Nuncio in the year 1570. The Pope had sent him back because nobody
seemed more capable of diverting her and her son from the policy which
caused so much uneasiness at Rome.[34] He died many years later, with
the reputation of having been one of the most eminent Cardinals at a
time when the Sacred College was unusually rich in talent. Personally,
he had always favoured stern measures of repression. When the Countess
of Entremont was married to Coligny, Salviati declared that she had made
herself liable to severe penalties by entertaining proposals of marriage
with so notorious a heretic, and demanded that the Duke of Savoy should,
by all the means in his power, cause that wicked bride to be put out of
the way.[35] When the peace of St. Germains was concluded, he assured
Charles and Catherine that their lives were in danger, as the Huguenots
were seeking to pull down the throne as well as the altar. He believed
that all intercourse with them was sinful, and that the sole remedy was
utter extermination by the sword. "I am convinced," he wrote, "that it
will come to this." "If they do the tenth part of what I have advised,
it will be well for them."[36] After an audience of two hours, at which
he had presented a letter from Pius V., prophesying the wrath of Heaven,
Salviati perceived that his exhortations made some impression. The King
and Queen whispered to him that they hoped to make the peace yield such
fruit that the end would more than countervail the badness of the
beginning; and the King added, in strict confidence, that his plan was
one which, once told, could never be executed.[37] This might have been
said to delude the Nuncio; but he was inclined on the whole to believe
that it was sincerely meant. The impression was confirmed by the
Archbishop of Sens, Cardinal Pelleve, who informed him that the Huguenot
leaders were caressed at Court in order to detach them from their party,
and that after the loss of their leaders it would not take more than
three days to deal with the rest.[38] Salviati on his return to France
was made aware that his long-deferred hopes were about to be fulfilled.
He shadowed it forth obscurely in his despatches. He reported that the
Queen allowed the Huguenots to pass into Flanders, believing that the
admiral would become more and more presumptuous until he gave her an
opportunity of retribution; for she excelled in that kind of intrigue.
Some days later he knew more, and wrote that he hoped soon to have good
news for his Holiness.[39] At the last moment his heart misgave him. On
the morning of the 21st of August the Duke of Montpensier and the
Cardinal of Bourbon spoke with so much unconcern, in his presence, of
what was then so near, that he thought it hardly possible the secret
could be kept.[40]
The foremost of the French prelates was the Cardinal of Lorraine. He had
held a prominent position at the council of Trent; and for many years he
had wielded the influence of the House of Guise over the Catholics of
France. In May 1572 he went to Rome; and he was still there when the
news came from Paris in September. He at once made it known that the
resolution had been taken before he left France, and that it was due to
himself and his nephew, the Duke of Guise.[41] As the spokesman of the
Gallican Church in the following year he delivered a harangue to Charles
IX., in which he declared that Charles had eclipsed the glory of
preceding kings by slaying the false prophets, and especially by the
holy deceit and pious dissimulation with which he had laid his
plans.[42]
There was one man who did not get his knowledge from rumour, and who
could not be deceived by lies. The King's confessor, Sorbin, afterwards
Bishop of Nevers, published in 1574 a narrative of the life and death of
Charles IX. He bears unequivocal testimony that that clement and
magnanimous act, for so he terms it, was resolved upon beforehand, and
he praises the secrecy as well as the justice of his hero.[43]
Early in the year a mission of extraordinary solemnity had appeared in
France. Pius V., who was seriously alarmed at the conduct of Charles,
had sent the Cardinal of Alessandria as Legate to the Kings of Spain and
Portugal, and directed him, in returning, to visit the Court at Blois.
The Legate was nephew to the Pope, and the man whom he most entirely
trusted.[44] His character stood so high that the reproach of nepotism
was never raised by his promotion. Several prelates destined to future
eminence attended him. His chief adviser was Hippolyto Aldobrandini,
who, twenty years later, ascended the papal chair as Clement VIII. The
companion whose presence conferred the greatest lustre on the mission
was the general of the Jesuits, Francis Borgia, the holiest of the
successors of Ignatius, and the most venerated of men then living.
