their views were generous. As the people sent out by them

were the poor and unfortunate, who were to be provided with necessaries

at their public store, they received their lands upon condition of

cultivation, and by their personal residence, of defence. Silk and wine

being the chief articles intended to be raised, they judged negroes were

not requisite to these purposes. As the colony was designed to be a

barrier to South Carolina, against the Spanish settlement at Augustine

they imagined that negroes would rather weaken than strengthen it, and

that such poor colonists would run into debt, and ruin themselves by

purchasing them. Rum was judged pernicious to health, and ruinous to the

infant settlement. A free trade with Indians was considered as a thing

that might have a tendency to involve the people in quarrels and troubles

with the powerful savages, and expose them to danger and destruction.

Such were probably the motives which induced those humane and generous

persons to impose such foolish and ridiculous restrictions on their

colony. For by granting their small estates in tail male, they drove the

settlers from Georgia, who soon found that abundance of lands could be

obtained in America upon a larger scale, and on much better terms. By the

prohibition of negroes, they rendered it impracticable in such a climate

to make any impression on the thick forest, Europeans being utterly

unqualified for the heavy task. By their discharging a trade with the

West Indies, they not only deprived the colonists of an excellent and

convenient market for their lumber, of which they had abundance on their

lands, but also of rum, which, when mixed with a sufficient quantity of

water, has been found in experience the cheapest, the most refreshing,

and nourishing drink for workmen in such a soggy and burning climate. The

Trustees, like other distant legislators, who framed their regulations

upon principles of speculation, were liable to many errors and mistakes,

and however good their design, their rules were found improper and

impracticable. The Carolineans plainly perceived, that they would prove

unsurmountable obstacles to the progress and prosperity of the colony,

and therefore from motives of pity began to invite the poor Georgians to

come over Savanna river, and settle in Carolina, being convinced that

they could never succeed under such impolitic and oppressive

restrictions.

[Sidenote] Two Colonies of Highlanders and Germans sent out.

Besides the large sums of money which the Trustees had expended for the

settlement of Georgia, the Parliament had also granted during the two

past years thirty-six thousand pounds towards carrying into execution the

humane purpose of the corporation. But after the representation and

memorial from the legislature of Carolina reached Britain, the nation

considered Georgia to be of the utmost importance to the British

settlements in America, and began to make still more vigorous efforts for

its speedy population. The first embarkations of poor people from

England, being collected from towns and cities, were found equally idle

and useless members of society abroad, as they had been at home. An hardy

and bold race of man, inured to rural labour and fatigue, they were

persuaded would be much better adapted both for cultivation and defence.

To find men possessed of these qualifications, the Trustees turned their

eyes to Germany and the Highlands of Scotland, and resolved to send over

a number of Scotch and German labourers to their infant province. When

they published their terms at Inverness, an hundred and thirty

Highlanders immediately accepted them, and were transported to Georgia. A

town-ship on the river Alatamaha, which was considered as the boundary

between the British and Spanish territories, was allotted for the

Highlanders, on which dangerous situation they settled, and built a town,

which they called New Inverness. About the same time an hundred and

seventy Germans embarked with James Oglethorpe, and were fixed in another

quarter; so that, in the space of three years, Georgia received above

four hundred British subjects, and about an hundred and seventy

foreigners. Afterwards several adventurers, both from Scotland and

Germany, followed their countrymen, and added further strength to the

province, and the Trustees flattered themselves with the hopes of soon

seeing it in a promising condition.

[Sidenote] Thomas Broughton Lieut.-governor of Carolina.

