Thursday, 16th. Rode down the river and examined it for

positions for defense; met Longstreet at Mr. Riddick's place;

then went to Mr. Le Compte's house. We were invited to stay

for dinner, but before it was ready a gunboat opened fire on

the house while we were resting in the yard behind it and

while the family were in it. After the second shot, which

went through it, we rode out into the field by the side of

the house in open sight. They did not fire at us (myself and

four of my staff), but all the while continued the attack

on the dwelling, and over the heads of the little children,

who were on the lawn in front waving white handkerchiefs.

The dwelling was built of brick, and was riddled with large

holes. The wonder to me was how the children escaped. As

we were leaving the field and the doctor had his hands

on the latch of the gate to open it, it was opened by a

three-hundred-pound shell striking the post that the gate was

hung to, demolishing it.

17th. Last night I gave my consent that two guns from

Stribbling's battery be put in an old work that was to

be garrisoned by two companies of Gen. Law's Brigade, and

some guns from Martin's battery were put in another work.

A gunboat came up and opened fire on the fort where the two

Alabama companies were, without damage.

18th. Passed all day down the river. Got the two thirty-two

pounders in position, ready to open to-morrow.

19th. This forenoon the gunboats came up, and the thirty-two

pounder fired on them and drove them back. They were also

attacked by some sharpshooters.

Just before sunset the gunboats and several batteries of

artillery opened a very severe cross fire on the _fort_

and over the plain in the rear of the fort, where the two

guns from Stribbling's battery had been placed to aid the

garrison. Pending this attack the enemy landed a strong

infantry force, under cover of some timber, on our side

of the river, carried the place by a sudden assault, and

captured the _garrison_, consisting of Companies A and B,

Forty-Fourth Alabama Regiment, and a squad of artillerymen.

I heard the distant firing about sunset, and at 9 P.M. I

heard in camp that one of the forts in Hood's command had

been captured. I went over to Longstreet's headquarters,

and he asked me to go down and take command. On arrival I

found on the ground there Gens. Hood and Law with Robertson's

Brigade and Connelly's Fifty-Fifth North Carolina Regiment,

and took command as I was ordered. The Fifty-Fifth North

Carolina Regiment was advanced, but it was driven back in

the darkness by the cross fire of the gunboats and the enemy

in the captured works. It was so plain to any one who had a

knowledge of the art of war that the enemy would not hold

an isolated work on our side of the river, that I was not

inclined to make an assault which would have sacrificed

so many lives uselessly. Yet such was the order given by

Longstreet.

20th. Remained in position till morning, when Longstreet

arrived. Both Gens. Hood and Law strenuously insisted that no

attack should be made to capture the works while the troops

would be subjected to the severe cross fire over the neck

of land from the enemy's fleet of vessels and the troops in

the redoubt and artillery opposite on the other side of the

river.

At 1 P.M. I turned the command over to Hood, or rather left

him in command of his own troops, advising him to wait and

let the enemy abandon the place, which they did. Soon after

this Capt. Cussons, commander of Law's scouts, with a few men

and a loud "yell," ran in the enemy's pickets, and entered

the works with them. They went on out, and left Cussons to

hold the empty fort.

22d. If that redoubt, which gave support to our left flank

(that otherwise would have been "in air"), was worth a great

sacrifice of life to recapture it, as ordered by Longstreet,

then certainly it was in accord with the science of war to

place two guns on the works to strengthen and protect the

left flank of his army.[24]

I am tired of _volunteering_ against gunboats any more, and

declined having anything to do with the line defended by Gen.

Hood because of a communication received from the general

commanding saying I was "in charge of the river defenses."

To have charge of the river defenses involves more or less

the command of all the army. I really had officially nothing

to do with the river defenses, only I _voluntarily placed_

two large siege guns in position to be used in attacking any

boats passing up or down the river. Connally's Regiment was

a support for these two guns.

23d. Confined myself to the immediate command of my division,

and took no more interest in Hood's line, and ordered

Connally's Regiment to join his brigade.

24th and 25th. There was some skirmishing.

26th. Rode down with Gen. Longstreet to the Whitemarsh road.

Gone all day. The line there is commanded by Gen. Armstead.

And now come the Richmond papers proclaiming: "From

Suffolk--Gen. French lost Stribbling's battery." Mark you,

no mention of the capture of the _fort_; no mention of the

capture of the _two companies_ that garrisoned it. It would

not do to have it reported that the Yankees crossed the

Nansemond yesterday and captured a fort on our side of the

river by assault. The garrison, composed of two companies of

the Forty-Fourth Alabama Regiment of Law's Brigade, Hood's

Division, were taken prisoners and the two guns were lost.

But it will not do to let this be known. No, no; write it

down thus: "Yesterday Gen. French lost Stribbling's battery."

The world is too busy to inquire, and the world will believe

it. The truth is, I was never in the fort, _never saw it_.

I had no authority over the garrison, and I was in no way

responsible for the loss of the redoubt, the garrison, or

guns.

The most remarkable feature of this little affair is the persistency

with which headquarters proclaimed that "French lost Stribling's

battery," and were silent about the infantry garrison captured, etc. I

will give two letters here from the War Records:

HEADQUARTERS NEAR SUFFOLK, April 21, 1863.

Maj. Gen. D. H. Hill, Goldsboro.

Gen. Longstreet is closely engaged to-night, and he has

asked me to write you briefly the particulars of the affair

of Sunday night which resulted in the capture by the enemy

of Stribbling's battery. Several batteries had been planted

on the Nansemond to hold the river against the passage

of gunboats and transports. Stribbling's occupied an old

uninclosed work on Hill's Point, a tongue of land a little

above the confluence of Western Branch and Nansemond. About

dark on the evening of the 19th the enemy opened a severe

fire from his field batteries planted opposite, and his

gunboats above and below the fort, entirely sweeping with

a cross fire the plain in the rear of the work. Under cover

of this fire and darkness they landed a force, not more than

one hundred and fifty strong, a very little distance from the

fort, rushed upon its rear, and surprised and captured its

garrison.

The artillery on the river was directly under the management

of Maj. Gen. French. There were five guns, fifty-five

artillerists, and seventy infantry (sharpshooters) in the

fort, which all fell into the hands of the enemy.

The affair is regarded as a most remarkable and discreditable

instance of an entire absence of vigilance. A regiment

(Fifty-Fifth North Carolina and seven hundred strong) which

Gen. Longstreet had particularly ordered to the vicinity for

the protection of the battery was not posted in supporting

distance. No official report of the affair has yet been

received from Gen. French. The captured guns were carried

across the river. It is some consolation that _only_ the guns

and ammunition chests were lost. The horses and ammunition

carriages, being considerably in the rear of the battery,

were saved. We are otherwise quite comfortable here. The

quartermasters and commissaries are actively engaged in

getting out supplies.

I am, General, very respectfully your obedient servant,

G. M. SORREL, _Assistant Adjutant General_.[25]

This letter comes from the headquarters of Gen. Longstreet, and should

be a careful account; whereas it contains errors in stating occurrences

well known at the time it was written. I will point out some of the

errors:

1. Only a small part of Stribbling's battery was captured by the enemy.

2. Stribbling's battery was not in the redoubt, as stated, in numbers.

3. The estimate that the enemy's force was not over one hundred and

fifty differs very much from that of Lieut. George Reese, who was an

officer of one of the companies forming the garrison that was captured,

who writes it was near one thousand.

4. "The artillery on the river was directly under the command of Maj.

Gen. French" is an error, as I declined it the day of my arrival, only

I voluntarily offered to assist in checking the gunboats passing up or

down the river.

5. It states that "there were _five guns_, fifty-five artillerists, and

seventy infantry captured by the enemy;" whereas it was known to the

entire army by the 21st, the date of this letter, that only _two guns

and about eighteen artillerists_ were lost when the redoubt fell by

the capture of the garrison. No horses, caissons, harness, forge, etc.,

were in the fort. They were in camp.

6. Gen. Longstreet did not particularly order the Fifty-Fifth North

Carolina Regiment to that vicinity for the protection of the battery.

It was one of the regiments of my command, and I sent it down to

support two thirty-two-pounders that Col. Cunningham had mounted at a

place we had selected farther down the river. The "protection" to the

two guns at the fort _was the garrison Hood sent to the fort_ and such

other as he directed. The better explanation is, the guns were asked of

me to aid the garrison.

7. The statement that "no official report of the affair has yet been

received from Gen. French" is misleading, and a report from me would

have been supererogatory. The report of that "affair" was strictly a

matter between the general commanding and Gen. Hood, who commanded the

division and placed the garrison in the fort to protect his extreme

left, then "in air."

8. When headquarters announced that "it was some little consolation

that only five guns and ammunition chests were lost," it may have been

joyous that _only_ the garrison was lost instead of the whole of Hood's

Division, of which it formed a part.

9. I must give Gen. Longstreet's adjutant general the manliness to

be the only officer in Longstreet's Corps who has, in any manner or

form, put on record the fact, directly or indirectly, that there was

a garrison placed in that redoubt by order of Longstreet, or Hood, or

both, and it was captured by the enemy, and with the garrison went the

two guns. To the world has the publication gone that Gen. French lost

Stribbling's battery.

10. If it be creditable for headquarters to publish that "this affair

is regarded as a most remarkable and discreditable instance of an

entire _absence_ of vigilance" on my part, then I claim it is proper

for me to remark that this effusion from the head of this army may be

also "regarded as a most remarkable and discreditable instance of an

entire _absence_ of correctness in stating that affair."

There was no doubt a want of vigilance; and if Gen. Longstreet had

desired, he could have learned whether the commander of the garrison

put out pickets or not. He could have ascertained _what orders_ were

given the commander by his colonel, or Gen. Law, or by Gen. Hood, and

fixed the responsibility where it belonged. Who put the garrison there,

and what instructions were given the commander? embraces the question.

He says he "particularly ordered Col. Connally's regiment there himself

for the protection of this battery," which is an error.

Like the ghost of Banquo, Stribbling's battery rises up again at

headquarters and will not out.

HEADQUARTERS NEAR SUFFOLK, April 20, 1863, 7 P.M.

Brig. Gen. H. L. Benning, Commanding Brigade.

Your communication of 3 A.M. to-day has been received.... The

cannonade that you heard last night arose from a successful

effort of the enemy to capture one of our batteries on the

river. Under cover of darkness and the fire of his gunboats

and land batteries he landed a force near Hill's Point, and

_took possession of Stribbling's battery by a surprise_.

I am, General, very respectfully your obedient servant.

G. M. SORREL, _Assistant Adjutant General_.[26]

I now will continue my diary:

27th, 28th, and 29th. Passed most of the day examining the

line between my right and Gen. Garnett. Reported to Gen.

Longstreet. Spoke's Run is no barrier to infantry. To-day,

the 29th, orders came for _Gen. Longstreet to join Gen. Lee

immediately_. He sent for me and told me he was ordered to

join Gen. Lee with his _two divisions_; but that he could not

go, as his wagons sent for supplies had not returned. I made

no reply, but thought it strange, considering all the company

wagons, etc., he required to move were in the camp.

30th. "Waiting for the wagons" is still the song. Terrible

thunderstorm. Lightning injured a number of men.

