PRESIDENT WILSON’S MEXICAN POLICY
The attitude of President Wilson towards the Huerta régime was attacked
not only in the European press but likewise in the American newspapers.
The French, German, English and Spanish daily and weekly papers sneered
at what they dubbed the moral policy of a puritan school teacher.
The American papers were divided in their opinion; the Republican
organs laughed at the reversal of their beloved “dollar diplomacy,” and
many so-called Democratic papers attempted to uphold the blustering
“big stick” policy. With the exception of the labor and socialistic
press there was a great deal of doubt and misgivings expressed as to
the outcome of the new diplomacy.
Even the average American, who is always on the side of justice
and fair play, was rather taken back by this radical departure in
American and foreign relations. For American diplomacy, although
usually equitable, always took into consideration the interests of the
Americans in a foreign country first and last, even if they clashed
with the fundamental rights of the natives.
In the case of American interests in Mexico, it was long suspected
they had been playing politics and throwing their all powerful
influence in favor of the government which could give them the best
advantages in a business way, which were in opposite relation to the
liberal principles and the welfare of the majority of the Mexicans.
The great corporations have always received extraordinary favors from
dishonest governments. The mining and oil syndicates, the railroad and
land concessionaires, acquired great privileges and gave very little in
return for them. For example, an American oil company in Mexico made
as high as 450 per cent. profit on its original investment and doubled
the selling price of oil and gasoline. As soon as an English company
invaded the field they fought each other for a while, then realizing
that it was an expensive affair which redounded to the benefit of the
Mexican consumer, they came to an agreement by dividing the territory
among themselves and right away the price of oil and gasoline went up
again.
Scores of cases can be cited to prove that all the advantages are in
favor of foreign investors. The salaries of the Mexican workingman or
peons are not raised, but the prices of commodities are never lowered.
The great Orizaba cotton mills, all the factories, the great mining
corporations have always paid the lowest salaries. Whenever there was a
strike for higher wages or for better conditions, the Diaz and Huerta
régimes always protected the foreigners and at the slightest pretext
massacred the strikers. In the rare cases when the government was
fair to the strikers, as happened under Madero and Carranza, then the
foreign investors protested to their governments that their interests
were in danger of destruction.
With the Mexican laborer and peons it has become a conviction that
foreign interests are always on the side of dictators as against the
Mexican people. In Central and South America the new democratic policy
was watched with keen interest; the Latin Americans shrewdly guessed
that the attitude of the Democratic administration would be a test
stone of their relations with the State Department.
So much had been written about the famous Monroe Doctrine by successive
American statesmen that the original meaning of this doctrine had been
entirely lost to view.
The original Monroe doctrine was uttered as a warning to the Holy
Alliance in its well known designs to attempt the reconquest of the
provinces lost by Spain.
The Monroe doctrine was never meant to be an excuse to collect debts
for American or foreigners or a pretext to police unruly republics.
With the exception of some Central American States there has never been
a case in a hundred years when South America and Mexico could not cope
successfully against foreign invaders.
As far back as 1806-07 England attempted to conquer Argentina and
Uruguay when they were still under Spanish rule. The Spaniards and the
natives fought very bravely and repelled the invaders, who had already
occupied Buenos-Ayres. The native South Americans did not intend to
exchange masters and soon afterwards they overthrew the Spaniards.
In the early forties France fought the Argentinian dictator Rozas,
but after a two years’ war she was defeated. Later, in 1845, France
and England pretended that Rozas should open the interior rivers to
international navigation. Buenos-Ayres was blockaded and the war lasted
for five years; but England and France were defeated.
Brazil and Argentina tried to conquer the little republic of Paraguay.
The war lasted five years (1865-70). The result was that forty-five per
cent. of the male population was killed in battle, but Paraguay was not
conquered.
The Latin American republics feel that they can take care of
themselves, and their nationality against their neighbors as well as
against Europe. No matter what the ambitions, intentions or plans
of conquests of certain European powers may be they know fully well
that there is not the slightest chance for a permanent occupation by
European armies, and that any conquest by any Asiatic or European
nation is an absurd dream.
It is understood that the Monroe doctrine was once a very useful moral
protection, but it did not prevent attacks and occupation of South
American territory by Spain, France and England. The only reason
which interfered with the territorial designs of European powers was
not the help of the United States, when it was most needed, but the
heroic resistance of the Latin American nations themselves. The fear
is rampant that the Monroe doctrine might be used as a pretext for
aggression by the United States.
Latin Americans follow this line of argument; the great American
corporations can invest a great deal of money in South America. They
can very easily send agents to foment revolutions which necessarily
would destroy American property and then a pretext would be found for
American intervention, as happened in Nicaragua.
There is a very short step from temporary to permanent occupation,
tending to create a very dangerous precedent in favor of American
occupation in any country where there is a great deal of invested
American capital.
The thought was expressed by a great many South American statesmen that
President Wilson’s Mexican policy would be a good illustration of the
future policy towards South America. At the beginning the expressions
of neutrality and non-intervention in the internal affairs of Mexico
were considered rather suspiciously.