The same year Carolina lost Robert Johnson, her favourite Governor, whose

death was as much lamented by the people, as during his life he had been

beloved and respected. The province having been much indebted to his

wisdom, courage and abilities, to perpetuate his memory among them, and,

in testimony of their esteem, a monument was erected in their church at

the public expence. After his decease the government devolved on Thomas

Broughton, a plain honest man, but little distinguished either for his

knowledge or valour. As the welfare of the province depended greatly on

its government, no man ought to be entrusted with such a charge but men

of approved virtue and capacity. There is as much danger arising to a

community from a feeble and contemptible government, as from an excess of

power committed to its rulers. Weak and unexperienced hands hold the

reins of government with awkwardness and difficulty, and being easily

imposed upon, their authority sinks into contempt. At this time many of

the leading men of the colony scrupled not to practise impositions, and

being eagerly bent on engrossing lands, the Lieutenant-Governor freely

granted them warrants; and the planters, provided they acquired large

possessions, were not very scrupulous about the legality of the way and

manner in which they were obtained.

[Sidenote] Oglethorpe fortifies Georgia.

James Oglethorpe having brought a number of great guns with him from

England, now began to fortify Georgia, by erecting strong-holds on its

frontiers, where he judged they might be useful for its safety and

protection. At one place, which he called Augusta a fort was erected on

the banks of Savanna river, which was excellently situated for protecting

the Indian trade, and holding treaties of commerce and alliance with

several of the savage nations. At another place, called Frederica, on an

island nigh the mouth of the river Alatamaha, another fort, with four

regular bastions, was erected, and several pieces of cannon were mounted

on it. Ten miles nearer the sea a battery was raised, commanding the

entrance into the sound, through which all ships of force must come that

might be sent against Frederica. To keep little garrisons in these forts,

to help the Trustees to defray the expences of such public works, ten

thousand pounds were granted by the parliament of Great Britain.

[Sidenote] Which gives umbrage to the Spaniards.

While James Oglethorpe was thus busily employed in strengthening Georgia,

he received a message from the Governor of Augustine, acquainting him

that a Spanish Commissioner from Havanna had arrived there, in order to

make certain demands of him, and would meet him at Frederica for that

purpose. At the same time he had advice, that three companies of foot had

came along with him to that Spanish settlement. A few days afterwards

this Commissioner came to Georgia by sea, and Oglethorpe, unwilling to

permit him to come to Frederica, dispatched a sloop to bring him into

Jekyl Sound, where he intended to hold a conference with him. Here the

Commissioner had the modesty to demand, that Oglethorpe and his people

should immediately evacuate all the territories to the southward of St.

Helena Sound, as they belonged to the King of Spain, who was determined

to maintain his right to them; and if he refuted to comply with his

demand, he had orders to proceed to Charlestown and lay the same before

the Governor and Council of that province. Oglethorpe endeavoured to

convince him that his Catholic Majesty had been misinformed with respect

to those territories, but to no purpose; his instructions were

peremptory, and the conference broke up without coming to any agreement.

After which Oglethorpe embarked with all possible expedition, and sailed

for England.

During his absence the strict law of the Trustees, respecting the rum

trade, had like to have created a quarrel between the Carolineans and

Georgians. The fortification at Augusta had induced some traders of

Carolina to open stores at that place, so conveniently situated for

commerce with Indian nations. For this purpose, land carriage being

expensive, they intended to force their way by water with loaded boats up

Savanna river to their stores at Augusta. But as they passed the town of

Savanna, the magistrates rashly ordered the boats to be stopt, the

packages to be opened, the casks of rum to be staved, and the people to

be confined. Such injurious treatment was not to be suffered; the

Carolineans determined to give a check to their insolence, and for that

purpose deputed two persons, one from the Council and another from the

Assembly, to demand of the Georgians by what authority they presumed to

seize and destroy the effects of their traders, or to compel them to

submit to their code of laws. The magistrates of Georgia, sensible of

their error, made great concessions to the deputies, and treated them

with the utmost civility and respect. The goods were instantly ordered to

be returned, the people to be set at liberty, and all manner of

satisfaction was given to the deputies they could have expected. Strict

orders were sent to the agents of Georgia among Indians not to molest the

traders from Carolina, but to give them all the assistance and protection

in their power. The Carolineans, on the other hand, engaged not to

smuggle any strong liquors among the settlers of Georgia, and the

navigation on the river Savanna was declared equally open and free to

both provinces.