Friday, May 1. This afternoon about 4 P.M. the enemy was

found in line of battle. One regiment, said to have been

the Fifty-Ninth New York, advanced on my picket lines and

were handsomely repulsed by Col. Connally's regiment. In

supporting his men in the pits he lost ten men. The enemy

shelled the plain furiously for an hour and a half in my

front. Courier came and said they were advancing on the

Fifty-Fifth and fighting like h--l. I rode over to Jenkins,

and we galloped to the front. Ordered Connally to send

support to his pickets, and it was done valiantly. The

enemy lost over forty men. By sunset all was quiet. This

was a demonstration in favor of Hooker, who was now at

Chancellorsville.

May 2. All was quiet last night, more so than usual, and now

up to 6 P.M. all is still save an occasional gun and a little

picket-firing, and this continued during the night. Received

to-day general instructions to withdraw to the Blackwater.

May 3. This morning sent to the rear all spare articles,

baggage, etc. At 11 A.M. Gen. Longstreet started for

Franklin, and left me in command of the army to withdraw it.

Heavy firing down the river, and the enemy is shelling the

railroad crossing. Captured men report Gen. Dix in command

in Suffolk. Some Yankees came over the river with sugar and

coffee to trade.

The skirmishing on the left was very heavy, and I sent down

one regiment to support Gen. Anderson, and moved Davis's

Brigade to the left about a mile. I am now informed that Gen.

Longstreet did not go at 11 A.M. as he expected to do. At

sunset the firing on the left still continued, and the order

to withdraw was countermanded. About 7 P.M. I received orders

from Maj. Latrobe to withdraw in half an hour. I then ordered

up the supports from the railroad, and directed the men in

the advanced rifle pits to be withdrawn at 11:20. At 10 the

column was in motion, and we marched steadily the distance

of six miles.... Arriving at the junction of the South Quay

and Summerton roads, I learned that all Maj. Mitchell's

trains had crossed the Blackwater, and Pickett's wagons were

now passing on to the river to cross. Being thus advised,

the division was halted, and I rode on to look for a good

position to form line of battle to defend the crossing in

case the enemy should pursue. I found an admirable position,

and disposed my forces accordingly. Pickett's Division came

up, and I left Col. Bratten, with two regiments and a battery

of artillery, _to remain with the cavalry_ to guard the

_South Quay road_. This was on the morning of the 4th.

4th. In the afternoon received orders to cross over the

river, and that when all were over to ride up to see him

(Longstreet). The orders of the General left me but two

brigades for the defense of the line from the James river to

the Chowan river.

5th. Started this morning for Ivor; posted Davis at the

Blackwater bridge.... Rode on to Zuni. I found Longstreet

was in Petersburg, and, as there were two trains ready to

leave, I determined to ride up and ascertain why he wished

to see me, and try and get a third brigade. I sent Feribee's

regiment down to the Isle of Wight to find out where the

enemy was. I left Zuni at 2 P.M., and reached Petersburg at

3:50 P.M. I called on Longstreet as directed. I could not

induce him to leave me the third brigade.... I then asked of

him permission to remain in Petersburg until the morning,

which he granted. Soon after a communication was handed me

in which the general commanding "expressed surprise that

I was in the city, and asked me to explain what induced me

to abandon my command." I had a locomotive waiting to take

me back to Zuni, or Franklin, as occasioned required; but

considering the General told me I could remain, and by reason

of this artful note, I determined not to leave anyhow under

such an imputation. He may have lost his temper at Lee's

victory at Chancellorsville without him.

6th. Wrote this morning to the President and asked for a

court of inquiry.

Now, while on this subject, I will state that the request was not

granted. Gen. J. R. Davis informed me that the President said to him

my course needed no vindication, and Gen. Davis knew all the facts,

and I presume he stated them to the President. I wanted the court to

investigate the cause of the surprise and capture of the garrison and

Stribbling's two guns, and other matters named in my application for

the court, if it were granted.

I will explain, although it is a trifling matter, why I went to

Petersburg. First, Longstreet wrote me to call and _see_ him as soon

as my command crossed the Blackwater, but he left before I passed

over. Next, when I got to Zuni I had posted my troops all in their old

positions on the line of the Blackwater as they were before Longstreet

moved them to Suffolk; no Longstreet was at Zuni.

Secondly, Petersburg was my headquarters, and from there I could

communicate with Zuni and Franklin, on the Blackwater, by telegraph and

railroad, and be in either place in a short time.

Thirdly, Longstreet left Franklin without turning the command of his

two divisions over to me, and I presumed he was pressing forward with

his command to the aid of Gen. Lee at Chancellorsville, who had called

him to his assistance on the 27th of April, and so often afterwards.

Continuing, my diary says:

Busy the balance of the day in my office with official

business. I did not leave the city until 9 P.M., when I

took the cars for Franklin. I arrived there after 11 P.M.

Found all quiet. Whilst I was in Petersburg Gen. Hood was

impressing horses for cavalry service. Carriages, wagons,

carts, etc., from which the horses were unhitched, were left

in the streets.

8th. Changed headquarters to-day to Ivor....

9th. Arrived at Ivor at 10 A.M. Gen. J. R. Davis left to-day

on leave.

13th. Went to Petersburg and remained there all day

following.

15th. Started for Richmond. Saw Gens. Lee, Elzy, Cooper,

Ransom, Ewell, and others. Dined with the Hon. Judge James

Perkins. In the evening I went to the President's. I found

him ill and suffering with a cough. I took tea with them....

16th. Saw the Secretary of War this morning. Spoke to him

about leave of absence. Said it could not be granted....

23d. Went to the Blackwater bridge, where Jenkins's Brigade

was. For exercise to the troops crossed over the river to

feel the enemy, in force, on the other side. I took about

three thousand men and four batteries of artillery. Col.

Green, with two Mississippi regiments, advanced and drove

in their pickets, and captured some property. Could not draw

them out to attack us. After dark withdrew.

Wednesday, 27th. Went to Petersburg, intending to go to Fort

Powhatan. Found there a dispatch informing me that I would be

ordered on the day following to report to Gen. J. E. Johnston

in Mississippi.

29th. No orders having been received, I went to Richmond to

see about taking staff officers with me. Gen. Cooper could

allow me only my aids. Finally the Secretary of War gave me

permission to take my adjutant general, assistant adjutant

general, quartermaster, and orderly. The Secretary of War

told me that Gen. Joseph E. Johnston had applied for an

officer of the rank of major general, and as they knew I was

acquainted with the country, he had ordered me, etc.

As I had once been called on to submit a plan for the defense of the

Mississippi river, and complied with the request, it might have had

some influence on the action of the Secretary. Besides, I had once

declined duty at Vicksburg. (See letters from the President to Gen.

Lee, War Records, page 716, Vol. LI., No. 108 Serial, suggesting that

I be sent to Mississippi.)

Before I take leave of the arduous duties I had been performing,

of defending a line three hundred miles in length, of exchange of

prisoners, examining correspondence, obtaining supplies, etc., I will

refer to some matters again relating to the siege of Suffolk, about

which I made no report. I have alluded to Gen. Longstreet taking my

troops without consulting me, and his movements on to Suffolk, and

his attempts to have Gen. Jenkins keep the command of them. I am quite

sure it was Hood's chief of artillery who asked my artillery officer

for guns to place in the works on the Nansemond river, and to which I

gave my consent. It was not Gen. Law, because he protested when ordered

to garrison the fort. But this matters not. The garrison and the guns

formed a part of Hood's command, and yet (I am told) both Pollard

and a clerk in the Rebel War Office state in their books that I lost

"Stribbling's battery;" and yet, most erroneous of all, Longstreet

in _his book_ states "that a battery was put on a _neck of land_ and

captured by the enemy." He fails to state that the _fort and garrison

therein_ were captured, which of course includes the arms and the guns.

The great events of war often hinge on some small matter not obvious to

an ordinary commander, but which, at a glance, would be visible to the

eye of the great captain, and provided for in his plans for a victory.

The commander of a remote supporting corps is presumed, when alone, to

be able to consider carefully everything that might occur to prevent

an immediate compliance with any expected order, especially that of a

prompt and rapid movement to the aid of his chief, the moment the call

is made; and _Longstreet awaited that call_.

Now from Suffolk to Zuni messages were passed rapidly by the best of

signal men. Thence by telegraph to Petersburg, Richmond, and on to Gen.

Lee. On the 21st of April Gen. Lee reported the enemy was at Kelly's

Ford; that Hooker was putting his army in motion; the 28th they crossed

the Rappahannock; the 29th they crossed the Rapidan, and skirmishing

commenced near Chancellorsville. On the 30th the armies were face to

face.

[Illustration: ROBERT E. LEE.]

From this it will be seen that Gen. Lee sounded the notes of warning to

Longstreet as early as the _21st of April_, and Norris on the 21st (as

chief signal officer) informed him Hooker was moving with one hundred

and fifty thousand men, nine days before he crossed the Rappahannock

near Chancellorsville and was confronted by Lee. As soon as the plans

or intentions of the enemy were further divined, Lee took measures

to concentrate his forces. To Gen. Longstreet, with his army corps at

Suffolk, he sent urgent dispatches, ten of which I copy from the War

Department Records (Vol. 25, Part 2) as follows:

NO. 1. PAGE 763.

_Gen. Cooper to Gen. Lee._

RICHMOND, May 1, 1863.

Gen. R. E. Lee, Fredericksburg, Va.

Orders were sent on Wednesday (the 29th of April) to Gen.

Longstreet to move forward his command to reënforce you.

He replied he would do so immediately, but expected to be

a little delayed in gathering up his transportation train

to prevent its falling into the hands of the enemy, then in

sight.

S. COOPER, _Adjutant and Inspector General_.

NO. 2. PAGE 752.

_R. E. LEE TO THE PRESIDENT._

HEADQUARTERS, ARMY OF NORTHERN VIRGINIA, _April 27, 1863_.

His Excellency, Jefferson Davis, President of the Confederate

States.

_Mr. President_: I have written to Gen. Longstreet to

expedite, as much as possible, his operations in North

Carolina, as I may be obliged to call him back at any

moment....

R. E. LEE, _General_.

NO. 3. PAGE 757.

_GEN. S. COOPER TO GEN. D. H. HILL._

RICHMOND, VA., April 29, 1863.

Maj. Gen. D. H. Hill, Commanding, Goldsboro, N. C.

_General_: The following telegram has just been received from

Gen. Lee:

The enemy is crossing below Deep Run, about the same place as

before.... Where his main efforts will be made I cannot say.

Troops not wanted south of James river had better be moved in

this direction, and all other necessary preparations made.

This renders it important that such forces as you deem

judicious should be concentrated at Richmond, to be in

supporting distance. Gen. Lee may telegraph you.... _A like

dispatch has been sent to Lieut. Gen. Longstreet._

I am, General, very respectfully, your obedient servant,

S. COOPER, _Adjutant and Inspector General_.

NO. 4. PAGE 757.

_GEN. COOPER TO GEN. LONGSTREET._

Gen. Longstreet.

The following dispatch has just been received from Gen. Lee;

FREDERICKSBURG, VA., April 29, 1863.

The enemy is in large force on the north bank of the

Rappahannock opposite the railroad at Hamilton's crossing.

He is crossing troops below the point at which he crossed in

December.... I hear of no other point at which he is crossing

except below Kelly's Ford, where Gen. Howard has crossed

with his division, said to be fourteen thousand, six pieces

of artillery, and some cavalry.... All available troops had

better be sent forward as rapidly as possible.