Had the President of the United States declared war on Mexico and sent
troops to Mexico City on any pretext whatsoever, the Latin American
nations would have closed their doors to American capital, commerce,
and would have boycotted American goods. The thought would have always
been present that the Americans would always use their interests as a
wedge for interference in their national affairs.
The entrance of Argentina, Brazil and Chile in a solution of the
Mexican-American incident at Tampico was a characteristic move
exemplifying the new trend of thought on statesmanship in Washington.
Under a republican administration, England, France and Germany would
have been asked to settle the question with the United States instead
of the A B C powers. Without fear of contradiction it can be stated
that Argentina, Brazil and Chile’s entrance into Pan American affairs
with the co-operation of the United States proves that the State
Department has finally learned the A B C of Pan American statesmanship.
Likewise, that the Monroe doctrine can only reach its highest
efficiency in co-operation with the whole of America from Patagonia to
Canada.
When the Americans create a Pan American doctrine, then there is no
doubt that Europe will not dare to challenge it.
At present a challenge to the Monroe doctrine is in reality a challenge
to the American navy. With a new Pan American doctrine the challenge
would include all Latin American countries, with the United States
and Canada in an offensive and defensive alliance against one or
more European powers. At present it appears as if the defence of the
territorial integrity of all America was shouldered upon the United
States alone. The Latin Americans feel that they should have a share of
this responsibility, for they believe themselves capable and ready to
do so.
There was a great deal of excitement and indignation in South America
when the American marines landed in Vera Cruz. Huerta was not made more
popular by this incident, but the national instinct of preservation of
the Latin races made them unconsciously understand that the landing of
American blue jackets was only a wedge to achieve American occupation
and that as long as Vera Cruz was occupied, it was only a question of
time until American soldiers would march to Mexico City.
When Roosevelt was in South America he was fêted and banqueted by the
most prominent men in the A B C republics. They were too polite to
inform him what they thought of his speeches on the Monroe doctrine.
The articles and editorials commenting Roosevelt’s theories were
very plain if courteous: that either Mr. Roosevelt had forgotten the
original meaning of the Monroe doctrine or that he was deceiving
himself into an imperialistic meaning of the doctrine.
The Latin Americans and Mexico hope fervently that the unselfish,
humanitarian and democratic diplomacy of President Wilson will bear the
brunt of the tremendous influences that are brought to bear upon it.
It is a well known platitude that certain American mining, railroad
and oil interests are subterraneously working against this idealistic
policy; that the War Department has been itching for a war of conquest
or police work in Mexico. An officer of the United States army in an
expansive moment volunteered the information that intervention in
Mexico would mean an increase from 80 to 350,000 men in the American
army and make it possible to organize it more in proportion with its
population. That there being always a danger of a war with Japan, and
the United States not being ready for it, a war with Mexico would
prepare the army for that eventuality.
President Wilson has more admirers in Mexico and South America than
any other President or statesman in the whole history of the United
States has ever had, not even excepting the martyr President Lincoln,
or Washington.
The popular thought has been deeply imbedded with the conviction that
if the dictator Huerta could not exasperate and inveigle President
Wilson into a war with Mexico, that no power for evil can achieve the
purpose in the future.
Far seeing Mexicans did not expect a prompt solution of the vital
problems after the elimination of Huerta. The dictator was only the
greatest impedimenta to a realization of liberal ideals; once Huerta
eliminated the work was a little less arduous, but still of tremendous
purport.
The participation of England, France and Germany in a struggle for life
in Europe has luckily relieved Mexico of three great mischief makers.
The great and sombre powers which have kept Mexico in a turmoil for a
hundred years are still at work: the clericals, the landowners and the
militarists; in the last twenty years the American interests have been
added to the list.
A Mexican thinker concreted the thought thus: “The great powers for
evil in Mexico are: The Church, the Latifundiæ and the Trusts; their
great victims will be President Wilson, Carranza and the Mexican
people.”
REFLECTIONS
In the beginning of the revolution against Diaz, as public opinion
seemed to be favorable to what was called “The Great Constructive Work
of Diaz,” there was a vague and superficial impression that the United
States should repeat the policy which had been inaugurated toward Cuba;
a sort of political tutelage which left the independence of the island
in the hands of the natives.
Subsequent events have revealed to the Americans that although the
Mexicans were still groping for a Constitution more in keeping with
their racial characteristics, that they had had, in opposition to
Cuba, which gained its independence from Spain in 1908, a national
history for one hundred years, with great national heroes, martyrs and
political ideals which could not be infringed and trespassed upon by an
uncalled for intervention in their internal affairs.
Thoughtful and well-informed statesmen and politicians have come to the
conclusion that a political tutelage as in Cuba will never be tolerated
in Mexico, any more than military aggression for the sake of conquest,
or under the hypocritical name of peace.
The average American knows that a Mexican war would be a war without
heroes or glory for American arms.
The Mexicans are intensely grateful to President Wilson for insisting
on keeping hands off in Mexico. The internal struggle of the liberals
fighting against the reactionary powers in Mexico must be settled by
the Mexicans themselves, or it will have to be settled all over again.
* * * * *
The impression of a great many Americans is that Mexico is going
towards political disruption, that is to say, a secession into three
entities: the North, the Centre and the South.