[Sidenote] The brave Chickesaws defeat the French.

About the same time the French took the field against the Emperor; and

the flames of war kindling between such powerful potentates, would, it

was thought, inevitably spread, and involve all Europe in the quarrel. In

case Great Britain should interfere in this matter; and declare in favour

of the Emperor, orders were sent out to the Governors of Quebec and New

Orleans to invade the weakest frontiers of the British settlements of

America. For this purpose an army was formed in New France, and

preparations were made for uniting the force of Canada and Louisiana to

attack Carolina. But before this design was put in execution, advice

came, that the clouds of war which threatened Europe were dispersed, and

a general peace was restored, by the mediation of Britain and Holland.

This put a stop to the motions of the main body in Canada; however, a

detachment of two hundred French and four hundred Indians were sent down

the Mississippi, to meet a party from New Orleans to cut off the

Chickesaw Indians. This tribe were the firm allies of Britain, and the

bravest nation of savages on the continent, but consisted only of between

six and eight hundred gun-men. The French having encroached in their

lands, and built some forts nigh them, had on that account drawn upon

themselves their invincible enmity and resentment. The Chickesaws had

long obstinately opposed their progress up the river Mississippi, and

were now the chief obstacle that prevented a regular communication

between Louisiana and Canada. The French determined to remove it, by

extirpating this troublesome nation, and for this purpose fell down the

river in boats to the place where they expected to meet their friends

from New Orleans. But the party from the southward not coming up at the

time appointed, and the Canadians thinking themselves strong enough for

the enterprize, began the war by attacking the Chickesaw towns. Upon

which the savages gathered together above three hundred warriors, gave

the French battle in an open field, and, though with considerable loss,

compleatly defeated them. Above forty Frenchmen and eight Indians were

killed on the spot, and the rest were taken prisoners, among whom was

their commander, and chief, brother to Mons. Bienville, Governor of New

Orleans. Hard was the fate of the unfortunate prisoners, who for several

days were kept almost perishing with hunger in the wilderness, and at

last were tied to a stake, tortured, and burned to death. Another party

of French from Mobile, in the same year, advanced against the Creeks, who

were also unsuccessful, and obliged to retreat with considerable loss.

Carolina rejoiced at those disasters, and began now more than ever to

court the friendship and interest of these rude nations in their

neighbourhood, considering them as the best barrier against their natural

enemies.

[Sidenote] Religious state of the colony.

By this time the Episcopalian form of divine worship had gained ground in

Carolina, and was more countenanced by the people than any other. That

zeal for the right of private judgment had much abated, and those

prejudices against the hierarchy, which the first emigrants carried from

England with them, were now almost entirely worn off from the succeeding

generation. To bring about this change, no doubt the well-timed zeal and

extensive bounty of the society, incorporated for the propagation of the

Gospel, had greatly contributed. At this time the corporation had no less

than twelve missionaries in Carolina, each of whom shared of their

bounty. Indeed, a mild church-government, together with able, virtuous,

and prudent teachers, in time commonly give the establishment in every

country a superiority over all sectaries. Spacious churches had been

erected in the province, which were pretty well supplied with clergymen,

who were paid from the public treasury, and countenanced by the civil

authority, all which favoured the established church. The dissenters of

Carolina were not only obliged to erect and uphold their churches, and

maintain their clergy by private contributions, but also to contribute

their share in the way of taxes, in proportion to their ability, equally

with their neighbours; towards the maintenance of the poor, and the

support of the establishment. This indeed many of them considered as a

grievance, but having but few friends in the provincial assembly, no

redress could be obtained for them. Besides, the establishment gave its

adherents many advantageous privileges in point of power and authority

over persons of other denominations. It gave them the best chance for

being elected members of the legislature, and of course of being

appointed to offices, both civil and military in their respective

districts. Over youthful minds, fond of power, pomp and military parade,

such advantages have great weight. Dissenters indeed had the free choice

of their ministers, but even this is often the cause of division. When

differences happen in a parish, the minority must yield, and therefore

through private pique, discontent or resentment, they often conform to

the establishment. It is always difficult, and often impossible for a

minister to please all parties, especially where all claim an equal right

to judge and chuse for themselves, and divisions and subdivisions seldom

fail to ruin the power and influence of all sectaries. This was evidently

the case in Carolina for many of the posterity of rigid Dissenters were

now found firm adherents to the church of England, which had grown

numerous on the ruins of the dissenting interest.