S. COOPER, _Adjutant and Inspector General_.

NO. 5. PAGE 758.

_GEN. COOPER TO GEN. LONGSTREET._

ADJUTANT AND INSPECTOR GENERAL'S OFFICE,}

RICHMOND, VA., April 29, 1863. }

Lieut. Gen Longstreet.

The following telegram just received since the one already

communicated to you:

If any troops can be sent by rail to Gordonsville,

under a good officer, I recommend it. Longstreet's

Division, if available, _had better come to me_;

and the troops for Gordonsville and the protection

of the railroad, from Richmond and North Carolina

if practicable. Gen. Howard, of the enemy's forces

making toward Gordonsville....

The Secretary, in view of the above, _directs the return

of your command_, or at least such portions of it as can be

spared without serious risk; also any surplus force that can

be spared from D. H. Hill.... These movements are required to

be made with the _utmost dispatch_.

S. COOPER, _Adjutant and Inspector General_.

NO. 6. PAGE 758.

_SECRETARY SEDDON TO GEN. COOPER._

WAR DEPARTMENT, C. S. A., April 29, 1863.

Gen. Cooper.

_Dear General_: Gen. Lee telegraphs that all available force

at our command be sent at once by rail or otherwise toward

Gordonsville.... Telegraph French at Petersburg to send all

available force at his command....

J. A. SEDDON, _Secretary of War_.

NO. 7. PAGE 758.

_SECRETARY OF WAR TO GEN. COOPER._

WAR OFFICE, RICHMOND, April 29, 1863.

Gen. Cooper.

Gen. Lee, by another telegram just sent the President, says:

"... Longstreet's Division, if available, had better come to

me...."

J. A. SEDDON, _Secretary_.

NO. 8. PAGE 760.

_GEN. COOPER TO GEN. LONGSTREET._

RICHMOND, VA., April 30, 1863.

Lieut. Gen. James Longstreet, Suffolk, Va.

Move without delay your command to this place, to effect a

junction with Gen. Lee.

S. COOPER, _Adjutant and Inspector General_.

NO. 9. PAGE 761.

_GEN. LEE. TO PRESIDENT DAVIS._

FREDERICKSBURG, April 30, 1863.

His Excellency, President Davis.

... Enemy was still crossing the Rappahannock at 5 P.M.

yesterday.... Object evidently to turn my left.... If I had

Longstreet's Division, I would feel safe.

R. E. LEE, _General_.

NO. 10. PAGE 765.

_GEN. LONGSTREET TO GEN. COOPER._

SUFFOLK, VA., May 2, 1863.

Gen. Cooper.

I cannot move unless the entire force is moved; and it

would then take several days to reach Fredericksburg. I will

endeavor to move as soon as possible.

JAMES LONGSTREET, _Lieutenant General Commanding_.

"Responsibility cannot exist without a name," or an object.

Perhaps Longstreet delayed to execute these orders for the reason he

states (page 329), that there was a "plan of battle projected"--that

is, "to _stand behind our intrenched lines and await the return of my

troops from Suffolk_." "And my impression is that Gen. Lee, standing

under his trenches, would have been stronger against Hooker than he was

in December against Burnside, and he would have _grown stronger every

hour of delay_." "By the time the divisions of Pickett and Hood could

have joined Gen. Lee, Hooker would have found that he must march to

attack or make a retreat without battle. It _seems_ probable that under

_the original plan_ the battle would have _given fruits worthy_ of a

general engagement."

Longstreet's first dispatch _disclosed his intentions to Lee_, and Lee

wisely decided not to wait ten or twelve days for Longstreet to join

him. Moreover, it is not probable that Lee thought Hooker would be so

knightly as to await the arrival of the Suffolk troops before giving

battle. Longstreet does not deal even in the conjectural, for it is not

based on any evidence; he merely guesses.

But it is better to deal with the possible.

Two brigades could have been withdrawn from before Suffolk on the night

of the 27th of April and sent to join Gen. Lee, then the main force on

the night of the 28th. There is no doubt about this. In this event the

enemy could have passed the 29th in discovering our intentions. Rather

than crossing the Nansemond river and giving us battle, they would have

awaited orders, and probably been sent to Fredericksburg to aid Hooker;

but this is not important.

On the 28th he could have ordered Gen. D. H. Hill, then at Goldsboro,

to have protected the train, called on Whiting at Wilmington for

aid, while I had a division at Franklin on the Blackwater, and forces

elsewhere which would no doubt have saved the train from the enemy.

His first dispatch is very misleading, and does not convey the idea

that he would sit down and wait six days for the wagons before he

withdrew. While this was going on at Suffolk, the heroic "Stonewall"

Jackson was marching to the right and rear of Hooker's army, and when

it was announced to him that the enemy _was_ capturing _his_ wagon

train, without checking the walk of his horse he said: "Do not let

them capture any ammunition wagons." What value were his baggage wagons

compared to the loss of even a few minutes in accomplishing the great

object of his movement, on which victory depended. To his master mind

before him was the enemy, the impending battle, the victory, and the

reward due to genius of battle, with all the spoils of war strewn in

the conqueror's path. And it was so. And thus it was that Longstreet,

by not effecting a junction with Lee, "put the _cause_ upon the hazard

of a _die_, crippling it in resources and future progress." (See

Longstreet, p. 330.)

Mark Antony, in his speech over the dead Cæsar, said: "Power in most

men has brought their faults to light. Power in Cæsar brought into

prominence his excellencies."

So power given Lee made known to the world the nobility of his

character and greatness as a commander; while in others it disclosed

a spirit of envy and a desire for detraction; and in all some

peculiarities. Lee was not conscious of his strength, because his

greatness of soul was derived from his goodness of heart, and it rested

upon him with the ease and grace of a garment. His generosity induced

him to overlook the frailty incident to humanity, and to forgive even

disobedience in his lieutenants. He remembered what Job said about

a book, and wrote none. He envied no one. He left no writings extant

naming an enemy, and his harshest remark in reference to an officer of

high rank was, in effect, that he was "slow to move."

The official reports show that Hooker had 161,491 men and 400 guns.

Lee's forces numbered 58,100 men, with 170 guns. This was known to

Lee's lieutenants.

The publication of the Official Record by Congress discloses the fact

that Mr. Seddon induced Gen. Lee to send Gen. Longstreet with Hood's

and Pickett's Divisions to cover Richmond, which he thought menaced

from Fortress Monroe and Suffolk. Lee thought Pickett's Division

sufficient. (Official Record, Vol. 22, p. 623.)

I had the name and reported strength of every regiment in both Suffolk

and Norfolk, obtained from blockade runners and verified by prisoners.

Suffolk had no strategic value to the enemy of any import, and none

to us. In 1862 I designed the taking of Suffolk, and on an appointed

day assembled some eight or nine thousand troops at Franklin, on

the Blackwater. The only officers who had any knowledge of this were

Gens. G. W. Smith, in Richmond, and J. J. Pettigrew. It was stopped,

the morning the troops assembled, by Gen. G. W. Smith on strategic

grounds and it not being a depot of supplies; and he was right. And

when Secretary Seddon, against Lee's advice, joined with Longstreet in

moving on Suffolk so late in the spring, he or Longstreet committed an

error, the consequence of which was Lee had to fight Hooker with the

force just stated, without the aid of his lieutenant general. Who was

it, then, that put the "Confederacy on the hazard of a die?"

Hooker would never have embarked his great army on the Potomac at

Aquia, and carried them back where they had once been under Gen.

McClellan, and Richmond was not in danger, and Longstreet's expedition

to Suffolk not in accordance with grand strategy; and but for Lee's

audacity, and Stonewall Jackson's swift movements and vigorous blows at

Chancellorsville, the Confederacy would have been there shattered into

fragments, and all by one false movement to Suffolk.

"Fortune loves a daring suitor."

Lee threw down the iron glove, and the daring suitor won! It was

the most remarkable victory of the war, but by the absence of those

divisions, and the death of Stonewall Jackson, the large fruits of the

victory were lost.

CHAPTER XIII.

Leave Petersburg for Jackson, Miss.--Visit Home--My

Division Composed of the Brigades of Gens. Maxey, Evans,

and McNair--Extraordinary Correspondence between Gen.

Johnston and President Davis--Movements to Attack Grant at

Vicksburg--Fall of Vicksburg--Retreat to Jackson--Siege of

Jackson--Visit Home--Negro Troops Surround the House--Narrow

Escape--Vandalism--Johnston Takes Command of the Army of

Tennessee--Polk in Command of Army of Mississippi--A Court of

Inquiry That Was Not Held--My Division at Meridian--President

Davis--Jackson Burned--Sherman's Advance on Meridian--Ordered

to Mobile--Polk Crossing Tombigbee River--He Is

Slow to Move--Go to Demopolis--Mr. Fournier--Sent to

Lauderdale--Tuscaloosa--Montevallo--Reach Rome--Fight at

Rome--Join Gen. Johnston at Cassville.

On Wednesday, June 3, 1863, I started in accordance with orders from

Petersburg to report to Gen. J. E. Johnston in Mississippi. I arrived

in Jackson on the 10th. Next day reported for duty; but as I had not

been home since I joined the army, and the service was not pressing,

got permission to visit my family. I went by stage to Yazoo City,

and by chance met my neighbor, F. A. Metcalf, there, and together we

crossed the Yazoo bottoms. Riding horseback, sixty-five miles the

last day, I reached my home on Deer Creek at 11 P.M., and found my

mother, sister, and little daughter, aged nearly eight years, all

well. I remained at home Monday, the 15th, and started back on the

16th. Before I reached home Mr. Bowie, my agent, had gone to Georgia

with seventy-eight of my negro servants, leaving twenty-five here to

cultivate a corn crop. I joined my division, composed of the brigades

of Gens. Maxey, McNair, and Evans, on the 24th, encamped at Mrs.

Carraway's, in Madison County, near Livingston; put Gen. Evans in

arrest by order of Gen. Johnston. I was in camp the 25th and the two

days following.

[Illustration: JOSEPH E. JOHNSTON.]

Before proceeding any further in reference to military matters in

Mississippi, I will give some rich correspondence that took place

between Gen. Johnston and President Davis and which I knew nothing

about until months after it occurred. Here it is. (See page 195, War

Records, Serial 36.)

CANTON, MISS., June 9, 1863.}

Via Montgomery, June 10. }

His Excellency, President Davis.

It has been suggested to me that the troops in this

department are very hostile to officers of Northern birth,

and that on that account Maj. Gen. French's arrival will

weaken instead of strengthening us. I beg you to consider

that _all_ the general officers of Northern birth are on duty

in this department. There is now a want of major generals

(discipline). It is important to avoid any cause of further

discontent.

J. E. JOHNSTON.

_THE ANSWER._

RICHMOND, VA., June 11, 1863.

Gen. J. E. Johnston.

Your dispatch received. Those who suggest that the arrival

of Gen. French will produce discontent among the troops

because of his Northern birth are not probably aware that

he is a citizen of Mississippi, was a wealthy planter until

the Yankees robbed him; and, before the Confederate States

had an army, was the chief of ordnance and artillery in the

force Mississippi raised to maintain her right of secession.