Austerities had brought him to the last stage of weakness; and he was
sinking under the malady of which he was soon to die. But it was
believed that the words of such a man, pleading for the Church, would
sway the mind of the King. The ostensible purpose of the Legate's
journey was to break off the match with Navarre, and to bring France
into the Holy League. He gained neither object. When he was summoned
back to Rome it was understood in France that he had reaped nothing but
refusals, and that he went away disappointed.[45] The jeers of the
Protestants pursued him.[46] But it was sufficiently certain beforehand
that France could not plunge into a Turkish war.[47] The real business
of the Legate, besides proposing a Catholic husband for the Princess,
was to ascertain the object of the expedition which was fitting out in
the Western ports. On both points he had something favourable to report.
In his last despatch, dated Lyons, the 6th of March, he wrote that he
had failed to prevent the engagement with Navarre, but that he had
something for the Pope's private ear, which made his journey not
altogether unprofitable.[48] The secret was soon divulged in Italy. The
King had met the earnest remonstrances of the Legate by assuring him
that the marriage afforded the only prospect of wreaking vengeance on
the Huguenots: the event would show; he could say no more, but desired
his promise to be carried to the Pope. It was added that he had
presented a ring to the Legate, as a pledge of sincerity, which the
Legate refused. The first to publish this story was Capilupi, writing
only seven months later. It was repeated by Folieta,[49] and is given
with all details by the historians of Pius V.--Catena and Gabuzzi.
Catena was secretary to the Cardinal of Alessandria as early as July
1572, and submitted his work to him before publication.[50] Gabuzzi
wrote at the instance of the same Cardinal, who supplied him with
materials; and his book was examined and approved by Borghese,
afterwards Paul V. Both the Cardinal of Alessandria and Paul V.,
therefore, were instrumental in causing it to be proclaimed that the
Legate was acquainted in February 1572 with the intention which the King
carried out in August.
The testimony of Aldobrandini was given still more distinctly, and with
greater definiteness and authority. When he was required, as Pope, to
pronounce upon the dissolution of the ill-omened marriage, he related to
Borghese and other Cardinals what had passed in that interview between
the Legate and the King, adding that, when the report of the massacre
reached Rome, the Cardinal exclaimed: "God be praised! the King of
France has kept his word." Clement referred D'Ossat to a narrative of
the journey which he had written himself, and in which those things
would be found.[51] The clue thus given has been unaccountably
neglected, although the Report was known to exist. One copy is mentioned
by Giorgi; and Mazzuchelli knew of another. Neither of them had read it;
for they both ascribe it to Michele Bonelli, the Cardinal of
Alessandria. The first page would have satisfied them that it was not
his work. Clement VIII. describes the result of the mission to Blois in
these words: "Quae rationes eo impulerunt regem ut semel apprehensa manu
Cardinalis in hanc vocem proruperit: Significate Pontifici illumque
certum reddite me totum hoc quod circa id matrimonium feci et facturus
sum, nulla alia de causa facere, quam ulciscendi inimicos Dei et hujus
regni, et puniendi tam infidos rebelles, ut eventus ipse docebit, nec
aliud vobis amplius significare possum. Quo non obstante semper
Cardinalis eas subtexuit difficultates quas potuit, objiciens regi
possetne contrahi matrimonium a fidele cum infidele, sitve dispensatio
necessaria; quod si est nunquam Pontificem inductum iri ut illam
concedat. Re ipsa ita in suspenso relicta discedendum esse putavit, cum
jam rescivisset qua de causa naves parabantur, qui apparatus contra
Rocellam tendebant."
The opinion that the massacre of St. Bartholomew was a sudden and
unpremeditated act cannot be maintained; but it does not follow that the
only alternative is to believe that it was the aim of every measure of
the Government for two years before. Catherine had long contemplated it
as her last expedient in extremity; but she had decided that she could
not resort to it while her son was virtually a minor.[52] She suggested
the idea to him in 1570. In that year he gave orders that the Huguenots
should be slaughtered at Bourges. The letter is preserved in which La
Chastre spurned the command: "If the people of Bourges learn that your
Majesty takes pleasure in such tragedies, they will repeat them often.
If these men must die, let them first be tried; but do not reward my
services and sully my reputation by such a stain."[53]
In the autumn of 1571 Coligny came to Blois. Walsingham suspected, and
was afterwards convinced that the intention to kill him already existed.
