At the end of March a breach seemed unavoidable. The first part of the

dogmatic decree had come back from the Commission so profoundly altered

that it was generally accepted by the bishops, but with a crudely

expressed sentence in the preamble, which was intended to rebuke the

notion of the reunion of Protestant Churches. Several bishops looked

upon this passage as an uncalled-for insult to Protestants, and wished

it changed; but there was danger that if they then joined in voting the

decree they would commit themselves to the lawfulness of the Regulation

against which they had protested. On the 22nd of March Strossmayer

raised both questions. He said that it was neither just nor charitable

to impute the progress of religious error to the Protestants. The germ

of modern unbelief existed among the Catholics before the Reformation,

and afterwards bore its worst fruits in Catholic countries. Many of the

ablest defenders of Christian truth were Protestants, and the day of

reconciliation would have come already but for the violence and

uncharitableness of the Catholics. These words were greeted with

execrations, and the remainder of the speech was delivered in the midst

of a furious tumult. At length, when Strossmayer declared that the

Council had forfeited its authority by the rule which abolished the

necessity of unanimity, the Presidents and the multitude refused to let

him go on.[390] On the following day he drew up a protest, declaring

that he could not acknowledge the validity of the Council if dogmas were

to be decided by a majority,[391] and sent it to the Presidents after it

had been approved at the meeting of the Germans, and by bishops of other

nations. The preamble was withdrawn, and another was inserted in its

place, which had been written in great haste by the German Jesuit

Kleutgen, and was received with general applause. Several of the Jesuits

obtained credit for the ability and moderation with which the decree was

drawn up. It was no less than a victory over extreme counsels. A

unanimous vote was insured for the public session of 24th April; and

harmony was restored. But the text proposed originally in the Pope's

name had undergone so many changes as to make it appear that his

intentions had been thwarted. There was a supplement to the decree,

which the bishops had understood would be withdrawn, in order that the

festive concord and good feeling might not be disturbed. They were

informed at the last moment that it would be put to the vote, as its

withdrawal would be a confession of defeat for Rome. The supplement was

an admonition that the constitutions and decrees of the Holy See must be

observed even when they proscribe opinions not actually heretical.[392]

Extraordinary efforts were made in public and in private to prevent any

open expression of dissent from this paragraph. The Bishop of Brixen

assured his brethren, in the name of the Commission, that it did not

refer to questions of doctrine, and they could not dispute the general

principle that obedience is due to lawful authority. The converse

proposition, that the papal acts have no claim to be obeyed, was

obviously untenable. The decree was adopted unanimously. There were some

who gave their vote with a heavy heart, conscious of the snare.[393]

Strossmayer alone stayed away.

The opposition was at an end. Archbishop Manning afterwards reminded

them that by this vote they had implicitly accepted infallibility. They

had done even more. They might conceivably contrive to bind and limit

dogmatic infallibility with conditions so stringent as to evade many of

the objections taken from the examples of history; but, in requiring

submission to papal decrees on matters not articles of faith, they were

approving that of which they knew the character, they were confirming

without let or question a power they saw in daily exercise, they were

investing with new authority the existing Bulls, and giving unqualified

sanction to the Inquisition and the Index, to the murder of heretics and

the deposing of kings. They approved what they were called on to reform,

and solemnly blessed with their lips what their hearts knew to be

accursed. The Court of Rome became thenceforth reckless in its scorn of

the opposition, and proceeded in the belief that there was no protest

they would not forget, no principle they would not betray, rather than

defy the Pope in his wrath. It was at once determined to bring on the

discussion of the dogma of infallibility. At first, when the minority

knew that their prayers and their sacrifices had been vain, and that

they must rely on their own resources, they took courage in extremity.