As soon as Mississippi could spare him he was appointed a

brigadier general in the Provisional Army of the Confederate

States, and has frequently been before the enemy where he was

the senior officer. If malignity should undermine him, as it

had another, you are authorized to notify him of the fact and

to relieve him, communicating it to me by telegram.

Surprised by your remark as to the general officers of

Northern birth, I turned to the register, and find that

a large majority of the number are elsewhere than in the

Department of Mississippi and eastern Louisiana.

JEFFERSON DAVIS.

Men of Northern birth who held high rank in the Confederacy: Samuel

Cooper, general, New Jersey; Josiah Gorgas, chief of ordnance,

Pennsylvania; John C. Pemberton, general, Pennsylvania; Charles

Clark, general and Governor of Mississippi, Ohio; Daniel Ruggles,

general, Massachusetts; Walter H. Stevens, general, New York; Julius

A. DeLagnel, New Jersey; John R. Cooke, general, Missouri; R. S.

Ripley, general, Ohio; Hoffman Stevens, general, Connecticut; Samuel G.

French, general, New Jersey; Bushrod R. Johnson, general, Ohio; James

L. Alcorn, general, Illinois (was Governor and United States Senator);

Danville Leadbetter, general, Maine; Archibald Gracie, general, New

York; William McComb, general, Pennsylvania; Otho French Strahl,

general, Ohio; Daniel M. Frost, general, New York; Albert G. Blanchard,

general, Massachusetts; Johnson K. Duncan, general, Pennsylvania;

Albert Pike, general, Massachusetts; Daniel H. Reynolds, general, Ohio;

Edward Aylesworth Perry, general, Massachusetts; Francis A. Shoup,

general, Indiana; Martin L. Smith, general, New York; Franklin Gardner,

general, New York.

A brief sketch of these men was published in the _Atlanta Constitution_

by Prof. J. T. Derry. The number is twenty-six, and twelve of them

were educated at West Point. They believed in the right of States to

secede, and, owing allegiance to the States where they lived or wished

to reside, they cast their lot with the South.

July 1, 1863. Moved to some springs on the Vernon and

Brownsville road.

2d. Moved at 4 A.M.; marched through Brownsville. I slept

under a tree last night, but have an abandoned house

to-night.

3d. Rode over to meet Gen. Johnston. There were present Gens.

Loring, W. H. T. Walker, Jackson, and myself. If there be any

one thing in this part of the country more difficult than all

others, it is to find a person who knows the roads ten miles

from his home. _Nine_ hours were spent in vainly attempting

to get accurate information from the citizens respecting the

roads and streams. But little could be learned of the country

on either side of the Big Black that was satisfactory,

because it was so contradictory.

July 4. Anniversary of a declaration that was read

eighty-seven years ago, and which awakened a benighted

world to the fact that man was born with certain inalienable

rights. All was still in the direction of Vicksburg. What

does it portend? No firing there yet, and it is 12 M. But

there is always something to mar one's pleasure or disturb

his rest, for now came the news that the enemy had crossed

Messenger's Ferry, on the Big Black....

5th. Remained in camp. Some skirmishing on the Big Black.

The order of Gen. Johnston to cross the Big Black and attack

Grant's new line _was issued_. I soon after received news of

the surrender of Vicksburg, and it was determined to fall

back toward Jackson. The enemy's camp fires extend about

three miles on the other side of the stream....

6th. My division in advance. Moved by Queen's Hill Church to

some ponds near Clinton. The day was very hot and the dust

simply awful. I took breakfast with J. E. Davis, brother of

the President....

8th. We reached Jackson yesterday at 2 P.M. Enemy at Clinton.

I rode around with Gen. Johnston to examine the line. It is

miserably located and not half completed.

9th. This morning I was awakened at 2 A.M. to take my

division to the trenches.

10th. All day there has been heavy fighting. In front of Gen.

Evans the enemy has got so near that they render it difficult

to man the guns....

11th. The order of the divisions of the army that encircle

Jackson, from the river above the city to the river below, is

as follows, beginning on the right: Loring, Walker, French,

and Breckinridge. Fighting commenced early this morning,

and the firing was rapid all along the line. About 11 A.M.

we drove the enemy from their lines and burned a number of

houses that they occupied.

From now on to the 16th the usual occurrences of cannonading,

dismounting pieces, fighting all the time, continued. Cotton bales

were set on fire that were used for breastworks, flags of truce to bury

the dead passed, shells are falling all over the town. The Governor of

the State, Pettus, is in the city about the capitol. He goes over the

river at night to prevent being captured. He believes the main object

of the expedition is to capture _him_. Well, he has his early wishes

gratified. The Yankees have set their feet on the sacred soil of his

domain! Where are his double-barrel shotguns to ambuscade the Yankees?

16th. Met at Gen. Johnston's to consider the order of

evacuating the town. At 10 P.M. troops were withdrawn from

the trenches, and at 1 A.M. the advanced skirmishers. We

reached Brandon at 8 A.M. Two of Evans's men were left,

accidentally, on the skirmish line with some amateur

soldiers, and in the morning when they awoke they found

themselves alone. The enemy did not discover our departure

until late.

While in camp near Brandon I was taken sick with remittent fever, and

was granted a leave of absence and left for Columbus, Ga., and made

my home with Judge G. E. Thomas. When my leave was out I received a

dispatch from Gen. J. E. Johnston to remain in Columbus, as I would be

required as a witness for him before a Court of Inquiry to be held in

Atlanta.

I remained in Columbus and at the Warm Springs most of the month of

September, and then went to Enterprise, Miss.

October 19. Received a dispatch to move to Meridian, prepared

to take the field. Found the President at the hotel, and had

an interview with him alone.

November 7. Moved my command to Meridian.

14th. Started to make a visit to my family at my home in

Washington County. I took with me Lieut. James R. Yerger, one

of my aids, and Levi, one of my servants.

16th. We left Canton with two cavalrymen as a guard; crossed

the Yazoo at Yazoo City. About sunset we reached Col. Fall's

plantation, on Deer Creek. The enemy had passed there the

day previous. Crossing the creek at Judge Ruck's plantation

(Judge Ruck is my aid's grandfather), we met an old negro

man leading a pony over the bridge. Lieut. Yerger knew the

old man, and asked what he was doing with the pony. He said

the Yankees were on the creek about three miles below my

house, and he was saving his pony. In the dark we were not

recognized by the old servant. But for meeting this old

servant we should have ridden into the camp of the Yankees.

After a while we recrossed the creek and rode on up to

Eleck Yerger's, called him up, and slept in his parlor.

He confirmed the negro's statement about the Yankees being

on the other side of the creek. I got a cup of coffee, or

something else (think it was the latter), and rode on up the

creek till we got opposite my house.

It is the 19th of November. Indian summer: the sky hazy,

and a drowsy sleepiness rested over the landscape. Seeing a

crow resting himself on the front gatepost, I dismounted and

crossed to my home. I found mother, sister, and my little

Tillie all well. They were surprised and delighted to see

us, and then they were frightened also. They said the Yankees

were a mile or two above us, and two miles below us.

20th. I put a faithful male slave on the upper gallery to

watch the roads, and especially to report if any dust was

raised on the road, and then I was content for the day.

However I thought the "Yanks" were too near, and that my

being at home would be made known, so I ordered the horses

to be at the door at 5 P.M. to ride down the creek to a

neighbor's ten miles below, and the family to come down

next day to where I was going. I was implored not to go,

but I resisted entreaties. We rode across the plantation

to Metcalf's house. My servant knocked at the door and

received no response. Mrs. Metcalf came out by a side door

and exclaimed: "Gen. French, you must not cross the creek.

Look at the camp fires of the Yankees just in front of you!"

I asked for Mr. Metcalf, and was told he had fled to the

woods. His agent was on the fence watching for the "Yanks."

It was now quite dark. Notwithstanding all this advice, we

forded the creek and I went forward to reconnoiter. I found

no pickets, so, it being late, we went into the woods and

rested for the night.

21st. We mounted our horses and rode out to reconnoiter. We

met Mr. Metcalf. I learned that two white Yankee officers

and a company of colored soldiers surrounded my house about

ten minutes after we left it. So as we were crossing the

field east, this company was in the field coming up from

the south. The negroes surrounded the dwelling, and the

officers entered to capture me. They were told I had left.

This did not satisfy them. My sister took a light and went

with one officer and let him search all the rooms and closets

upstairs. Then she told him where the steps were and insisted

that he should go up into the cockloft to be sure that I was

not there. He declined, saying it was an unpleasant duty he

was sent to perform, and apologized for the trouble he had

given the family. When my sister returned to the sitting room

the other officer had my United States army uniform coat in

his hand. He told her it was a contraband article, and as

such he would take it, She replied: "I know you are going to

steal it, and to relieve your conscience from remorse I will

give you the coat. It is my brother's, but he would scorn

to wear it with those badges on it." He declined to accept

it, but as a contraband article he would take it. She then

asked him if contraband articles were the property of the

individual, and he answered: "I shall make a report of my

visit to the commanding officer." During these proceedings

the "First Colored Native Mississippi Cavalry" stole two

mules and a horse, all we had on the place. And I will here

remark that my dear friend (classmate and roommate at West

Point), Gen. Fred Steele, had in the spring carried off

thirty-five fine mules for the benefit of the United States.

He sincerely apologized to my mother for this act, but it was

an order of Gen. Grant's that he had to execute. But more of

this anon.

November 22. This is my birthday. After I learned that the

blacks came so near capturing me I determined to let mother

know that I was not captured, so I went back home and took

breakfast with them. Bidding them good-by, I tried to console

them, but it was with a bitter heart that I left them alone

without a horse to send a servant in case of any necessity.

During the night we saw a fire down the creek, and when I got

back to where I left my aid I learned that the enemy set fire

to Judge Shall Yerger's house while the family were asleep,

and they barely escaped alive. The Yankees, colored ones,

being mainly on the right bank, we traveled down the left,

in the rear of the plantations, to Bogue Phalia. Away out in

this wilderness of woods, at Dr. Harper's, we were treated

to a bottle of champagne. We drank it on the banks of that

meandering stream out of tin cups: it was good all the same.

We went on to Mr. Heathman's, on Indian Bayou, to stay all

night. My two guards, innocently going up Deer Creek, rode

into a camp of negro troops and were fired at in the dark,

and fled to this place. As we rode up to the house the two

soldiers came out with their carbines, but Mr. Heathman (a

feather bed ranger) jumped out the window and hid back in

the rear, and no calling induced him to come back. About

twelve o'clock at night he came up, peeped in the window,

saw we were not Yankees, and came in. But his supper had

vanished....

25th. I arrived at Jackson, or where Jackson once was, and

found it in ruins, it having been burned down by "childlike

and bland" Sherman. Now I first heard of the defeat of Bragg

at Missionary Ridge yesterday, November 25, and felt very

gloomy.

December 6. I received orders to move the brigades of Ector

and McNair to Brandon with the batteries. Capt. C. D. Myers

left to-night. He is a gentleman and a good officer. His home

is in Wilmington, N. C.

13th. Gen. Johnston arrived yesterday. Gen. J. R. Lidell

remained in camp with me Friday and Saturday.

14th. Capt. J. M. Baldwin left this morning for Columbus,

Ga., taking with him my servant, John Sharp. He is not in

the service now, and goes there as my agent to care for my

servants taken out there.