The Pope was much displeased by his presence at Court; but he received
assurances from the ambassador which satisfied him. It was said at the
time that he at first believed that Coligny was to be murdered, but that
he soon found that there was no such praiseworthy design.[54]
In December the King knew that, when the moment came, the burghers of
Paris would not fail him. Marcel, the Prevot des Marchands, told him
that the wealth was driven out of the country by the Huguenots: "The
Catholics will bear it no longer.... Let your Majesty look to it. Your
crown is at stake, Paris alone can save it."[55] By the month of
February 1572 the plan had assumed a practical shape. The political idea
before the mind of Charles was the same by which Richelieu afterwards
made France the first Power in the world; to repress the Protestants at
home, and to encourage them abroad. No means of effectual repression was
left but murder. But the idea of raising up enemies to Spain by means of
Protestantism was thoroughly understood. The Huguenots were allowed to
make an expedition to aid William of Orange. Had they gained some
substantial success, the Government would have followed it up, and the
scheme of Coligny would have become for the moment the policy of France.
But the Huguenot commander Genlis was defeated and taken. Coligny had
had his chance. He had played and lost. It was useless now to propose
his great venture against the King of Spain.[56]
Philip II. perfectly understood that this event was decisive. When the
news came from Hainaut, he sent to the Nuncio Castagna to say that the
King of France would gain more than himself by the loss of so many brave
Protestants, and that the time was come for him, with the aid of the
people of Paris, to get rid of Coligny and the rest of his enemies.[57]
It appears from the letters of Salviati that he also regarded the
resolution as having been finally taken after the defeat of Genlis.
The Court had determined to enforce unity of faith in France. An edict
of toleration was issued for the purpose of lulling the Huguenots; but
it was well known that it was only a pretence.[58] Strict injunctions
were sent into the provinces that it should not be obeyed;[59] and
Catherine said openly to the English envoy, "My son will have exercise
but of one Religion in his Realm." On the 26th the King explained his
plan to Mondoucet, his agent at Brussels: "Since it has pleased God to
bring matters to the point they have now reached, I mean to use the
opportunity to secure a perpetual repose in my kingdom, and to do
something for the good of all Christendom. It is probable that the
conflagration will spread to every town in France, and that they will
follow the example of Paris, and lay hands on all the Protestants.... I
have written to the governors to assemble forces in order to cut to
pieces those who may resist."[60] The great object was to accomplish the
extirpation of Protestantism in such a way as might leave intact the
friendship with Protestant States. Every step was governed by this
consideration; and the difficulty of the task caused the inconsistencies
and the vacillation that ensued. By assassinating Coligny alone it was
expected that such an agitation would be provoked among his partisans
as would make it appear that they were killed by the Catholics in
self-defence. Reports were circulated at once with that object. A letter
written on the 23rd states that, after the Admiral was wounded on the
day before, the Huguenots assembled at the gate of the Louvre, to avenge
him on the Guises as they came out.[61] And the first explanation sent
forth by the Government on the 24th was to the effect that the old feud
between the Houses of Guise and of Chatillon had broken out with a fury
which it was impossible to quell. This fable lasted only for a single
day. On the 25th Charles writes that he has begun to discover traces of
a Huguenot conspiracy;[62] and on the following day this was publicly
substituted for the original story. Neither the vendetta of the Guises
nor the conspiracy at Paris could be made to explain the massacre in the
provinces. It required to be so managed that the King could disown it;
Salviati describes the plan of operations. It was intended that the
Huguenots should be slaughtered successively by a series of spontaneous
outbreaks in different parts of the country. While Rochelle held out, it
was dangerous to proceed with a more sweeping method.[63] Accordingly,
no written instructions from the King are in existence; and the
governors were expressly informed that they were to expect none.[64]
Messengers went into the provinces with letters requiring that the
verbal orders which they brought should be obeyed.[65] Many governors
refused to act upon directions so vague and so hard to verify. Burgundy
was preserved in this way. Two gentlemen arrived with letters of
recommendation from the King, and declared his commands. They were
asked to put them on paper; but they refused to give in writing what
they had received by word of mouth. Mandelot, the Governor of Lyons, the
most ignoble of the instruments in this foul deed, complained that the
intimation of the royal wishes sent to him was obscure and
insufficient.[66] He did not do his work thoroughly, and incurred the
displeasure of the King. The orders were complicated as well as obscure.