[Sidenote] The association of Presbyterians.

However, the emigrants from Scotland and Ireland, most of whom were

Presbyterians, still composed a considerable party of the province, and

kept up the Presbyterian form of worship in it. Archibald Stobo, of whom

I have formerly taken notice, by great diligence and ability still

preserved a number of followers. An association had been formed in favour

of this mode of religious worship, by Messrs. Stobo, Fisher, and

Witherspoon, three ministers of the church of Scotland, together with

Joseph Stanyarn, and Joseph Blake, men of respectable characters and

considerable fortunes. The Presbyterians had already erected churches at

Charlestown, Wiltown, and in three of the maritime islands, for the use

of the people adhering to that form of religious worship. As the

inhabitants multiplied, several more in different parts of the province

afterwards joined them, and built churches, particularly at Jacksonburgh,

Indian Town, Port-Royal, and Williamsburgh. The first clergymen having

received their ordination in the church of Scotland, the fundamental

rules of the association were framed according to the forms, doctrines,

and discipline of that establishment, to which they agreed to conform as

closely as their local circumstances would admit. These ministers adopted

this mode of religious worship, not only from a persuasion of its

conformity to the primitive Apostolic form, but also from a conviction of

its being, of all others, the most favourable to civil liberty, equality,

and independence. Sensible that not only natural endowments, but also a

competent measure of learning and acquired knowledge were necessary to

qualify men for the sacred function, and enable them to discharge the

duties of it with honour and success, they associated on purpose to

prevent deluded mechanics, and illiterate novices from creeping into the

pulpit, to the disgrace of the character, and the injury of religion. In

different parts of the province, persons of this stamp had appeared, who

cried down all establishments, both civil and religions, and seduced weak

minds from the duties of allegiance, and all that the Presbytery could do

was to prevent them from teaching under the sanction of their authority.

But this association of Presbyterians having little countenance from

government, and no name or authority in law, their success depended

wholly on the superior knowledge, popular talents and exemplary life of

their ministers. From time to time clergymen were afterwards sent out at

the request of the people from Scotland and Ireland; and the colonists

contributed to maintain them, till at length funds were established in

trust by private legacies and donations, to be appropriated for the

support of Presbyterian ministers, and the encouragement of that mode of

religious worship and government.

[Sidenote] Remarks on paper-currency.