17th to 22d. Gen. Johnston ordered to the command of the Army

of Tennessee. Lieut. Gen. Polk in command of this department

now. Tomorrow Gen. Johnston will leave for the Army of

Tennessee, much to my regret.

December 24. This morning Gen. Polk sent for me and told

me that he would start for Enterprise at once, and we rode

down to the depot together. The cars had left, and he took

a locomotive and started after the train. During the ride he

said he wished me to go to Jackson and put the railroad and

the bridges in repair. In the afternoon we drove to Jackson.

At Mrs. Ruck's we had tableau and charades. Women are never

suppressed, always cheerful. How many of the Yerger families

were there? There are five brothers, all lawyers, and good

ones.

26th. Returned to Brandon. Nothing of note occurred between

the 26th and 30th.

Judge Shall Yerger was a neighbor of mine on Deer Creek, near

Greenville, Miss. He was an eminent jurist and able judge. He

maintained almost absolute silence in his court. Except those engaged

in a case, no one was permitted to talk above a whisper. He was fond of

telling anecdotes to good and appreciative listeners. His aversion to

the use of liquor was marked, and he condemned playing cards for money.

Now it happened in some way that the grand jury of Washington County

had indicted his nephew, who was sheriff of the county, Dr. Finley,

and some others for playing cards for money. At the meeting of the

court, when the nephew's case was called he pleaded guilty, and, after

some good advice, the judge imposed on him a fine of fifty dollars.

When Dr. Finley's case was before the court his attorney declared the

witness was revealing the secrets of the bedchamber. Yet he was found

guilty on two indictments. The Judge sat in a rocking-chair, and before

he pronounced sentence he occupied about ten minutes in delivering

a homily on the impropriety of an accomplished gentleman, who by his

profession had the entrée to all the best families, who should, while

perhaps the shadow of death was hovering over his patient, be so

indifferent as to play cards and distress the family, ... ending in

fining the Doctor fifty dollars in each case in the most imperturbable

manner, and saying the Doctor would stand committed until the fine was

paid. To this the Doctor observed: "May it please your honor, you know

that we all keep our funds in New Orleans, and I can only pay by a

draft." He was informed that was a matter between him and the officers

of the court. So he finally sat down, and as the Judge was indebted

to Finley for professional services, he drew the check on _him_, and

handed it to the sheriff, who gave it to the clerk, who in turn passed

it to the Judge. He glanced over it, all the while rocking gently, and

without a change of countenance handed it back to the clerk with the

quiet remark: "_The court remits the fine imposed on Dr. Finley._"

On landing in Vicksburg one day, and when walking to the hotel, he

was met by a man to whom he owed a small bill, who, after the usual

salutations of the day, said to the Judge: "I have some debts to pay,

and I wish you would hand me the small amount you owe me." "Sir," said

the Judge, "have you the audacity to ask me to pay my debts while

your own are unpaid? Go and pay your debts first, then you can with

propriety ask me to pay mine," and left him to analyze the sophistry of

his advice.

When Gen. Frederick Steele was sent to Deer Creek by Gen. Grant to

destroy all mills that could supply the garrison in Vicksburg with

flour, and bring away the live stock, he reached Judge Shall Yerger's

about noon, and he and his staff were invited to dine with them. Steele

gave positive orders only to break the machinery of the grain mill, and

to burn nothing. While they were at dinner a servant woman rushed into

the dining room and exclaimed: "O missus, the ginhouse is on fire."

Mrs. Yerger rose from her seat in great excitement, but the Judge said

in the most quiet manner: "Sit down, my dear, sit down; Gen. Steele's

troops are doing this complimentary to us for the hospitality shown

him." Gen. Steele left the table, and in every way tried to discover

who set the building on fire, and failed. Steele was a gentleman

always.

31st. This morning it was springlike, but after a while

far distant thunder was heard. Nearer and nearer it came,

until at last the storm burst on us in all its fury. The

rain was violent, accompanied with hailstones as large as

hen's eggs. Next, the wind veered around to the northwest,

and it became very cold and snow fell. After dark two men

brought to the office a benevolent man from Connecticut, a

prisoner, and some papers that were found on his person. From

these I discovered that he was cultivating some plantations

in cotton on the banks of the Mississippi, near Red River.

That he had permits from the Freedmen's Bureau to visit his

plantation between certain gunboat stations at will, etc. He

was, he argued, doing the work of a Christian in cultivating

abandoned lands, bringing wealth out of the earth, giving

employment to the idle, in making the slaves work, etc.

I asked him whose place he was on, or made his home. He

told me. I inquired if the owner was on the plantation. He

replied in the affirmative. To another question he said that

he occupied the dwelling and the proprietor the overseer's

house, and then gave the details of working the crop and

dividing the same. I did not agree with him, and told the

guard, who had heard all, to put him in the guardhouse in

the town. They wished to carry him to camp. I would not

permit it. Next day I sent him to Gen. Polk. He was no doubt

a charitable man, for he had left his New England home, and

was kindly cultivating these plantations to prevent them from

growing up in weeds and briers, but there were some _facts_

that upset his _theory_ of philanthropy.

January 1, 1864. It is very cold, and the ground is frozen

hard. I dined at Mr. Proctor's. Among the guests were Drs.

Langley and Thornton, Capt. Smith, and Mr. Whitfield....

7th. Received orders to move my command to Meridian. For want

of transportation, troops were not sent until the 9th. On

the 10th, when I left Brandon, people were sliding, and some

skating, on the pond near the depot. Ice two inches thick.

During the remainder of January there is nothing in my diary

worth recording here.

February 1. This morning I was directed to hold my division

in readiness to move to Jackson. On the evening of the 2d

I was sent for by Gen. Polk and told to move as soon as

possible. I reached Jackson at 5 P.M. on the 4th. I found

Gen. S. D. Lee about sixteen miles in front of Jackson

skirmishing with the enemy, who were advancing on Jackson

under Sherman. Telegraphed Gen. Polk that the enemy, 25,000

strong, was advancing, and their destination, _Meridian_.

Also wrote him to the same effect. I had now in Jackson

only 2,200 men, and I had no artillery horses, no wagons, no

ambulances.

5th. In constant communication with Gen. S. D. Lee and Gen.

Loring. I informed the latter that the enemy would be in

Jackson before he could get here. So Loring went to Madison

Station, and said he would cross the Pearl river at Culley's

Ferry. All stores were now sent to Meridian, and stores from

Brandon were ordered to be sent early. The enemy pressed Lee

hard. By every telegram Lee said he wished to swing to the

left and not cross the river, and remain west of the Pearl.

I telegraphed Gen. Forrest the strength and position of the

enemy. In the evening I received a dispatch from Polk to

continue labor on the railroad. Indiscreet order to execute

to-day, and I will postpone it. At 4 P.M. I crossed the river

and started the troops for Brandon, hastened the loading of

the trains, and then myself and staff returned to the city. I

found the Federal troops in possession of the western part of

the town, so we turned round and had a race with their troops

for the bridge (a pontoon bridge) and ordered it taken up. As

the end was being cut loose one of Gen. Lee's staff officers

(his doctor) sprung his horse on the bridge and cried out

that Lee's force was in the city and would have to cross

here. Replaced it. At this moment the enemy lined the high

bank and opened fire on us. We soon threw some of the plank

into the river and knocked the bottoms out of the boats. Lee

got out of the city by the Canton road. Under fire of their

batteries, in the dark, the infantry marched for Brandon.

Maj. Storrs, my chief of artillery, a most gallant man, was

left behind to get his horses out of the cars and bring on

the guns, which he did under fire of the enemy. I left a

squadron of cavalry to watch the enemy at the crossing. Next

day I moved on toward Barrett's mills.

On my arrival in Jackson I telegraphed Lee that I would join

him, and also sent to him my aid, Yerger, with the message

that I would join him and risk a battle if he advised it.

He thought it not proper to do so considering Loring had

declined to give battle. On the 7th, moved on and encamped

near Morton. I found Loring here with his division.

8th. This morning Loring placed the whole force present at

my command to face about, form line of battle, and give the

enemy a fight. I formed this line two miles from town. Some

skirmishing ensued. We held a good position and the troops

were in fine spirits, but the enemy would not attack us. At

a council held it was deemed best to continue to fall back

and await the arrival of Baldwin's Brigade and Lee with

his cavalry, so we marched all night to Hillsboro. All this

time the enemy spread the report that they were en route for

Mobile.

9th. Gen. Polk arrived this morning. He had been at Mobile,

caught the contagion, and ordered me at once to Newton

Station with the brigades of Quarles, McNair, Ector, and

Cockrell, there to take trains and proceed to Mobile, take

command, and defend the city, as I outranked Gen. Maury.

After a tedious march all night we reached the station,

thirty miles distant, by daybreak. Here I found trains enough

for the brigades of Quarles and McNair. These two brigades,

after arriving at Meridian, were carried to Mobile. About

noon Polk arrived and told me to remain, as Gen. Maury was

sent there by the War Department. Loring marched by dirt

road.

11th. This afternoon the brigades of Ector and Cockrell, and

the remaining batteries left for Meridian, where we arrived

before dark. These two brigades were detained, and did not go

to Mobile.

14th. At 7 P.M. started for Alamucha, and after a tedious

march encamped beyond the town. Next day marched to Gaston.

16th. Started early this morning, my division in advance.

Gen. Polk's headquarter wagons and _cows_ took the road to

Moscow, and we to Lewis's Ferry. Reached there at 11 A.M.

Found the engineers there with three steamers and three

(decked) scows, with which to make a pontoon bridge over

the Tombigbee. It was apparent that they would not span the

river. The steamer Admiral came down and "rounded to," and

then started down the river at full speed. She was necessary

for the bridge, so I sent the steamer Clipper after her, with

Lieut. Freeman and a guard on board, to capture her. She was

overtaken six miles below and brought back.

It was now 12 M., and nothing had been done to bridge the

river. My advanced train had reached the river at 2 P.M. the

day previous, and were crossing the wagons on scows, and by

dusk had eighty on the other side. At 1:30 P.M., Gen. Polk

arrived, and in his presence I remarked to the engineer

officer that "it was time to go to work," when the General in

an abrupt manner said: "If Gen. French pleases, I have given

my orders." Be that as it may, nothing had been done by his

orders to get the army over, and there would have been no

bridge had I not caught the steamer Admiral. When at last the

bridge was finished, all my division train had been ferried

over save six wagons, and it was about 2 A.M. before it was

all over. Then Loring's Division had to cross.

Gen. Polk had been an Episcopal bishop, and enjoyed the best the land

afforded. The matin songs of the birds disturbed not his morning

repose. The glorious sun rose too early for him to see it from the

mountain top. It showed its face there at an unseemly hour. But when

the "drowsy morn" was passed, and the milkmaid had drawn tribute from

the cows, and the coffee-pot was steaming on the hearth, and the light

rolls were hot by the fire, and the plump, fine capon, with sides

well lined with fat, was broiling on the coals, sending a savory odor

through the apartments, the Bishop would arise, his face radiant with

joy. He was a valiant trencherman, but when the repast was over he

threw aside the surplice. The priest became a warrior when he girded on

his saber, and sallied forth a paladin in the strife.

During all the long retreat from Jackson to this place we

have done but little fighting with the infantry. It has

nearly all been done by the cavalry and artillery.