The public authorities were required to collect the Huguenots in some
prison or other safe place, where they could be got at by hired bands of
volunteer assassins. To screen the King it was desirable that his
officers should not superintend the work themselves. Mandelot, having
locked the gates of Lyons, and shut up the Huguenots together, took
himself out of the way while they were being butchered. Carouge, at
Rouen, received a commission to visit the other towns in his province.
The magistrates implored him to remain, as nobody, in his absence, could
restrain the people. When the King had twice repeated his commands,
Carouge obeyed; and five hundred Huguenots perished.[67]
It was thought unsafe even for the King's brother to give distinct
orders under his own hand. He wrote to his lieutenant in Anjou that he
had commissioned Puygaillard to communicate with him on a matter which
concerned the King's service and his own, and desired that his orders
should be received as if they came directly from himself. They were,
that every Huguenot in Angers, Saumur, and the adjoining country should
be put to death without delay and without exception.[68] The Duke of
Montpensier himself sent the same order to Brittany; but it was
indignantly rejected by the municipality of Nantes.
When reports came in of the manner in which the event had been received
in foreign countries, the Government began to waver, and the sanguinary
orders were recalled. Schomberg wrote from Germany that the Protestant
allies were lost unless they could be satisfied that the King had not
decreed the extermination of their brethren.[69] He was instructed to
explain the tumult in the provinces by the animosity bequeathed by the
wars of religion.[70] The Bishop of Valence was intriguing in Poland on
behalf of Anjou. He wrote that his success had been made very doubtful,
and that, if further cruelties were perpetrated, ten millions of gold
pieces would not bribe the venal Poles. He advised that a counterfeit
edict, at least, should be published.[71] Charles perceived that he
would be compelled to abandon his enterprise, and set about appeasing
the resentment of the Protestant Powers. He promised that an inquiry
should be instituted, and the proofs of the conspiracy communicated to
foreign Governments. To give a judicial aspect to the proceedings, two
prominent Huguenots were ceremoniously hanged. When the new ambassador
from Spain praised the long concealment of the plan, Charles became
indignant.[72] It was repeated everywhere that the thing had been
arranged with Rome and Spain; and he was especially studious that there
should be no symptoms of a private understanding with either power.[73]
He was able to flatter himself that he had at least partially succeeded.
If he had not exterminated his Protestant subjects, he had preserved his
Protestant allies. William the Silent continued to solicit his aid;
Elizabeth consented to stand godmother to the daughter who was born to
him in October; he was allowed to raise mercenaries in Switzerland; and
the Polish Protestants agreed to the election of his brother. The
promised evidence of the Huguenot conspiracy was forgotten; and the King
suppressed the materials which were to have served for an official
history of the event.[74]
Zeal for religion was not the motive which inspired the chief authors of
this extraordinary crime. They were trained to look on the safety of the
monarchy as the sovereign law, and on the throne as an idol that
justified sins committed in its worship. At all times there have been
men, resolute and relentless in the pursuit of their aims, whose ardour
was too strong to be restricted by moral barriers or the instinct of
humanity. In the sixteenth century, beside the fanaticism of freedom,
there was an abject idolatry of power; and laws both human and divine
were made to yield to the intoxication of authority and the reign of
will. It was laid down that kings have the right of disposing of the
lives of their subjects, and may dispense with the forms of justice. The
Church herself, whose supreme pontiff was now an absolute monarch, was
infected with this superstition. Catholic writers found an opportune
argument for their religion in the assertion that it makes the prince
master of the consciences as well as the bodies of the people, and
enjoins submission even to the vilest tyranny.[75] Men whose lives were
precious to the Catholic cause could be murdered by royal command,
without protest from Rome. When the Duke of Guise, with the Cardinal his
brother, was slain by Henry III., he was the most powerful and devoted
upholder of Catholicism in France. Sixtus V. thundered against the
sacrilegious tyrant who was stained with the blood of a prince of the
Church; but he let it be known very distinctly that the death of the
Duke caused him little concern.[76]
Catherine was the daughter of that Medici to whom Machiavelli had
dedicated his _Prince_. So little did religion actuate her conduct that