Northern secession is encouraged by the great mining, oil, railroad,
and land interests in the United States and by the reactionaries in
Mexico. Southern secession is not only encouraged, but fomented, by the
ambitious and able dictator of Guatemala.
The northern republic would comprise the border states, as well as
Lower California, which, even if independent, would be more friendly to
the United States than a united Mexico. That is the conviction of those
interested in a Northern secession.
A Southern republic would mean the absorption of the States of Yucatan,
Campeche, Tabasco, Chiapas, and the Territory of Quintana Roo, under
the leadership and hegemony of Guatemala.
Working towards that end, and in co-operation with the Guatemalan
dictator, is a gentleman in the State Department, who was once U. S.
representative in Guatemala.
American interests are allied with the Mexican interests, whereas, the
American radicals, socialists and the labor party are in sympathy with
the Mexican liberals. The American and Mexican capitalists are opposed
to the American and Mexican middle class and proletariat.
* * * * *
The same class trouble is going on in the Church in Mexico. The native
Mexican clergy is opposed to the high or foreign clergy. All the
oppressions, cruelties, and treacheries in the fight of the clericals
against the liberals have emanated from the foreign or high clergy,
which used the military element for that purpose. The unselfish,
libertarian struggle on the other hand, was always actively assisted by
the native priests; by men like Morelos and Hidalgo. The poor Mexican
priest, or better said, the low Mexican clergy, is first a Mexican,
and if that agrees with his belief, he will be a good Catholic; but if
his faith is pitted against the welfare of his country, then he will
invariably prefer to be a good Mexican and a poor Catholic, to being a
poor Mexican and an obedient Catholic.
The higher clergy in the United States, by attacking the liberal
policies in Mexico, and waging an active campaign against the Mexican
revolutionists, is placing itself in direct opposition to the lower
Mexican clergy.
* * * * *
From the Mexican point of view, three principles have been laid down to
face and combat American aggression, or absorption. The elimination
of predatory American capital, the curtailment of American immigration
schemes, and the advancement of European immigration. American methods,
on the other hand, will be encouraged in all the active expressions of
life, such as business organizations, farming and school methods.
* * * * *
There is no doubt that ten years of a complete and practical rural
school system in Mexico will change the whole social and political
character of the republic. The advancement of woman in life will also
gain a decided advantage for the Mexican, for no nation can be greater
or better than its women.
* * * * *
Oriental immigration cannot be encouraged, as being dangerous to
the best interests of Mexico, not because of the inferiority of the
Orientals, but because of their superiority, which would tend to
segregate them into colonies.
* * * * *
A Mexican engineer suggested a plan to cut a canal in Lower California,
from Enseñada to the Rio Colorado, a distance of ninety miles. By this
method Lower California would be made into an island, and the passage
of ships from the Pacific Ocean at Enseñada, through the Canal into
the Gulf of California would double the importance, commercially and
politically, of the States of Sonora, Sinaloa and the Eastern side
of Lower California. Irrigation, and later immigration, in Lower
California, would change the barren island into a garden.
* * * * *
The Mexican revolutionists are socialists without knowing it; their
actions in the economical and political field have proven it; the
Marxian theorists in Europe showed by their attitude in the war, that
they were not socialists, but political trimmers.
* * * * *
The French revolution is being repeated in Mexico. Bare feet are
pattering up on one side of the stairway, while patent leathers are
descending on the opposite side.
* * * * *
The Mexican problem is like a sand-bar in the path of the American Ship
of State.
APPENDIX
THE PLAN OF SAN LUIS POTOSÍ
By F. I. MADERO.
DECLARATION TO THE NATION
The people, in their constant effort to bring about the triumph of
their ideals of liberty and justice, have deemed it necessary at
certain historical moments to make the greatest sacrifices.
Our dear country has arrived at one of these times; a tyranny which
the Mexicans had not been accustomed to endure, since we gained
our independence, oppresses us in such a manner that it has become
intolerable. In exchange for that tyranny, peace has been offered us,
but a shameful peace for the Mexican people, as it is not based on
right but on might; for it does not have as an object the advancement
and prosperity of the country, but only the enrichment of a small group
who, abusing their influence, have converted the public positions into
fountains of benefit exclusively personal, exploiting without scruples
all the concessions and lucrative contracts.
The legislative power as well as the judicial are completely under the
executive; the division of power, the State sovereignty, the liberty
of the municipal government and the rights of the citizen only exist
as they are written in our Magna Charta; but as a fact, in Mexico it
can almost be said that martial law reigns constantly; justice instead
of imparting protection to the weak, only serves to legalize the
plundering committed by the strong; the judges instead of being the
representatives of justice are agents of the executive, whose interests
they serve faithfully; the House of Congress of the Union has no other
will than that of the dictator; the State Governors are appointed
by him, and they in their turn appoint and tax in the same way the
municipal authorities.
From this it results that the administrative gear, judicial and
legislative, obeys with one will the caprice of Gen. Porfirio Diaz,
who during his long administration has demonstrated that the principal
motive that guides him is to maintain himself in power at all costs.