18th. Moved to Demopolis and encamped there. It is very cold

and snow is falling. Mr. Fournier gave me rooms at his house.

He came to Demopolis with Gen. Le Febre, who came to the

United States after the abdication of Napoleon. I received

letters from home.

21st. Went to Judge Dixon's, a neighbor of mine, and we

attended divine service at the Episcopal Church. The Rt. Rev.

Bishop Wilmer preached an eloquent sermon. The congregation

is under the charge of Mr. Beckwith, who formerly resided

on Deer Creek and was acquainted with my family. [He was

afterwards Bishop of Georgia.]

26th. Left on a ten days' leave of absence to visit Columbus,

Ga. On the cars were Gens. Hardee, Loring, Withers,

and Walthall. On arrival in Columbus I went to Gen. A.

Abercrombie's in Russell County, Ala.; remained there till

Monday morning, and arrived in Demopolis on the 11th of

March; remained in camp there until the 31st, when I started

for Lauderdale with my division. In Demopolis I met many

agreeable families. Among them were Mr. Lyons, Fournier,

Glovers, Thornton, Lightfoot, Inges, Sheadwicks, and others.

I remained at Lauderdale, Miss., until the 20th of April,

when I received orders to move to Tuscaloosa. _En route_ I

passed through Gainesville, and entered Tuscaloosa on the

26th. I reviewed the troops one morning for Gen. Hodge,

and the same day I reviewed the cadets at the University of

Alabama. Among the pleasant people I met in Tuscaloosa were

W. S. and C. M. Foster, Misses Annie Fiquet, Belle Woodruff,

Cassady, Edden, Searcy, and others. I called to see J. E.

Davis, brother of the President.

_On the 4th of May Gen. Polk was ordered_ by Adj. Gen.

Cooper, also by Gen. Johnston, to move Gen. Loring and all

available force to Rome. A consequence of these orders was

that I, being at Tuscaloosa, Ala., received from Polk, at

Demopolis, at 9 A.M. on the 5th, orders to halt Sears's

brigade, then near Selma, and send it to Montevallo, a

station on the railroad to Rome, and concentrate my division

at Montevallo.

[Illustration: LEONIDAS POLK.]

At the time this order was received Cockrell's Brigade was partly away

up in North Alabama in the counties of Marion, Walker, etc., by order

of Gen. Polk. Ector's Brigade was with me in Tuscaloosa, and Sears's

north of Selma. Immediately orders were given to concentrate, as may be

found in "War Records," Vol. 38, Part IV., and in this volume will be

found many orders and letters pertaining to this movement.

Gen. Sears's Brigade, on May 5, was nearer Rome than Loring at

Demopolis, and was at Montevallo on the 9th when Gen. Polk arrived

there, and _could have been sent with him to Resaca_ had transportation

been provided. My diary records these vexatious delays, and that the

superintendent of the railroad received no orders to move my division

until Tuesday, the 10th, and that he was to have the cars there on

Thursday, the 12th. Polk's administrative ability was not largely

developed so as to anticipate the plainest necessity for coming events

if he were accountable for these delays and others.

May 7. We left Tuscaloosa for Montevallo. I found there the

brigade of Mississippians, commanded by Gen. Sears, that

is to form a part of my division. _On the 9th Gen. Polk

arrived._ He directed that five days' rations be cooked at

once, and that Sears's Brigade should leave that afternoon

for Blue Mountain by railroad. How easy it is to talk about

such things! There was no meal at the commissary's and no

cars for the troops.

10th. No trains yet; raining hard; Ector's Brigade arrived.

Sent all the artillery horses by wagon road.

11th. Rain, rain, and thunder, and no trains yet for the

troops. I wonder if there is a commander of this department.

12th. No trains yet. I resolved to march the troops, but met

Col. Sevier, of Polk's staff, and he assures me that he will

have transportation. Some of my men got on a passing train.

I am informed that no grain was sent up last night for the

artillery horses. Can it be that Gen. Polk knows nothing

about these matters?

13th. To-day I got the remainder of Sears's Brigade off;

and through the night, Ector's troops. Cockrell arrived with

his brigade. I had sent him, by order of Gen. Polk, north of

Tuscaloosa on an important expedition.

Struck tents and left for Blue Mountain. Sears was thirty-six

hours on a train. Such delays were distressing.

Rode this morning, the 16th, into Rome. Yesterday the enemy's

cavalry was within two miles of the city. Gen. Sears arrived,

and at 10 P.M. his brigade was sent on the cars to Kingston.

17th. Sent two batteries by dirt road, also by trains, to

Kingston. About 1 P.M. to-day, as I was putting Ector's

Brigade on the cars for Kingston, I was informed by Brigadier

Davidson that the enemy was within two miles of the town, on

the right bank of the Oostanoula river, and that he had but

one hundred and fifty men (mounted) to check them.

That you may the better comprehend the situation of troops, Federal

and Confederate, I will state that on the 13th Gen. Johnston, on

his retreat from Dalton, had reached Resaca, a town on the right

bank of the Oostanoula, and was there attacked by Gen. Sherman on

the 14th and 15th. On the 15th Sherman's army began crossing the

river, and our troops also. On the 16th both armies were south of the

river, Johnston's force falling back on Kingston and the Federals in

pursuit. Polk, with Loring's Division, was with Johnston at Resaca,

and two brigades of mine would have been there only for the want of

transportation at Montevallo as stated.

So when I found the enemy at Rome, no alternative presented itself

but to put Ector in the trenches over the Oostanoula, and hold the

town until Cockrell arrived, who was, in the morning, thirty-two miles

distant. A strong line of skirmishers was advanced, which was soon

engaged with the enemy. During the afternoon Gen. J. T. Morgan arrived

and said that his command was en route to Rome from Adairsville, and

that he and Gen. Furgerson were both hard pressed by the enemy. At

4 P.M. Gen. Ross (cavalry) arrived with two regiments. The men were

dismounted and placed on the hills. Davidson, with a few cavalry,

moved on the enemy's right. Then, at 6 P.M., Ross, with his men,

charged their line of skirmishers and drove them back to the main line.

Hoskins, with two guns and all the fragments of dismounted men and the

like, was placed on the hills north of the town on the left bank of the

river to at least intimidate the Federals. In this fight I did not lose

over one hundred men, and they were mainly from Ross's Brigade.

During all this day constant communications passed between me and Gens.

Polk and Johnston urging me not to fail to join the retreating army.

Cockrell's Brigade arrived at dusk, having marched thirty-two miles,

and were at once furnished cars and started for Kingston at 10 P.M.

Ector's Brigade reached Kingston at 7:30 A.M. Before we left Rome I

had all the horses, stores, sick, and wounded removed. When we reached

Kingston, on the 18th, I found Gen. Johnston moving, with his army, to

Cassville, and I marched my division there also, and joined Gen. Polk

and encamped near headquarters.

It was an error to not have had Polk's Corps concentrated and well in

hand to unite with Johnston to oppose Sherman's advance from Dalton,

considering the month of May was passing and the time for active

movements had arrived. As it was, they were widely separated. On the

4th of May Gen. Polk was ordered to concentrate his command at Rome.

From causes noted in my diary the last brigade did not reach there

until the 17th.

With Gen. W. T. Sherman, above Dalton, Ga., in command of a hundred

thousand men, it behooved either the War Department at Richmond, or

Gen. J. E. Johnston, in command of the Army of Tennessee, to have

concentrated the Army of Mississippi under the command of Gen. Polk,

and held it ready to join the Army of Tennessee; whereas it was widely

separated. April 26, I was in Tuscaloosa, Ala., and ordered by Gen.

Polk to send a brigade north to the counties as stated. The consequence

of all this was only one division of the Army of Mississippi reached

Johnston before the battle of Resaca was fought, on May 13-15.

CHAPTER XIV.

Cassville--The Line of Battle--Hood's Line Not

Enfiladed--History of that Conference--Two Lieutenant

Generals Invite Their Commander to a Council of War--Johnston

Obliged to Fall Back--We Cross the Etowah River--Dallas--New

Hope Church--Constant Fighting--Rain, Rain--Death of Lieut.

Gen. Polk--Battle of the Latimer House--My Division Occupies

Little and Big Kennesaw Mountains--The Battle--Incidents of

the Battle--Confederates Save Wounded Union Soldiers from

Burning--Kennesaw During Night Bombardment--Col. Martin's

Noble Conduct--The Irony of Fate--Maj. Poten and French

Soldier.

It will be seen that of those troops under Hood that were maneuvering

to attack the enemy advancing on our right, I was the last to leave

the position east of Cassville, for the whole line of battle was formed

before I fell back, and I would have been in reserve entirely had Hood,

as he should have done, extended his line to the left until it touched

Canty's Division.

May 19, 1864. This morning the army was formed in line of

battle. At first I was on the extreme right, but soon after,

by change of dispositions, I occupied the line from the

hills, on Loring's right, across the valley to the top of

the first hill on my right. Hood's Corps was on my right,

maneuvering to attack the enemy, but from some cause no

fight was made. After this line was formed Cockrell, who

was in reserve, was placed on a range of hills _south_ of

Cassville, and behind the town. _At 4 P.M._, I was ordered

to fall back and form _behind_ the division of Gen. Canty and

Cockrell's Brigade, which I did. But as there was an interval

between Hood's line and Canty without troops, I placed there

in position Hoskin's Battery and half of Ector's Brigade.

This left me Sears's Brigade and half of Ector's Brigade in

reserve. Then came an order adding to my command the division

of Canty, which was directly in front of me. Cockrell, on

Canty's left, was put, for the occasion, under the orders of

Loring.

About 5 P.M. our pickets from the extreme front were driven

in toward the second line by the enemy's cavalry. Hoskin's

Battery opened on the cavalry and checked them. About 5:30

P.M. the Federals, having placed some batteries in position

on a ridge in front of Hood's right, opened fire on our

line, and the shells from their extreme left (in _front_ of

Hood's right) enfiladed Hoskin's gun and the line that for a

little while curved out to the battery. Hood's line was not

a prolongation of Polk's line, because it _fell back_ at the

point of junction about twenty-five degrees. [See map in the

"War Records."]

After dark, as I was returning from dinner, I met Gen. Hood,

who asked me to ride over with him to see Gen. Johnston at

Gen. Polk's headquarters, and take supper.

[Illustration:

CONFEDERATE ARMIES of MISSISSIPPI & TENNESSEE

May 19th 1864,

under Command of General

J. E. JOHNSTON.

Army Tenn: Genl. Johnston.

Miss: Lt. Genl. Polk.]

When supper was over Hood and Polk asked Johnston to a conference

that they had previously arranged, and Johnston asked me to go with

him. At the conference, at this time, Hardee _was not_ present. Hood

commenced by declaring that his line and Polk's line were so enfiladed

by the Federal artillery that they could not be held. Polk was not so

strenuous. Johnston insisted on fighting, and my diary says:

At 9 P.M. it was, I am sure, determined to fight at

Cassville, and, after remaining at the conference sometime

longer, I hastened to camp to entrench. Soon after it was

intimated to me by an officer riding along past me that we

would fall back, owing to the enemy moving so far on our

left.

20th. At midnight we commenced to leave our position.

Skirmishers were left, and a few men in the trenches were

given axes to fell trees to deceive the enemy and drown the

noise made in withdrawing the artillery.