Rauscher, Schwarzenberg, Hefele, Ketteler, Kenrick, wrote pamphlets, or

caused them to be written, against the dogma, and circulated them in the

Council. Several English bishops protested that the denial of

infallibility by the Catholic episcopate had been an essential condition

of emancipation, and that they could not revoke that assurance after it

had served their purpose, without being dishonoured in the eyes of their

countrymen.[394] The Archbishop of St. Louis, admitting the force of the

argument, derived from the fact that a dogma was promulgated in 1854

which had long been disputed and denied, confessed that he could not

prove the Immaculate Conception to be really an article of faith.[395]

An incident occurred in June which showed that the experience of the

Council was working a change in the fundamental convictions of the

bishops. Doellinger had written in March that an article of faith

required not only to be approved and accepted unanimously by the

Council, but that the bishops united with the Pope are not infallible,

and that the oecumenicity of their acts must be acknowledged and

ratified by the whole Church. Father Hoetzl, a Franciscan friar, having

published a pamphlet in defence of this proposition, was summoned to

Rome, and required to sign a paper declaring that the confirmation of a

Council by the Pope alone makes it oecumenical. He put his case into the

hands of German bishops who were eminent in the opposition, asking first

their opinion on the proposed declaration, and, secondly, their advice

on his own conduct. The bishops whom he consulted replied that they

believed the declaration to be erroneous; but they added that they had

only lately arrived at the conviction, and had been shocked at first by

Doellinger's doctrine. They could not require him to suffer the

consequences of being condemned at Rome as a rebellious friar and

obstinate heretic for a view which they themselves had doubted only

three months before. He followed the advice, but he perceived that his

advisers had considerately betrayed him.

When the observations on infallibility which the bishops had sent in to

the Commission appeared in print it seemed that the minority had burnt

their ships. They affirmed that the dogma would put an end to the

conversion of Protestants, that it would drive devout men out of the

Church and make Catholicism indefensible in controversy, that it would

give governments apparent reason to doubt the fidelity of Catholics, and

would give new authority to the theory of persecution and of the

deposing power. They testified that it was unknown in many parts of the

Church, and was denied by the Fathers, so that neither perpetuity nor

universality could be pleaded in its favour; and they declared it an

absurd contradiction, founded on ignoble deceit, and incapable of being

made an article of faith by Pope or Council.[396] One bishop protested

that he would die rather than proclaim it. Another thought it would be

an act of suicide for the Church.

What was said, during the two months' debate, by men perpetually liable

to be interrupted by a majority acting less from conviction than by

command,[397] could be of no practical account, and served for protest,

not for persuasion. Apart from the immediate purpose of the discussion,

two speeches were memorable--that of Archbishop Conolly of Halifax, for

the uncompromising clearness with which he appealed to Scripture and

repudiated all dogmas extracted from the speculations of divines, and

not distinctly founded on the recorded Word of God,[398] and that of

Archbishop Darboy, who foretold that a decree which increased authority

without increasing power, and claimed for one man, whose infallibility

was only now defined, the obedience which the world refused to the whole

Episcopate, whose right had been unquestioned in the Church for 1800

years, would raise up new hatred and new suspicion, weaken the influence

of religion over society, and wreak swift ruin on the temporal

power.[399]

The general debate had lasted three weeks, and forty-nine bishops were

still to speak, when it was brought to a close by an abrupt division on

the 3rd of June. For twenty-four hours the indignation of the minority

was strong. It was the last decisive opportunity for them to reject the

legitimacy of the Council. There were some who had despaired of it from

the beginning, and held that the Bull _Multiplices_ deprived it of legal

validity. But it had not been possible to make a stand at a time when no

man knew whether he could trust his neighbour, and when there was fair

ground to hope that the worst rules would be relaxed. When the second

regulation, interpreted according to the interruptors of Strossmayer,

claimed the right of proclaiming dogmas which part of the Episcopate did

not believe, it became doubtful whether the bishops could continue to

sit without implicit submission. They restricted themselves to a

protest, thinking that it was sufficient to meet words with words, and

that it would be time to act when the new principle was actually

applied. By the vote of the 3rd of June the obnoxious regulation was

enforced in a way evidently injurious to the minority and their cause.