For many years deep uneasiness has been felt throughout the republic,
due to the above form of management of the Government, but General
Diaz, with great astuteness and perseverance, had well-nigh crushed
out all independent elements, so that it was impossible to organize
any kind of a movement to deprive him of the power, which he had so
misused. The mischief was constantly aggravated, and the decided
eagerness of General Diaz to impose on the nation a successor in the
person of Mr. Ramón Corral, brought matters to a crisis and determined
many Mexicans, although lacking political affiliations because it
had been impossible to form them during the thirty-six years of
dictatorship, to throw themselves into a struggle, intending to regain
the sovereignty of the people and their purely democratic right to the
land.
Among other parties which had the same object, the National
Anti-Re-electionist Party was organized, proclaiming the principles
of EFFECTIVE SUFFRAGE AND NO RE-ELECTION as the only ones capable
of saving the republic from the imminent danger which menaced from
the prolongation of a dictatorship each day becoming more and more
onerous, more despotic and more immoral.
The Mexican people actively seconded that party and responded to the
call which was made, sending its representatives to a convention, in
which also was represented the National Democratic Party, which also
interpreted the popular desires. The said convention appointed its
candidates for the Presidency and Vice-Presidency of the republic,
those nominations devolving upon Dr. Francisco Vásquez Gomez and on
me, for the respective charges of Vice-President and President of the
republic.
Although our situation was extremely disadvantageous owing to the fact
that our adversaries received the sanction of all the official element,
on which they did not hesitate to rely, we believe it our duty to
accept an honorable appointment like this in order to best serve the
cause of the people. In imitation of the wise customs of republican
countries, I travelled over a portion of the republic, calling upon
my compatriots. My passing from one town to another was like a real
triumphal march, for everywhere the people, electrified by the magic
words Effective Suffrage and No Re-election, gave evident proofs of
their irrevocable resolution to obtain the conquest of such secure
principles. At length, the moment arrived when General Diaz began to
notice the true situation of the republic, and understood that he could
not advantageously struggle with me in the field of democracy, and
sent me to prison before the elections, which were consummated while
excluding the public from the primaries through violence, filling the
prisons with independent citizens and committing the most shameful
frauds.
In Mexico, as a democratic republic, the public power cannot have
any other origin or base than the national will, and this cannot be
subordinated to formulas consummated in a fraudulent manner.
For this reason the Mexican people have protested against the
illegality of the last elections, and wishing to employ successively
all the recourses which the laws of the republic offer, in due form
they requested the annulment of the elections before the Chamber of
Deputies, notwithstanding the fact that in that body a legitimate
origin was not recognized, and it being known beforehand that the
members of the same were not representatives of the people and only
respected the will of General Diaz, to whom exclusively they owed their
investiture.
In such a state of affairs the people, who are the only sovereign, also
protested in an energetic manner against the elections, in imposing
manifestations consummated in different parts of the republic, and if
these did not spread through all the national territory, it was due
to the terrible pressure exercised by the government, which always
smothers in blood any democratic demonstration, such as passed in
Puebla, Vera Cruz, Tlaxcala, Mexico and other parts.
But this situation so violent and illegal could not last long.
I have understood very well that if the people have appointed me as
their candidate for President it is not because there may have been
an opportunity of discovering in me the faculties of a statesman or
a governor, but only the virility of a patriot resolved to sacrifice
himself if necessary in the cause of liberty, and to help the public
free itself from the odious tyranny which oppresses the nation.
From the time when I threw myself into the democratic struggle I knew
very well that General Diaz had no respect for the freewill of the
nation and the noble Mexican people, and upon attending the primaries I
knew also very well the attacks that awaited them; but notwithstanding
these facts, the public gave to the cause of liberty a numerous
contingent of martyrs when these were necessary, and with admirable
stoicism met at the polls to receive all sorts of annoyances.
But such conduct was indispensable to demonstrate to the world at
large that the Mexican people are ready for democracy, that they are
thirsty for liberty, and that their present governors do not meet their
aspirations.
Besides, the attitude of the people before and during the elections, as
well as after them, demonstrates clearly that they opposed with energy
the government of General Diaz, and that if their electoral rights had
been respected I might have been elected as President of the republic.
Taking this into consideration and echoing the public sentiment, I
declare illegal the past elections, and as the republic for that reason
is without legitimate governors, I assume provisionally the Presidency
of the republic, while the people appoint according to law their
governors. To attain this object it is necessary to hurl from power
the audacious usurpers, who for all the titles of legality boast a
scandalous and immoral fraud.
With all honor I declare that I would consider it a sign of weakness on
my part and treason to the public who have confided in me, not to place
myself in front of my fellow-citizens who anxiously call upon me from
all parts of the country, to compel General Diaz by force of arms to
respect the national will.
The present Government, although it originated in violence and fraud
from the moment that it was tolerated by the people, yet can hold for
foreign nations certain titles of legality up to the 30th of the coming
month, in which their tenure expires; but as it is possible that the
new government emanating from the last fraud, may not by that time be
in power, at least because the greater part of the nation is making
an armed protest against that usurpation, I have appointed SUNDAY, the
20th of next November, from 6 o’clock in the afternoon on, for all
the towns and villages in the republic to take up arms against the
government under the following
PLAN.