I am obliged, before I proceed any further, to make a digression here

in reference to the proceedings of this conference by reason of what

has been published about it.

Johnston, in his "Narrative," gives his version of what occurred,

and so far as what took place it is mainly correct. Hood, in his

"Advance and Retreat," makes an incorrect statement of the condition

of his line, and, whilst I was there, made no reference to being in

a good position for acting on the aggressive and making an attack.

His memory is defective, because in a letter of his, written to me

ten years after, he had entirely forgotten that I was present at the

conference. Then again, in October, 1894, there appeared in the New

Orleans _Picayune_ an anonymous article that endeavored to transfer

Polk's concurrence with Hood to not fight on to my shoulders. It was

so entirely erroneous--nay, purely imaginative--that it required me to

notice it for the benefit of my children, and it can be found in the

_Southern Historical Magazine_, Vol. XXII., pages 1 to 9, published in

Richmond, Va., January-December, 1894.

I regret that this fabulous _Picayune_ article, emanating in New

Orleans, was ever written on account of Gen. Polk. It made him appear

to be a weak man.

[Illustration:

NEW HOPE CHURCH, GA

1864

CHIEF ENGINEER'S OFFICE.

W. J. NORRIS chief Eng:]

21st. Yesterday we crossed the Etowah river and encamped

at an iron furnace in charge of Gen. G. W. Smith, who had

resigned from the army. Remained in camp all day. There

was some firing in the evening on the river below where

we crossed. I received orders to be ready to move in any

direction.

23d. Left Allatoona to-day at noon and marched until dusk,

then encamped for the night.

24th. Started at 4 A.M. and marched westerly toward Dallas.

Encamped in line of battle. Heard guns in the direction of

Dallas.

25th. This morning I moved still farther toward Dallas.

Enemy reported on the road from Rome, striking for, or below,

Atlanta. In the evening I rode along our front. I met Gen.

Johnston while riding toward New Hope Church. The enemy made

an attack on Gen. Hood's front. I returned immediately to

hasten up my command, and arrived about dark in the midst of

a thunderstorm. After placing troop in position during the

night, I slept by the roadside under shelter of a fence.

26th. Assumed line of battle and passed the day in

intrenching. Cheatham is on my right and Canty on my left.

During the night Cheatham moved to the left, and on the 27th

I extended in that direction. In the afternoon there was

an attack on Gen. Hood, which he repulsed. At midnight I

received orders to move my division to the right to relieve

the division of Gen. Stevenson, which was not completed until

4 A.M. I found the line a miserable one, and the enemy's

sharpshooters within twenty yards of the lines. I relieved

his skirmishers and his division left. The Yankees called

this place "hell hole," because, among other things, we

shot twenty-one of their men, one after the other, in one

rifle pit. Soon after sunrise the Federals opened fire with

infantry and artillery, and during the day it increased,

and once I thought we had to repulse a charge on the line.

A great many shells have passed overhead and some through

the top of a little apple tree at the foot of which we are

sitting. They come without invitation. During the night

there was such firing that I got up to ascertain if they were

driving Loring's picket line in, on my right over the valley.

I will remember New Hope Church.

29th. Firing not so heavy to-day as yesterday. I rode over

to Gen. Polk's at 5 A.M. Yesterday there was an attack on

the left made by Gen. Bate, and on the right by Gen. Wheeler.

My line is a hard one to defend. In the evening after dark I

was sent for by Gen. Polk, and found him at Gen. Johnston's.

While there the enemy made an attack on Canty and my left.

The firing was severe. During the night there was continuous

firing on the left, and after midnight heavy artillery

firing. Owing to the condition of the atmosphere, the roar

of the guns was increased, and the sound of bursting shells

overhead was like near by thunder, while the glare makes

night hideous, consequently I got no sleep. This is getting

to be interesting now, but the play is too long, it takes all

night.

30th. Col. Riley, a most gallant officer, is killed. There

is trouble again on Canty's line. Some people are always

in trouble. After dinner I went to Gen. Johnston's, and he

sent me to examine Canty's line. There is not much firing

to-night. The enemy's line is close to ours in front of

Canty. We want engineers. [Next day nothing to relate.]

June 1. I wrote to headquarters for tubes for Enfield rifles.

This morning there is an artillery duel going on between

one of our batteries and those of the enemy. Enormous trees

are falling from the shot. I formed an engineer company,

and put Capt. Venet in command of it. I examined the whole

line. Canty withdrew his line last night, leaving mine to he

maintained, now quite six hundred yards in advance, connected

only by their cross line.

2d. Gen. Ector was wounded this afternoon. An awful

thunderstorm came up, the peals of thunder were frightful,

and the Yankee tried to drown it with mimic artillery, as

if one at a time was not divertisement enough. Some people

can't be satisfied. The ditch is filled up to some depth with

water. Over this I sleep on one board with my face turned

up to the glare of the shells that shine through the closed

eyelids.

3d. Firing as usual, and the enemy moving to our right.

Another heavy thunderstorm is in progress. The roar of

artillery shakes the rain out of the clouds. We drove in the

enemy's skirmish line. One consolation the staff says we have

is that no one comes to see us; the ride is not interesting.

We see no one, and get no orders. That there is good in

everything, including shells, is their doctrine. This battle

has now lasted ten days.

4th. Rain again this morning. It was a disagreeable night in

the trenches. There is firing in front. I have good news from

Virginia. At 4 P.M. I received orders to withdraw our lines.

It is raining to-night. This, with previous rains, rendered

the roads as bad as they can well be, and the night was very

dark. Mud, mud everywhere, and the soldiers sink over their

shoe tops at every step. It took seven hours to move six

miles. At 7 A.M. on the morning of the 5th we were in line of

battle on Lost Mountain.

6th. I obtained a good night's rest. This morning I had to

change the line of battle. The view from this lone mountain

top is beautiful. It is about nine miles east of Marietta.

It swells from the plain solitary and lone to the height of

six hundred feet, affording a fine bird's-eye view of the

surrounding country. To the north the encampments of the

enemy are spread out below, and from hundreds of campfires

the blue smoke rises to float away as gently as though all

were peaceful. Beneath this silver cloud that hangs around

the mountain, there is an angry brow; the demons of war are

there.

7th. I slept in camp in the rear of the mountain, and for

once all is quietness. At 10 A.M. I was ordered to the

extreme right, and to the left at 1 P.M. All the information

I can deduce from a single equation, to which I have reduced

_five orders_ received verbally from Polk's staff, is: X

equal to a line to be formed in a dense wood 73 degrees

northeast. I found Loring plunging about in quest of some

center that is movable, and as invisible as the North Pole.

As I could not determine the value of X at dark, I concluded

to sleep the matter over on the ground where I am.

8th. This morning Maj. Prestman, engineer, examined the

ground for my line. It is a weak, faulty, miserable line. The

engineer took all my tools yesterday, so to-day I am unable

to construct any works. I have reported the matter to Gen.

Polk, but he is so much engrossed with fine-spun theories

that he fails to attend to things requiring prompt attention.

Well! just think of it! This staff of mine, unreasonable

fellows, wish they were back in the trenches again, where,

for about eight days, they were not troubled with orders.

Judge Wright came to see me. I have a high regard for him,

and have seen him several times lately. He is from Tennessee.

9th. Everything was quiet last night, and I heard no guns

until 3 P.M. My division was ordered to follow Loring's

toward the railroad. Contradictory orders again from Gen.

Polk's staff. I got into position at dark, and was called up

at 2 A.M. to change again by moving Ector's Brigade to the

right.

10th. Some skirmishing and artillery firing this morning.

At 1 P.M. a violent thunderstorm came up, and the rain

fell until dark. I believe it has rained now nine days in

succession. The enemy is reported advancing to-day, and the

firing shows it. In the evening I rode on the picket line

with Gen. Ector. Firing continued until dark.

11th. Rain.

12th. Rain once more, and everything is drenched. Enemy

firing with artillery from my front toward Kennesaw Mountain.

13th. Terrible rain last night and all day to-day till noon.

Eleven days' rain! If it keeps on, there will be a story told

like unto that in the Bible, only it will read,

It rained forty days and it rained forty nights,

And the ark it rested on the Kennesaw heights;

For to that place we are floating, it seems to me.

14th. This morning, by written orders (I am glad they have

found paper to write on), Loring went to the right, Canty

from the left to the center, and I extended to the right. No

rain! Telegram of Forrest's victory. During the morning I

rode over to Gen. Polk's quarters and asked him (when Gen.

Johnston rode with him to our left) to come down my line.

He said probably he would do so. Alas! "man proposes, God

disposes." I heard at 12 M. that he had been killed. I sent

an officer to his headquarters, and he returned saying that

the report was true. I then went immediately to his camp and

found that his remains had been sent to Marietta. I was very

much shocked at his untimely fate. A universal sadness seemed

to rest on the countenance of every one. He had accompanied

Johnston to the left and gone on Pine Mountain, and while

in front of our lines the party was fired on by one of

the enemy's batteries, and the third shot fired struck the

General on the left side and killed him instantly. Thus died

a gentleman and a high Church dignitary. As a soldier he was

more theoretical than practical.

I was ordered last night to be in readiness for an advance of

the enemy at 3 A.M. He came not.

15th. All quiet at sunrise. Soon after desultory firing

commenced along the line and continued until 3 P.M., when it

became quite heavy. Featherston had his skirmishers driven

in to their ranks. At 9 P.M. my skirmish line was attacked

unsuccessfully.

16th. Early this morning the enemy opened on my front with

a battery, and at 10 A.M. they shelled the picket line and

skirmish line very severely. At 3 P.M. they again shelled my

line for an hour without serious damage. Cockrell is held in

reserve for Gen. Hardee, and thus I am constantly holding a

reserve for some one else; never yet has a brigade been held

for me, and never, not once, have I asked for assistance.

17th. The now monotonous artillery awakened us this morning

to reveille _before_ we had made any parched ---- for coffee,

the unfeeling hirelings of _toute du monde_! Last night all

the troops on my left swung back and took a new line that

placed me in command of a salient with an angle of about

eighty-five degrees, liable to be enfiladed and taken in

reverse.

18th. Early this morning both pickets and skirmishers on

my left (Walker's Division) gave way and let the Federals

in behind Cockrell's skirmishers, and thus the enemy gained

possession of the Latimar House in my front. Ector's Brigade

skirmishers also came in. The way being clear, the enemy soon

advanced in line of battle, and with many guns enfiladed my

line all day. This constant firing never ceased, but I could

not induce them to come out and make an assault on my front

with infantry, and ere night came my loss was 215 men. Capt.

Guibor's Battery has lost more men (13) to-day than it did

during the entire siege of Vicksburg. Men became in time so

familiar with danger and death that, Gallio-like, they "care

for none of those things." Toward evening I was ordered to

withdraw from this line and occupy Kennesaw Mountain. This

was done during the night.

19th. Early this morning the enemy followed us, and soon the

skirmishing commenced, and by noon the artillery fire was

severe. It ranged up the slope and over the mountain with

great fury, and wounded Gen. Cockrell, and thirty-five of his

men were _hors du combat_.