The chiefs of the opposition were now convinced of the invalidity of the

Council, and advised that they should all abstain from speaking, and

attend at St. Peter's only to negative by their vote the decree which

they disapproved. In this way they thought that the claim to

oecumenicity would be abolished without breach or violence. The greater

number were averse to so vigorous a demonstration; and Hefele threw the

great weight of his authority into their scale. He contended that they

would be worse than their word if they proceeded to extremities on this

occasion. They had announced that they would do it only to prevent the

promulgation of a dogma which was opposed. If that were done the Council

would be revolutionary and tyrannical; and they ought to keep their

strongest measure in reserve for that last contingency. The principle

of unanimity was fundamental. It admitted no ambiguity, and was so

clear, simple, and decisive, that there was no risk in fixing on it. The

Archbishops of Paris, Milan, Halifax, the Bishops of Djakovar, Orleans,

Marseilles, and most of the Hungarians, yielded to these arguments, and

accepted the policy of less strenuous colleagues, while retaining the

opinion that the Council was of no authority. But there were some who

deemed it unworthy and inconsistent to attend an assembly which they had

ceased to respect.

The debate on the several paragraphs lasted till the beginning of July,

and the decree passed at length with eighty-eight dissentient votes. It

was made known that the infallibility of the Pope would be promulgated

in solemn session on the 18th, and that all who were present would be

required to sign an act of submission. Some bishops of the minority

thereupon proposed that they should all attend, repeat their vote, and

refuse their signature. They exhorted their brethren to set a

conspicuous example of courage and fidelity, as the Catholic world would

not remain true to the faith if the bishops were believed to have

faltered. But it was certain that there were men amongst them who would

renounce their belief rather than incur the penalty of excommunication,

who preferred authority to proof, and accepted the Pope's declaration,

"La tradizione son' io." It was resolved by a small majority that the

opposition should renew its negative vote in writing, and should leave

Rome in a body before the session. Some of the most conscientious and

resolute adversaries of the dogma advised this course. Looking to the

immediate future, they were persuaded that an irresistible reaction was

at hand, and that the decrees of the Vatican Council would fade away and

be dissolved by a power mightier than the Episcopate and a process less

perilous than schism. Their disbelief in the validity of its work was so

profound that they were convinced that it would perish without violence,

and they resolved to spare the Pope and themselves the indignity of a

rupture. Their last manifesto, _La derniere Heure_, is an appeal for

patience, an exhortation to rely on the guiding, healing hand of

God.[400] They deemed that they had assigned the course which was to

save the Church, by teaching the Catholics to reject a Council which was

neither legitimate in constitution, free in action, nor unanimous in

doctrine, but to observe moderation in contesting an authority over

which great catastrophes impend. They conceived that it would thus be

possible to save the peace and unity of the Church without sacrifice of

faith and reason.

FOOTNOTES:

[Footnote 370: _The North British Review_, October 1870.]

[Footnote 371: Fidem mihi datam non servatam fuisse queror. Acta

supprimere, aut integra dare oportebat. He says also: Omnia ad nutum

delegati Apostolici fiebant.]

[Footnote 372: Citra et contra singulorum suffragia, imo praeter et

supra omnium vota pontificis solius declarationi atque sententiae

validam vim atque irreformabilem adesse potestatem.]

[Footnote 373: Nous restons dans les doctrines de Bossuet parce que nous

les croyons generalement vraies; nous les defendons parce qu'elles sont

attaquees, et qu'un parti puissant veut les faire condamner. Ces

doctrines de l'episcopat francais, de l'ecole de Paris, de notre vieille

Sorbonne, se ramenent pour nous a trois propositions, a trois verites

fondamentales: 1o l'Eglise est une monarchie efficacement temperee

d'aristocracie; 2o la souverainete spirituelle est essentiellement

composee de ces deux elements quoique le second soit subordonne au

premier; 3o le concours de ces elements est necessaire pour etablir la

regle absolue de la foi, c'est-a-dire, pour constituer l'acte par

excellence de la souverainete spirituelle.]

[Footnote 374: Si hujus doctrinae memores fuissemus, haereticos seil cet

non esse infirmandos vel convincendos ex Scripturis, meliore sane loco

essent res nostrae; sed dum ostentandi ingenii et eruditionis gratia cum

Luthero in certamen descenditur Scripturarum, excitatum est hoc, quod,

proh dolor! nunc videmus, incendium (Pighius).]

[Footnote 375: Catholici non admondum solliciti sunt de critica et

hermeneutica biblica ... Ipsi, ut verbo dicam, jam habent aedificium

absolutum sane ac perfectum, in cujus possessione firme ac secure

consistant.]