1st. The elections for President and Vice-President of the republic,
Magistrates of the Supreme Court of Justice of the Nation and Deputies
and Senators, held in June and July of the present year, are hereby
declared null and void.
2nd. The present government of General Diaz is not recognized, nor the
power of any authority emanating from the popular vote, for not having
been elected by the people, they have lost what little title they did
have of legality, aiding and favoring for their own interests the most
scandalous electoral fraud ever known in the history of Mexico, with
the money placed at their disposal by the public.
3d. To avoid as much as possible the upheavals incident to all
revolutionary movements, all the laws promulgated by the present
administration and the rules pertaining to the same, with the exception
of those which are found to be decidedly opposed to the principles
set forth by this plan, are declared to be in force, until such as
require adjustment may be reformed according to constitutional methods.
Also, exception is made of laws, sentences of courts, and decrees
which may have been sanctioned regarding the accounts and handling
of funds of all the functionaries of the Porfirista administration,
in all their branches. For as soon as the revolution triumphs the
formation of commissions of investigation will be initiated to decide
on the responsibilities which the functionaries of the State and city
federations may be able to incur.
In all cases the obligations contracted by the Porfirista
administration with foreign governments and corporations before the
20th of the coming month, will be respected.
Abusing the law of waste land, numerous small proprietors, mostly all
quite poor, have been despoiled of their possessions, through the
connivance of the Secretary of Public Welfare, or by decrees of the
courts of the republic. It being only just to restore to their former
owners the lands of which they have been despoiled in such an arbitrary
manner, such dispositions and decrees have been declared subject to
revision, and there will be demanded of those who acquire them in such
a lawless manner, or of their heirs, to make restitution to their
former proprietors, who will also pay an indemnity for the injuries
suffered. Only in cases where such lands have passed to a third person
before the promulgation of this plan, the former owners will receive
indemnity from those in whose benefit the spoliation was accomplished.
4th. Besides the constitution and laws in force, the supreme law of
the republic is declared to be the principle of NO RE-ELECTION of the
President and Vice-President of the republic, Governors of the States
and Municipal Presidents, while the respective constitutional reforms
may be made.
5th. I assume the character of Provisional President of the United
States of Mexico, with the necessary faculties to make war on the
usurping government of General Diaz.
As soon as the capital of the republic and half of the States of
the Federation may be in the power of the army of the nation, the
Provisional President will call for extra general elections for a month
thereafter, and will deliver the power to the President who may be
elected, as soon as the result of such election may be known.
6th. The Provisional President, before handing over the authority, will
give account to the Congress of the Union of the use which has been
made of the faculties which the present plan confers upon him.
7th. The 20th day of the month of November, from the 6th of the
afternoon on, all the citizens of the republic will take up arms to
hurl from power the authorities which at present govern them. (The
towns which are situated away from the railway lines will take up arms
from the evening on.)
8th. When the authorities present armed resistance, they will be
compelled by force of arms to respect the popular will; but in this
case the laws of war will be rigorously observed, attention being
specially called to the prohibitions relative to not using expansive
balls, nor shooting prisoners. Also attention is called respecting the
duty of all Mexicans to have consideration for all foreigners and their
interests.
9th. The authorities who oppose resistance to this plan will be sent to
prison so that they may be judged by the courts of the republic, when
the revolution may be over. As soon as each city or town recovers its
liberty, there will be recognized as legitimate temporary authority the
principal chief at arms, with the faculty of delegating his functions
to any other citizen, who may be confirmed in his charge or removed by
the Provisional Governor.
One of the first measures of the provisional government will be to put
at liberty all the political prisoners.
10th. The nomination of Provisional Governor of each State that may
have been occupied by revolutionary troops, will be made by the
Provisional President. This Governor will be under strict obligation
to convoke the elections for the Provisional Governor of the State,
as soon as it may be possible to do so, according to the judgment of
the Provisional President. There is excepted from these rulings the
States that for two years have sustained democratic campaigns for a
change of government, for in these the man who was the candidate of the
people will be considered as Provisional Governor, of course it being
understood that he is expected to adhere strictly to this plan.
In case that the Provisional President has not made a nomination
of Governor, or the nominee has not arrived to take charge of his
position, or if the person so honored does not accept for any reason,
then the Governor will appoint by vote among all the chiefs of the army
who may operate in the territory of the respective State, with the
understanding that his nomination may be ratified by the Provisional
President as soon as it may be convenient.
11th. The new authorities will dispose of all the funds that are found
in the public offices for the ordinary expenses of the administration
and for the expenses of the war, keeping account scrupulously. In case
that these funds may not be sufficient to meet the expenses of the war,
loans are to be contracted, either voluntary or forced. These last to
be consummated only with citizens or national institutions. Account
will also be carefully kept of these loans, and receipts will be
tendered in due form to the interested parties, with a view to making
restitution to those who have loaned, the revolution having triumphed.
TRANSITORY. A. The chiefs of the volunteer army will hold the rank
which may correspond to the numbers of forces on hand. In case of
operating military forces and volunteers together, the chief of the
highest rank will take command of them, because in the event of both
chiefs holding the same rank, the command will be for the military
chieftain.