The position of our army to-day is: Hood is on our right

covering Marietta or the northwest. From his left Polk's

Corps (now Loring's) extends over both Big and Little

Kennesaw Mountains, with the left on the road from Gilgal

Church to Marietta. From this road Hardee extends the line

nearly south, covering Marietta on the west. The left of my

division was established on the Marietta road; thence it ran

up the spur, or incline, of the mountain called Little or

West Kennesaw, and thence to the top of the same; thence on

up to the _top of Big Kennesaw_, where it connected with Gen.

Walthall's troops. Featherston was on the right of Walthall

and joined Gen. Hood. Walker, of Hardee's Corps, was on my

left. Then in order. Bate, Cleburne, and Cheatham came.

Kennesaw Mountain is about four miles northwest of Marietta,

It is over two and a half miles in length, and rises abruptly

from the plain, solitary and alone, to the height of perhaps

seven hundred feet. Its northwestern side is rocky and

abrupt. On the northerly and southerly extremities it can

be gained on horseback. Little Kennesaw, being bald and

destitute of timber, affords a commanding view of all the

surrounding country as far as the eye can reach, except where

the view is hidden by the higher peak. The view from this

elevation embraces Lost Mountain, Pine Mountain, and all

the beautiful cultivated plain, dotted here and there with

farmhouses, extending to the Allatoona Mountains, a spur of

the Great Smoky Mountains of North Carolina.

20th. Busy this morning in establishing batteries to command

the road, and others on the line extending up the mountain

and on the top of Little Kennesaw. I changed the line of

infantry lower down the side of the mountain fronting the

enemy, so as to command the ascent down as far as possible.

Lost ten horses and a few men killed and wounded to-day.

21st. I went to the top of the mountain this morning, and

while there witnessed an artillery duel between the batteries

on Hardee's lines and those of the enemy in front of it.

Rather interesting to look down upon, and more exciting than

a grand display of fireworks.

22d. The constant rains have ceased, the sky is clear, and

the sun, so long hid, now shines out brightly. Skirmishing (I

am tired of that word) on my line last night. I rode to the

top of the mountain quite early, to where I had placed nine

guns in position. During the night the enemy had moved a camp

close to the base of the mountain. It was the headquarters

of some general officers. Tent walls were raised, officers

sitting around on camp stools, orderlies coming and going,

wagons parked, soldiers idling about or resting in the shade

of the trees, and from the cook fires arose the odors of

breakfast, and all this at our very feet. It was tantalizing,

that breakfast, not to be tolerated. So I directed the powder

in a number of cartridges for the guns to be reduced, so as

to drop the shells into the camp below us. I left them in

their fancied security--for no doubt they believed that we

could not place artillery on the height above them, and they

were not visible to our infantry on the mountain side by

reason of the timber. How comfortable they appeared, resting

in the shade and smoking! At length the gunners, impatient

of delay, were permitted to open fire on them. Thunder from

the clear, blue sky could not have surprised them more. They

sprang to their feet, and stood not on the order of their

going, but left quickly, every man for himself, and soon

"their tents were all silent, their banners alone," like

Sennacherib's of old, and there was a deserted camp all this

day.

The enemy appeared this morning to be moving permanently to

our left, and the firing in the afternoon extended farther

in that direction, Toward dark I opened fire on the enemy's

batteries; also again at 11 P.M.

23d. Yesterday Gen. Cockrell had fourteen men wounded. During

the night the enemy removed their tents, wagons, etc., from

their abandoned encampment that was shelled yesterday, and

the place looks desolate. At 10 A.M., when all was quiet on

the mountain, the enemy commenced a rapid fire from guns put

in position during the night, and concentrated it on our guns

on the point of the mountain. Yesterday we had it all our own

way; to-day they are repaying us, and the cannonade is "fast

and furious." Last night there was fighting on our left, but

so different are the reports received that I cannot get at

the truth.

24th. There has been but little fighting during the day.

25th. The everlasting "pop," "pop" on the skirmish line is

all that breaks the stillness of the morning. I went early

to the left of my line, but could not ride in the rear of

Hoskin's Battery on account of the trees and limbs felled by

the shells. From the top of the mountain the vast panorama

is ever changing. There are now large trains to the left of

Lost Mountain and at Big Shanty, and the wagons are moving to

and fro everywhere. Encampments of hospitals, quartermasters,

commissaries, cavalry, and infantry whiten the plain here

and there as far as the eye can reach. Look at our side of

the long line of battle! It is narrow, poor, and quiet, save

at the front where the men are, and contrasts, with here

and there some spots of canvas amidst the green foliage,

strangely with that of the enemy.

The usual extension is going on. Troops of the enemy are

moving to the left, our left, to outflank us, and we lengthen

out correspondingly; and now the blue smoke of the musket

discloses the line by day trending away, far away south

toward the Chattahoochee, and by night it is marked, at

times, by the red glow of the artillery amidst the sparklike

flashes of small arms that look in the distance like

innumerable fireflies.

At 10 A.M. I opened fire on the enemy from the guns on

Kennesaw. The enemy replied furiously, and for an hour the

firing was incessant. I received an order to hold Ector's

Brigade in reserve. In the afternoon there was considerable

firing, and all the chests of one of my caissons were blown

up by shell from the enemy, and by the explosion of a shell

in one of the chests a gunner was killed. They have now about

forty guns in front of me, and when they concentrate their

fire on the mountain at any one point it is pretty severe,

but, owing to our great height, nearly harmless. Thousands

of their Parrott shells pass high over the mountain, and,

exploding at a great elevation, the after part of the shell

is arrested in its flight and, falling perpendicularly, comes

down into camp, and they have injured our tents. Last night

I heard a peculiar "thud" on my tent and a rattle of tin pans

by the side of my cot, and this morning my negro boy cook put

his head into my tent with the pans in his hands and said:

"See here, master Sam, them 'fernal Yanks done shot my pans

last night. What am I going to do 'bout it?" A rifle ball,

coming over the mountain, had fallen from a great height and

perforated the pans and penetrated deep into the earth.

26th. This is Sunday, and all is comparatively quiet on the

lines up to this 4 P.M., except one artillery duel, but now

cannon are heard on our extreme left.

27th. This morning there appeared great activity among the

Federal staff officers and generals all along my front and up

and down the lines. The better to observe what it portended

I and my staff seated ourselves on the brow of the mountain,

sheltered by a large rock that rested _between_ our guns and

those of the enemy, while my infantry line was farther in

front, but low down the mountain sides.

Artillery-firing was common at all times on the line, but

now it swelled in volume and extended down to the extreme

left, and then from fifty guns burst out simultaneously in my

front, while battery after battery, following on the right,

disclosed a general attack on our entire line. Presently, and

as if by magic, there sprang from the earth a host of men,

and in one long, waving line of blue the infantry advanced

and the battle of Kennesaw Mountain began.

I could see no infantry of the enemy on my immediate front,

owing to the woods at the base of the mountain, and therefore

directed the guns from their elevated position to enfilade

the blue line advancing, on Walker's front, in full view. In

a short time this flank fire down their line drove them back,

and Walker was relieved from the attack.

We sat there perhaps an hour enjoying a bird's-eye view of

one of the most magnificent sights ever allotted to man,

to look down upon a hundred and fifty thousand men arrayed

in the strife of battle below. 'Twere worth ten years of

peaceful life, one glance at their array!

Better an hour on this mountain top

Than an age on a peaceful plain.

As the infantry closed in, the blue smoke of the musket

marked out the line of battle, while over it rose in

cumulilike clouds the white smoke of the artillery. So many

were the guns concentrated to silence those three guns of

ours on the mountain brow behind us, and so incessant was the

roar of cannon and explosion of shells passing over our heads

or crashing on the rocks around us, that naught else could

be heard; and so, with a roar as constant as Niagara and as

sharp as the crash of thunder with lightning yet in the eye,

we sat in silence watching the changing scenes of this great

panorama.

Through the rifts of smoke, or as it was wafted aside by

the wind, we could see the assault made on Cheatham. There

the struggle was hard, and there it lasted longest. From

the fact that I had seen no infantry in my front, and heard

no musketry near, I thought I was exempted from the general

infantry attack. I was therefore surprised and awakened from

my dream when a courier came to me, about 9 o'clock, and said

that Gen. Cockrell wanted assistance, that his line had been

attacked in force. Gen. Ector was at once directed to send

two regiments to report to him. Soon after a second courier

came and reported an assault made on the left of my line.

I went immediately with the remainder of Ector's Brigade

to Cockrell's assistance, but on reaching him I found the

Federal assault had been repulsed. The assaulting column had

struck Cockrell's works near the center, recoiled under the

fire, swung around into a steep valley where, exposed to the

fire of the Missourians in the front and right and of Sears's

Mississippians on their left, it seemed to melt away, or sink

to the earth, to rise no more.

The assault on my line repulsed, I returned to the mountain

top. The intensity of the fire had slackened, and no movement

of troops was visible, and, although the din of arms yet

resounded far and near, the battle was virtually ended.

From prisoners, and from papers and diaries found in their

possession, I learned that my line, from its position, had

been selected for assault by Gen. McPherson, as that of

Cheatham's and Cleburn's had by Gen. Thomas.

[Illustration: BATTLE OF KENNESAW MOUNTAIN, JUNE 27, 1864.]

[Illustration: BATTLE OF KENNESAW MOUNTAIN--DEFEAT OF M'PHERSON'S

ASSAULT.]

Gen. McPherson was a distinguished officer, and it would be a

reflection on his judgment and skill as a general to infer that he did

not, under the eye of his commander, with ample men and means, make

what he deemed adequate preparations for its accomplishment; but owing

to the ground and the determined resistance encountered, his men by

intuitive perception, awakened by action, realized that the contest

was hopeless, and, where persistence was only death, very properly

abandoned the field.

Gen. Cheatham's loss was 195; mine (French's), 186; all other

Confederate losses, 141. Being a total of 552. What the Federal

loss was I do not know, but it was estimated at from _five to eight

thousand_.

The following orders of Gen. Sherman will explain the attack clearly;

and the telegrams the result of the battle.

HEADQUARTERS MILITARY DIVISION OF THE MISSISSIPPI, }

IN THE FIELD NEAR KENNESAW MOUNTAIN, June 24, 1864. }

The army commanders will make full reconnoissances and

preparations to attack the enemy in force on the 27th inst.,

at 8 A.M. precisely.

The commanding general will be on Signal Hill, and will have

telegraphic communication with all the army commanders.

1. Maj. Gen. Thomas will assault the enemy at any front

near his center, to be selected by himself, and will make

any changes in his troops necessary, by night, so as not to

attract the attention of the enemy.

2. Maj. Gen. McPherson will feign, by a movement of his

cavalry and one division of his infantry, on his extreme

left, approaching Marietta from the north, and using

artillery freely, but will make his _real attack_ at a point

south and west of Kennesaw.

3. Maj. Gen. Schofield will feel to his extreme right and

threaten that flank of the enemy, etc.

4. Each attacking column will endeavor to break a single

point of the enemy's line and make a secure lodgment beyond,

and be prepared for following it up toward Marietta and the

railroad in case of success.

By order of Maj. Gen. W. T. Sherman.

L. M. DAYTON,

_Aid de Camp_.

HEADQUARTERS MILITARY DIVISION OF THE MISSISSIPPI, }

IN THE FIELD, June 27, 1864, 11:45 A.M. }

_Gen. Schofield_: Neither McPherson nor Thomas has succeeded

in breaking through, but each has made substantial progress

at some cost. Push your operations on the flank and keep me

advised.