[Footnote 376: Praxis Ecclesiae uno tempore interpretatur Scripturam uno

modo et alio tempore alio modo, nam intellectus currit cum

praxi.--Mutato judicio Ecclesiaemutatum est Dei judicium.]

[Footnote 377: Si viri ecclesiastici, sive in concilio oecumenico

congregati, sive seorsim scribentes, aliquod dogma vel unamquamque

consuetudinem uno ore ac diserte testantur ex traditione divina haberi,

sine dubio certum argumentum est, uti ita esse credamus.--Ex testimonio

hujus solius Ecclesiae sumi potest certum argumentum ad probandas

apostolicas traditiones (Bellarmine).]

[Footnote 378: Veniae sive indulgentiae autoritate Scripturae nobis non

innotuere, sed autoritate ecclesiae Romanae Romanorumque Pontificum,

quae major est.]

[Footnote 379: Ego, ut ingenue fatear, plus uni summo pontifici

crederem, in his, quae fidei mysteria tangunt, quam mille Augustinis,

Hieronymis, Gregoriis (Cornelius Mussus).]

[Footnote 380: The two views contradict each other; but they are equally

characteristic of the endeavour to emancipate the Church from the

obligation of proof. Fenelon says: "Oseroit-on soutenir que l'Eglise

apres avoir mal raisonne sur tous les textes, et les avoir pris a

contre-sens, est tout a coup saisie par un enthousiasme aveugle, pour

juger bien, en raisonnant mal?" And Moehler: "Die aeltesten oekumenischen

Synoden fuehrten daher fuer ihre dogmatischen Beschluesse nicht einmal

bestimmte biblische Stellen an; und die katholischen Theologen lehren

mit allegingr Uebereinstimmung und ganz aus dem Geiste der Kirche

heraus, dass selbst die biblische Beweisfuehrung eines fuer untrueglich

gehaltenen Beschlusses nicht untrueglich sei, sondern eben nur das

ausgesprochene Dogma selbst."]

[Footnote 381: Cujuscumque ergo scientiae, etiam historiae

ecclesiasticae conclusiones, Romanorum Pontificum infallibiltati

adversantes, quo manifestius haec ex revelationis fontibus infertur, eo

certius veluti totidem errores habendas esse consequitur.]

[Footnote 382: Cum in professione fidei electi pontificis damnetur

Honorius Papa, ideo quia pravis haereticorum assertionibus fomentum

impendit, si verba delineata sint vere in autographo, nec ex notis

apparere possit, quomodo huic vulneri medelam offerat, praestat non

divulgari opus.]

[Footnote 383: That article condemns the following proposition: "Romani

Pontifices et Concilia oecumenica a limitibus suae potestati

recesserunt, jura Principum usurparunt, atque etiam in rebus fidei et

morum definiendis errarunt."]

[Footnote 384: J'en suis convaincu: a peine aurai-je touche la terre

sacree, a peine aurai-je baise le tombeau des Apotres, que je me

sentirai dans la paix, hors de la bataille, au sein d'une assemblee

presidee par un Pere et composee de Freres. La, tous les bruits

expireront, toutes les ingerences temeraires cesseront, toutes les

imprudences disparaitront, les flots et les vents seront apaises.]

[Footnote 385: Vous admirez sans doute beaucoup l'eveque d'Orleans, mais

vous l'admireriez bien plus encore, si vous pouviez vous figurer l'abime

d'idolatrie ou est tombe le clerge francais. Cela depasse tout ce que

l'on aurait jamais pu l'imaginer aux jours de ma jeunesse, au temps de

Frayssinous et de La Mennais. Le pauvre Mgr. Maret, pour avoir expose

des idees tres moderees dans un langage plein d'urbanite et de charite,

est traite publiquement dans les journaux soi-disant religieux

d'heresiarque et d'apostat, par les derniers de nos cures. De tous les

mysteres que presente en si grand nombre l'histoire de l'Eglise je n'en

connais pas qui egale ou depasse cette transformation si prompte et si

complete de la France Catholique en une basse-cour de _l'anticamera du

Vatican_. J'en serais encore plus desespere qu'humilie, si la, comme

partout dans les regions illuminees par la foi, la misericorde et

l'esperance ne se laissaient entrevoir a travers les tenebres. "C'est du

Rhin aujourd'hui que nous vient la lumiere." L'Allemagne a ete choisie

pour opposer une digue a ce torrent de fanatisme servile que menacait de

tout englouter (Nov. 7, 1869).]