The civil heads will profit by said rank while the war lasts, and once
terminated, these appointments on petition of the parties interested,
will be revised by the Secretary of War, who will confirm the various
ones in their charges, or remove such as he may see fit.
B. All the chiefs, civil as well as military, will keep their troops
under the strictest discipline, as they will be held responsible by the
Provisional Government for any misbehavior of which the soldiers under
their command may be guilty; excepting in such cases where they may
justify themselves by proving that it was impossible to restrain the
troops, and to have imposed on the offenders the merited punishment.
The severest punishments will be inflicted on any soldiers who sack any
town or kill defenceless prisoners.
C. If the army and the authorities sustained by General Diaz shoot
prisoners of war, the same procedure will not be observed with those
who fall into our hands, as reprisals; but on the contrary, the civil
or military authorities in the service of General Diaz, who may,
after the initiation of the revolution, have ordered, decreed in any
form, sent an order, or shot any of our soldiers, will be shot within
twenty-four hours after a court-martial.
From this sentence the highest functionaries will not be exempted; the
only exception will be that of General Diaz and his ministers, who in
case of their ordering shootings or permitting them, will receive the
same punishment, though after having judged them in the courts of the
republic, when the revolution may have terminated.
In such cases where General Diaz may decree that the laws of war may
be respected, and the prisoners who fall into his hands are treated
with humanity, his life will be safe, but he must explain in the courts
as to how he has handled the funds of the nation, and as to how he has
complied with the law.
D. As it is an indispensable requisite of the laws of war that the
belligerent troops may wear some uniform of distinction, and as it
would be difficult to uniform the numerous forces of the people who are
going to take part in the contest, there will be adopted as distinctive
of all the liberating army, whether they be volunteers or regular
soldiers, a tricolored ribbon, in the cap or on the arm.
FELLOW CITIZENS. If we are called to take up arms and overturn the
government of General Diaz, it is not only for the offence committed
during the last elections, but only to save the country from the dark
future which awaits her, if she continues under his dictatorship, and
under the government of the abominable scientific oligarchy, that
unscrupulously and with great rapidity are absorbing and wasting the
national resources; and if we permit them to continue in power, within
a very brief space of time they will have completed their work; they
will have carried the nation to ignominy and degradation; they will
have absorbed all of her riches and left her in total misery; they
will have caused the bankruptcy of our finances and the dishonor of
our country, which, weak, impoverished and manacled, will find herself
unable to defend her frontiers, her honor and her institutions.
With respect to me, I have a tranquil conscience, and no one can accuse
me of promoting the revolution for personal interests, for the whole
nation understands that I did all that was possible to arrive at a
peaceful arrangement, and was disposed even to renounce my candidacy
if General Diaz would only have permitted the people to appoint the
Vice-President of the republic; but dominated by incomprehensible
pride and by unheard of haughtiness he was deaf to the voice of the
country, and preferred to precipitate the nation in a revolution before
conceding one jot toward returning to the people an atom of their
rights, before executing, although it might be in the last stages of
his life, a part of the promises he made in Noria and Tuxtepec.
The present revolution was justified when he said: “That no citizen may
be charged with and perpetuated in the exercise of power, and this will
be the last revolution.”
If in the mind of General Diaz there had been more attention paid to
the interest of the country than the sordid interests of himself and
his counsellors, this revolution might have been avoided by making some
concessions to the people; but it has not been so--so much the better!
The change will be rapid and more radical, for the Mexican public in
place of lamenting like a coward, will accept the challenge like a
hero, and even if General Diaz pretends to depend upon brute force to
imposing his ignominious yoke, the public will rely on the same force
for throwing aside this yoke, for hurling this dismal man from power
and for reconquering liberty.
FELLOW CITIZENS. Do not hesitate a moment: Seize the arms, throw the
usurpers from power, recover your rights as free men, and remember that
our predecessors bequeathed us an inheritance of glory which we must
not stain. Remember how they acted: invincible in war, magnanimous in
victory.
EFFECTIVE SUFFRAGE. NO RE-ELECTION.
SAN LUIS POTOSÍ, October 5, 1910.
(Signed) FCO. I. MADERO.
NOTE. The present plan will circulate only among the co-religionists
of the greatest confidence up to November 15th, from which date it
will be re-printed; the plan will be prudently divulged from the 18th
and profusely from the 20th on.
PROTEST AGAINST MEETING OF DIAZ AND TAFT
(Reprinted from _The Evening World_, September 3, 1909.)
_To the President of the United States._
SIR: The national press has lately startled thoughtful men with the
most unusual of announcements. We are told we may shortly expect to
witness the meeting of the popularly elected President of this great
Republic with the uncrowned Czar of Mexico. Calculated to inspire
enthusiasm in the minds of the ignorant or the falsely informed, this
piece of news brings dismay to those who know the truth and honor
American traditions. For the last thirty years the world has only
heard unchallenged reports of the genius, the equity and the kindness
of Porfirio Diaz. All this being true, it would only be fitting and
proper that the two neighboring chiefs should exchange international
courtesies.