I have several times made remarks on the paper-currency of the province,

which the planters were always for increasing, and the merchants and

money lenders for sinking. The exchange of London, like a commercial

thermometer, served to measure the rise or fall of paper-credit in

Carolina; and the price of bills of exchange commonly ascertained the

value of their current money. The permanent riches of the country

consisted in lands, houses, and negroes; and the produce of the lands,

improved by negroes, raw materials, provisions, and naval stores, were

exchanged for what the province wanted from other countries. The

attention of the mercantile part was chiefly employed about staple

commodities; and as their great object was present profit it was natural

for them to be governed by that great axiom in trade, whoever brings

commodities cheapest and in the best order to market, must always meet

with the greatest encouragement and success. The planters, on the other

hand, attended to the balance of trade, which was turned in their favour,

and concluded, that when the exports of any province exceeded its

imports, whatever losses private persons might now and then sustain, yet

that province upon the whole was growing rich. Let us suppose, what was

indeed far from being the case, that Georgia so far advanced in

improvement as to rival Carolina in raw materials, and exchangeable

commodities, and to undersell her at the markets in Europe: This

advantage could only arise from the superior quality of her lands, the

cheapness of her labour, or her landed men being contented with smaller

profits. In such a case it was the business of the Carolina merchants to

lower the price of her commodities, in order to reap the same advantages

with her neighbours; and this could only be done by reducing the quantity

of paper-money in circulation. If gold and silver only past current in

Georgia, which by general consent was the medium of commerce throughout

the world, if she had a sufficient quantity of them to answer the

purposes of trade, and no paper-currency had been permitted to pass

current; in such case her commodities would bring their full value at the

provincial market, and no more, according to the general standard of

money in Europe. Supposing also that Carolina had a quantity of gold and

silver in circulation, sufficient for the purposes of commerce, and that

the planters, in order to raise the value of their produce, should issue

paper-money equal to the quantity of gold and silver in circulation, the

consequence would be, the price of labour, and of all articles of

exportation would be doubled. But as the markets of Europe remained the

same, and her commodities being of the same kind and quality with those

of Georgia, they would not bring an higher price. Some persons must be

losers, and in the fist instance this loss must fall on the mercantile

interest, and moneyed men. Therefore this superabundance of paper-credit,

on whose foundation the deluded province built its visionary fabric of

great wealth, was not only useless, but prejudicial with respect to the

community. Paper-money in such large quantities is the bane of commerce,

a kind of fictitious wealth, making men by high founding language imagine

they are worth thousands and millions, while a ship's load of it would

not procure for the country a regiment of auxiliary troops in time of

war, nor a suit of clothes at an European market in time of peace. Had

America, from its first settlement, prohibited paper-money altogether,

her staple commodities must have brought her, in the course of commerce,

vast sums of gold and silver, which would have circulated through the

continent, and answered all the purposes of trade both foreign and

domestic. It is true the value of gold and silver is equally nominal, and

rises and falls like the value of other articles of commerce, in

proportion to the quantity in circulation. But as nations in general have

fixed on these metals as the medium of trade, this has served to stamp a

value on them, and render them the means not only of procuring every

where the necessaries of life, but by supporting public credit, the chief

means also of national protection.

However, some distinction in point of policy should perhaps be made

between a colony in its infancy, and a nation already possessed of

wealth, and in an advanced state of agriculture and commerce, especially

while the former is united to, and under the protection of the latter. To

a growing colony, such as Carolina, paper-credit, under certain

limitations, was useful in several respects; especially as the gold and

silver always left the country, when it answered the purpose of the

merchant for remittance better than produce. This credit served to

procure the planter strength of hands to clear and cultivate his fields,

from which the real wealth of the province arose. But in an improved

country such as England, supported by labourers, manufacturers and trade,

large emissions of paper-money lessen the value of gold and silver, and

both cause them to leave the country, and its produce and manufactures to

come dearer to market. Adventurous planters in Carolina, eager to obtain

a number of negroes, always stretched their credit with the traders to

its utmost pitch; for as negroes on good lands cleared themselves in a

few years, they by this means made an annual addition to their capital

stock. After obtaining this credit, it then became their interest to

maintain their superiority in assembly, and discharge their debt to the

merchants in the easiest manner they could. The increase of paper-money

always proved to them a considerable assistance, as it advanced the price

of those commodities they brought to the market, by which they cancelled

their debts with the merchants; so that however much this currency might

depreciate, the loss occasioned by it from time to time fell not on the

adventurous planters, but on the merchants and money-lenders, who were

obliged to take it in payment of debts, or produce, which always arose in

price in proportion to its depreciation.

In excuse for increasing provincial paper-money the planters always pled

the exigencies of the public, such as warlike expeditions, raising

fortifications, providing military stores, and maintaining garrisons;

those no doubt rendered the measure sometimes necessary, and often

reasonable, but private interest had also considerable weight in adopting

it, and carrying it into execution. In the year 1737, a bill of exchange

on London, for a hundred pounds sterling, sold for seven hundred and

fifty pounds Carolina currency. Of this the merchants might complain, but

from this period they had too little weight in the public councils to

obtain any redress. The only resource left for them was to raise the

price of negroes, and British articles of importation, according to the

advanced price of produce, and bills of exchange. However, the exchange

again fell to seven hundred _per cent._ at which standard it afterwards

rested and remained.