she challenged Elizabeth to do to the Catholics of England what she
herself had done to the Protestants of France, promising that if they
were destroyed there would be no loss of her good will.[77] The levity
of her religious feelings appears from her reply when asked by Gomicourt
what message he should take to the Duke of Alva: "I must give you the
answer of Christ to the disciples of St. John, 'Ite et nuntiate quae
vidistis et audivistis; caeci vident, claudi ambulant, leprosi
mundantur.'" And she added, "Beatus qui non fuerit in me
scandalizatus."[78]
If mere fanaticism had been their motive, the men who were most active
in the massacre would not have spared so many lives. While Guise was
galloping after Ferrieres and Montgomery, who had taken horse betimes,
and made for the coast, his house at Paris was crowded with families
belonging to the proscribed faith, and strangers to him. A young girl
who was amongst them has described his return, when he sent for the
children, spoke to them kindly, and gave orders that they should be well
treated as long as his roof sheltered them.[79] Protestants even spoke
of him as a humane and chivalrous enemy.[80] Nevers was considered to
have disgraced himself by the number of those whom he enabled to
escape.[81] The Nuncio was shocked at their ill-timed generosity. He
reported to Rome that the only one who had acted in the spirit of a
Christian, and had refrained from mercy, was the King; while the other
princes, who pretended to be good Catholics, and to deserve the favour
of the Pope, had striven, one and all, to save as many Huguenots as they
could.[82]
The worst criminals were not the men who did the deed. The crime of mobs
and courtiers, infuriated by the lust of vengeance and of power, is not
so strange a portent as the exultation of peaceful men, influenced by no
present injury or momentary rage, but by the permanent and incurable
perversion of moral sense wrought by a distorted piety.
Philip II., who had long suspected the court of France, was at once
relieved from the dread which had oppressed him, and betrayed an excess
of joy foreign to his phlegmatic nature.[83] He immediately sent six
thousand crowns to the murderer of Coligny.[84] He persuaded himself
that the breach between France and her allies was irreparable, that
Charles would now be driven to seek his friendship, and that the
Netherlands were out of danger.[85] He listened readily to the French
ambassador, who assured him that his court had never swerved from the
line of Catholic policy, but had intended all along to effect this great
change.[86] Ayamonte carried his congratulations to Paris, and pretended
that his master had been in the secret. It suited Philip that this
should be believed by Protestant princes, in order to estrange them
still more from France; but he wrote on the margin of Ayamonte's
instructions, that it was uncertain how long previously the purpose had
subsisted.[87] Juan and Diego de Zuniga, his ambassadors at Rome and at
Paris, were convinced that the long display of enmity to Spain was
genuine, that the death of Coligny had been decided at the last moment,
and that the rest was not the effect of design.[88] This opinion found
friends at first in Spain. The General of the Franciscans undertook to
explode it. He assured Philip that he had seen the King and the
Queen-mother two years before, and had found them already so intent on
the massacre that he wondered how anybody could have the courage to
detract from their merit by denying it.[89] This view generally
prevailed in Spain. Mendoca knows not which to admire more, the loyal
and Catholic inhabitants of Paris, or Charles, who justified his title
of the most Christian King by helping with his own hands to slaughter
his subjects.[90] Mariana witnessed the carnage, and imagined that it
must gladden every Catholic heart. Other Spaniards were gratified to
think that it had been contrived with Alva at Bayonne.
Alva himself did not judge the event by the same light as Philip. He
also had distrusted the French Government; but he had not feared it
during the ascendency of the Huguenots. Their fall appeared to him to
strengthen France. In public he rejoiced with the rest. He complimented
Charles on his valour and his religion, and claimed his own share of
merit. But he warned Philip that things had not changed favourably for
Spain, and that the King of France was now a formidable neighbour.[91]
For himself, he said, he never would have committed so base a deed.
The seven Catholic Cantons had their own reason for congratulation.
Their countrymen had been busy actors on the scene; and three soldiers
of the Swiss guard of Anjou were named as the slayers of the
Admiral.[92] On the 2nd of October they agreed to raise 6000 men for the
King's service. At the following Diet they demanded the expulsion of
the fugitive Huguenots who had taken refuge in the Protestant parts of
the Confederation. They made overtures to the Pope for a secret alliance
against their Confederates.[93]