But as a matter of history Porfirio Diaz represents in Mexico what
Abdul Hamid was to Turkey. On his white head rests the responsibility
for the massacres of over 50,000 Mexican Christians; the slavery
of thousands of Yaqui and Maya Indians who escaped fire and sword;
the destruction of all liberties, personal as well as public; the
corruption of the judiciary; the creation of a financial system
which has mortgaged Mexico to European and American bankers; for the
persecution of all the Mexican liberals in the United States, which
reached a climax of brazenness and impudence when a Mexican liberal
was kidnapped across the Rio Grande from an American jail by the help
of American detectives in the payroll of the Czar.
Therefore, I protest in the name of humanity, common decency and
national dignity as distinguished from political expediency and
international courtesy against such an exchange between the deeply
trusted and patriotic President of the United States and the
treacherous, unpopular and bloody-handed Nero of Mexico.
You might retort that it is no business of mine to couple your name
with an attack seemingly so unwarranted.
My answer is that I speak no more than truth and not otherwise than
I have spoken in a recent book on the real political conditions in
Mexico. I am moved to repeat these truthful characterizations of
Mexico’s president and the rule he stands for, because this pamphlet
has been suppressed by an indictment against me in an American court
brought about by the Mexican Government, which used your own brother,
Henry W. Taft, as their lawyer against me, transparently to gain for
their case the weight of an implied connection between it and the
Administration.
You might reply that the American Government cares nothing about the
internal policy of the Mexican government as long as it behaves and
protects American interests.
I answer that if a neighbor be a good neighbor it might be sufficient
unto you; but if your neighbor should torture or attempt to kill his
children would it not be your duty to protest?
If the excuse for meddling in another nation’s affairs is only found
in the destruction of American lives and their property, under what
pretext did the American Government protest against the Armenian
massacres? What brought about armed intervention in Cuba? Why did the
State Department undertake to refund the unjust Chinese indemnity?
And how are you to explain the wherefore of the tremendous struggle to
stamp out slavery?
The reason for this system of intervention lies deeper than in
financial and political interests. It proves to the civilized world
that the American nation is something mightier than a rich, powerful
and progressive republic; that it is likewise a moral entity backed by
the conscience of a people.
The propaganda about Mexico has its source in the knowledge of the
real history of Porfirio Diaz. At the beginning of his career he
concealed his real political face, but the higher he rises in power
and statecraft, the more he uncovers his fundamental lack of principle.
Even as I write these lines the report is wired from Mexico that
General Diaz has ordered the demission of the Governor of Coahuila
as the latter showed a marked tendency in favor of General Reyes’s
candidacy. Imagine the Republican President of the United States
asking for the resignation of Governor Johnson of Minnesota because of
his Democratic leanings!
Political evolution in Mexico will move faster in the next twelve
months, inasmuch as the new generation is impelled by cleaner, more
honest and patriotic motives than those of the malevolent Czar and his
infamous camarilla. Porfirio Diaz is fashioning the tools of his own
destruction and as a last resort is using the handshake across the
Rio Grande to countenance in advance the arbitrary repressions and
assassinations which are sure to take place in the false elections of
next year.
When that period is passed the mask of this master Machiavelli will
have been torn aside. The American people will then realize with
humiliation that their honored President has exchanged an intimate
greeting with the basest slave-driver of modern times.
CARLO DE FORNARO,
National Arts Club.
_Translation._
LETTER FROM ARCHBISHOP GILLOW TO URRUTIA.
HACIENDA DE CHAUTLA, July 11th, 1913.
SR. DR. AURELIANO URRUTIA,
Minister of the Interior, Mexico.
_Esteemed Sir and Friend_:
I returned to this hacienda yesterday and was informed that up around
Huejotzingo, capital of this District, things are rather unsettled,
due to a few disturbers who molest the authorities, and consequently
disturb public peace. Having in mind the kind offers which you made
to me during my recent visit in that city, I now take the liberty of
addressing you.
The disturbers of Huejotzingo are a certain Luis Pinto and his
brother. They own real estate and small houses to the amount of may
be Three Thousand Dollars each, in that locality. They put on airs of
caciques, and have for some time even gone so far as to pretend to
subordinate the local authorities. They have become more overbearing
since the time of Madero.
While Mr. Alberto García Granados was Minister of the Interior, the
referred-to Pinto brothers attempted to overthrow Mr. Enrique Acevedo
from his position as Governor of the Province. Mr. Acevedo has
maintained the peace and well-being in this district ever since he
came into office. As Mr. Granados, owner of the Hacienda de Chagua,
near Huejotzingo, knows Mr. Acevedo, he maintained Mr. Acevedo as
Governor, and the Pinto brothers did not molest him any more until Mr.
Granados resigned the secretaryship.
As Mr. Acevedo is well acquainted with the intrigues of the Pinto
brothers, he has kept them well watched, and they, resenting this,
have hostilized him, to the degree of having trumped up false
accusations against him before the municipality of Puebla. They did
not however, obtain their end, for they were unable to obtain his
removal, though he was for a time suspended from office, much to the
regret of the honest contingent of Huejotzingo. The Mayor replaced him
during this time.