[Sidenote] Small progress of Georgia.

By this time the poor colonists of Georgia, after trial, had become fully

convinced of the impropriety and folly of the plan of settlement framed

by the Trustees, which, however well intended, was ill adapted to their

circumstances, and ruinous to the settlement. In the province of

Carolina, which lay adjacent, the colonists discovered that there they

could obtain lands not only on better terms, but also liberty to purchase

negroes to assist in clearing and cultivating them. They found labour in

the burning climate intolerable, and the dangers and hardships to which

they were subjected unsurmountable. Instead of raising commodities for

exportation, the Georgians, by the labour of several years, were not yet

able to raise provisions sufficient to support themselves and families.

Under each discouragements, numbers retired to the Carolina side of the

river, where they had better prospects of success, and the magistrates

observed the infant colony sinking into ruin, and likely to be totally

deserted. The freeholders in and round Savanna assembled together, and

drew up a state of their deplorable circumstances, and transmitted it to

the Trustees, in which they represented their success in Georgia as a

thing absolutely impossible, without the enjoyment of the same liberties

and privileges with their neighbours in Carolina. In two respects they

implored relief from the Trustees; they desired a fee-simple or free

title to their lands, and liberty to import negroes under certain

limitations, without which they declared they had neither encouragement

to labour, nor ability to provide for their posterity. But the colony of

Highlanders, instead of joining in this application, to a man

remonstrated against the introduction of slaves. As they lay contiguous

to the Spanish dominions, they were apprehensive that these enemies would

entice their slaves from them in time of peace, and in time of war

instigate them to rise against their masters. Besides, they considered

perpetual slavery as shocking to human nature, and deemed the permission

of it as a grievance, and which in some future day might also prove a

scourge, and make many feel the smart of that oppression they so

earnestly desired to introduce. For as the Spaniards had proclaimed

freedom to them, they alledged that slaves would run away, and ruin poor

planters; and at all events would disqualify them the more for defending

the province against external enemies, while their families were exposed

to barbarous domestics, provoked perhaps by harsh usage, or grown

desperate through misery and oppression.

[Sidenote] Hardships of the first settlers.

Few persons who are acquainted with the country will wonder at the

complaints of the poor settlers in Georgia; for if we consider the

climate to which they were sent, and the labours and hardships they had

to undergo, we may rather be astonished that any of them survived the

first year after their arrival. When James Oglethorpe took possession of

this wilderness, the whole was an immense thick forest, excepting

savannas, which are natural plains where no trees grow, and a few Indian

fields, where the savages planted maize for their subsistence. In the

province there were the same wild animals, fishes, reptiles and insects,

which were found in Carolina. The country in the maritime parts was

likewise a spacious plain, covered with pine trees, where the lands were

barren and sandy; and with narrow slips of oaks, hickory, cypress, cane,

&c. where the lands were of a better quality. Rains, thunder-storms,

hurricanes, and whirlwinds, were equally frequent in the one province as

in the other. Little difference could be perceived in the soil, which in

both was barren or swampy; and the same diseases were common to both. The

lands being covered with wood, through which the sea-breezes could not

penetrate, there was little agitation in the air, which at some seasons

was thick, heavy and foggy, and at others clear, close, and suffocating,

both which are very pernicious to health. The air of the swampy land was

pregnant with innumerable noxious qualities, insomuch that a more

unwholesome climate was not perhaps to be found in the universe. The poor

settlers considered this howling wilderness to which they were brought,

to have been designed by nature rather for the habitation of wild beasts

than human creatures. They found that diseases, or even misfortunes were

in effect equally fatal: for though neither of them might prove mortal,

yet either would disable them from living, and reduce them to a state in

which they might more properly be said to perish than to die.