[Footnote 386: Non solum ea quae ad scholas theologicas pertinent

scholis relinquantur, sed etiam doctrinae quae a fidelibus pie tenentur

et coluntur, sine gravi causa in codicem dogmatum ne inferantur. In

specie ne Concilium declaret vel definiat infallibilitatem Summi

Pontificis, a doctissimis et prudentissimis fidelibus Sanctae sedi

intime addictis, vehementer optatur. Gravia enim mala exinde oritura

timent tum fidelibus tum infidelibus. Fideles enim, qui Primatum

magisterii et jurisdictionis in Summo Pontifice ultro agnoscunt, quorum

pietas et obedientia erga Sanctam Sedem nullo certe tempore major fuit,

corde turbarentur magis quam erigerentur, ac si nunc demum fundamentum

Ecclesiae et verae doctrinae stabiliendum sit; infideles vero novam

calumniarum et derisionum materiam lucrarentur. Neque desunt, qui

ejusmodi definitionem logice impossibilem vocant.... Nostris diebus

defensio veritatis ac religionis tum praesertim efficax et fructuosa

est, si sacerdotes a lege caeterorum civium minus recedunt, sed

communibus omnium juribus utuntur, ita ut vis defensionis sit in

veritate interna non per tutelam externae exemtionis.... Praesertim

Ecclesia se scientiarum, quae hominem ornant perficiuntque, amicam et

patronam exhibeat, probe noscens, omne verum a Deo esse, et profunda ac

seria literarum studia opitulari fidei.]

[Footnote 387: Quid enim expedit damnare quae damnata jam sunt, quidve

juvat errores proscribere quos novimus jam esse proscriptos?... Falsa

sophistarum dogmata, veluti cineres a turbine venti evanuerunt,

corrupuerunt, fateor, permultos, infecerunt genium saeculi hujus, sed

numquid credendum est, corruptionis contaginem non contigisse, si

ejusmodi errores decretorum anathemate prostrati fuissent?... Pro tuenda

et tute servanda religione Catholica praeter gemitus et preces ad Deum

aliud medium praesidiumque nobis datum non est nisi Catholica scientia,

cum recta fide per omnia concors. Excolitur summopere apud heterodoxos

fidei inimica scientia, excolatur ergo oportet et omni opere augeatur

apud Catholicos vera scientia. Ecclesiae amica.... Obmutescere faciamus

ora obtrectantium qui falso nobis imputare non desistunt, Catholicam

Ecclesiam opprimere scientiam, et quemcumque liberum cogitandi modum ita

cohibere, ut neque scientia, nec ulla alia animi libertas in ea

subsistere vel florescere possit.... Propterea monstrandum hoc est, et

scriptis et factis manifestandum, in Catholica Ecclesia veram pro

populis esse libertatem, verum profectum, verum lumen, veramque

prosperitatem.]

[Footnote 388: Il n'y a au fond qu'une question devenue urgente et

inevitable, dont la decision faciliterait le cours et la decision de

toutes les autres, dont le retard paralyse tout. Sans cela rien n'est

commence ni meme abordable (_Univers_, February 9).]

[Footnote 389: Gratry had written: "Cette apologetique sans franchise

est l'une des causes de notre decadence religieuse depuis des

siecles.... Sommes-nous les predicateurs du mensonge ou les apotres de

la verite? Le temps n'est-il pas venu de rejeter avec degout les

fraudes, les interpolations, et les mutilations que les menteurs et les

faussaires, nos plus cruels ennemis, ont pu introduire parmi nous?" The

bishop wrote: "Jamais parole plus puissante, inspiree par la conscience

et le savoir, n'est arrivee plus a propos que la votre.... Le mal est

tel et le danger si effrayant que le silence deviendrait de la

complicite."]

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