Nothing has retarded the progress and improvement of these southern

settlements more than the inattention shewn to the natural productions of

the soil, and the preference which has commonly been given to articles

transplanted from Europe. Over the whole world different articles of

produce are suited to different soils and climates. As Georgia lay so

convenient for supplying the West Indies with maize, Indian pease, and

potatoes, for which the demand was very great, perhaps the first planters

could scarcely have turned their attention to more profitable articles,

but without strength of hands little advantage could be reaped from them.

It is true the West-India Islands would produce such articles, yet the

planters would never cultivate them, while they could obtain them by

purchase: the lands there suited other productions more valuable and

advantageous. Abundance of stock, particularly hogs and black cattle,

might have been raised in Georgia for the same market. Lumber was also in

demand, and might have been rendered profitable to the province, but

nothing could succeed there under the foolish restrictions of the

Trustees. European grain, such as wheat, oats, barley, and rye, thrived

very ill on the maritime parts; and even silk and wine were found upon

trial by no means to answer their expectations. The bounties given for

raising the latter were an encouragement to the settlers, but either no

pains were taken to instruct the people in the proper methods of raising

them, or the soil and climate were ill adapted for the purpose. The poor

and ignorant planters applied themselves to those articles of husbandry

to which probably they had been formerly accustomed, but which poorly

rewarded them and left them, after all their toil, in a starved and

miserable condition.

The complaints of the Georgians, however ignorant they might be, ought

not to have been entirely disregarded by the Trustees. Experience

suggested those inconveniencies and troubles from which they implored

relief. The hints they gave certainly ought to have been improved towards

correcting errors in the first plan of settlement, and framing another

more favourable and advantageous. Such scattered thoughts of individuals

sometimes afford wise men materials for forming just judgments, and

improving towards the establishment of the best and most beneficial

regulations. The people governed ought never to be excluded from the

attention and regard of their Governors. The honour of the Trustees

depended on the success and happiness of the settlers, and it was

impossible for the people to succeed and be happy without those

encouragements, liberties and privileges absolutely necessary to the

first state of colonization. A free title to their land, liberty to chuse

it, and then to manage it in such a manner as appeared to themselves most

conducive to their interest, were the principal incentives to industry;

and industry, well directed, is the grand source of opulence to every

country.

It must be acknowledged, for the credit of the benevolent Trustees, that

they sent out these emigrants to Georgia under several very favourable

circumstances. They paid the expences of their passage, and furnished

them with clothes, arms, ammunition, and instruments of husbandry. They

gave them lands, and bought for some of them cows and hogs to begin their

flock. They maintained their family during the first year of their

occupancy, or until they should receive some return from their lands. So

that if the planters were exposed to hazards from the climate, and

obliged to undergo labour, they certainly entered on their task with

several advantages. The taxes demanded, comparatively speaking, were a

mere trifle. For their encouragement they wrought entirely for

themselves, and for some time were favoured with a free and generous

maintenance.

[Sidenote] An Irish colony planted.

By this time an account of the great privileges and indulgences granted

by the crown for the encouragement of emigration to Carolina, had been

published through Britain and Ireland, and many industrious people in

different parts had resolved to take the benefit of his Majesty's bounty.

Multitudes of labourers and husbandmen in Ireland, oppressed by landlords

and bishops, and unable by their utmost diligence to procure a

comfortable subsistence for their families, embarked for Carolina. The

first colony of Irish people had lands granted them near Santee river,

and formed the settlement called Williamsburgh township. But

notwithstanding the bounty of the crown, these poor emigrants remained

for several years in low and miserable circumstances. The rigours of the

climate, joined to the want of precaution, so common to strangers, proved

fatal to numbers of them. Having but scanty provisions in the first age

of cultivation, vast numbers, by their heavy labour, being both

debilitated in body and dejected in spirit, sickened and died in the

woods. But as this township received frequent supplies from the same

quarter, the Irish settlement, amidst every hardship, increased in

number; and at length they applied to the merchants for negroes, who

entrusted them with a few, by which means they were relieved from the

severest part of the labour, then, by their great diligence and industry,

spots of land were gradually cleared, which in the first place yielded

them provisions, and in process of time became moderate and fruitful

estates.