On the other hand, Mr. Ramon Vargas, Judge of the Primary Court of
Claims of Huejotzingo, has been for three months working unceasingly
to put to date all pending cases, which had been accumulating, due to
the fact that his predecessors, partly due to indifference and partly
to fear of the Revolution, often absented themselves, abandoning their
offices. Among those who most distinguished themselves of these last
mentioned, was a certain Felipe Ramirez, whose wife is a Huejotzingo
woman, on which account he was of course interested in holding that
position in Huejotzingo. The mother of the lady in question also found
a way to take advantage of the situation, and arranged things so that
those who wished their cases attended to, had to have a recommendation
from her, if they wanted a favorable judgment. For this she was of
course paid a certain sum, and she managed to derive quite a fine
income.
This by-play came to the knowledge of Mr. García Granados, and he
managed to obtain the Puebla Municipality to offer the Judge Felipe
Ramirez to transfer him to Matamoros, which offer he declined, staying
in Huejotzingo and exercising his profession of lawyer. This Mr.
Ramirez works in harmony with the Pinto brothers, and the three of
them, openly antagonize Acevedo the Governor, Ramon Vargas, the Judge
and Sidronio Primo, Commissioner of the Ministry, who is an old
employé in this locality and who works together with the other two
last mentioned.
With the foregoing details, and prompted by the desire to maintain
order and peace in this district, I beg you to exert your good
influence with the government of Puebla, to have Mr. Acevedo return
to his post, and to have Mr. Ramon Vargas the present Judge, and also
Mr. Sidronio Primo, stay in their positions. The presence of Mr.
Felipe Ramirez, who still pretends to occupy the position of Judge in
this District, is very harmful to public interests, as is also the
presence of the Pinto brothers, so that although I harbor no feelings
of personal enmity towards them for I do not know them except from
hearsay, I beg to suggest the advantage of their being removed from
this locality, in whatever way you may deem most appropriate.
Kindly forgive the length of this letter, but I feel justified in
giving you all these details, for the sake of the preservation of
peace in this region, which has some importance due to its relations
to Puebla and Mexico.
Thanking you in advance for whatever you may deem fit to do in
the interests of the honest citizens who have given me the above
information, and which I transmit to you confidentially, I beg to
remain,
Very respy., etc., etc.,
EULOGIO G. GILLOW,
Archbishop of Oaxaca.
LETTER FROM MINISTER URRUTIA TO ARCHBISHOP MORA.
MEXICO, July 9th, 1913.
_Very illustrious Sir_--
Kindly allow me to acquit myself of the pleasant duty of expressing,
to you, very sincere thanks for the good assistance you have been
lending to the Government in the re-establishment of peace,--a task
the more useful because accomplishing it, as you are doing, with
intelligence and common sense, it might be able to effect a durable
benefit to the country.
In the name of the government to which I belong and with which you are
happily connected, I earnestly beg of you to continue your good work,
if possible, with more energy than before.
In this connection and prompted by the confidence which your kindness
invites, I take the liberty of telling you that some memorial services
held in honor of the Madero brothers, made a bad impression in social
circles, and especially on the Government, and therefore I would ask
of you to take such measures as you may deem necessary, to prevent a
repetition of demonstrations of this nature, which might contribute to
retard the success of the work undertaken by the Government in order
to put an end to our internal wars.
I also must call your attention to the necessity of stopping at all
costs, a certain person in the clergy, from continuing his propaganda
against the Government, and this for the same reasons as above
expressed. With your intelligence and tact, I am sure you will find
an efficacious means to put a stop to the workings of the person in
question.
I remain, etc., etc.,
URRUTIA.
GLOSSARY OF SPANISH WORDS.
CARRANZISTA Political follower of Venustiano Carranza.
CASAS DE VECINDAD Tenement houses.
CIENTIFICO A group of politicians headed by J. I.
Limantour, who took as a basis of
their political party some of the Comte
theories. They believed in a scientific
government. The term cientifico
is now applied to political
exponents of graft in politics.
CIUDADELA Citadel.
COLORADOS Reds, red-flaggers. Name given to the
guerrilla troops under Orozco, because
besides carrying a red flag they
carried destruction everywhere by fire
and sword.
COMPADRE Godfather, an expression which means
protector, benefactor,--and implies
great obligations and great sacrifices.
CUARTELAZO A military mutiny. From cuartel, a
military barrack.
DON Title of courtesy given to people of the
better class. Formerly in Spain,
when addressing a person of aristocratic
lineage, it was customary to
write before the name,--De origen
noble--(of noble origin). It was
afterwards abbreviated to D. O. N.
One should be careful to use the Don
only before the first name, or together
with first and second names,
for instance--Don Porfirio Diaz, never
Don Diaz, as it implies an insulting
meaning.
EGIDOS Communal lands surrounding villages
and cities in Mexico.
FELICISTA Political follower of Felix Diaz.
FIESTA Holiday, merry-making.
FOMENTO Excite, encourage. Ministerio de Fomento:
the department for the development
of the country, industrially
and commercially.
GACHUPINES Nickname given to Spaniards.
GRINGO Nickname used in Mexico and South
America to designate Americans.
HACIENDA Plantation, ranch, farm.
HUERTISTA Political follower of Victoriano Huerta.
INCOMUNICACION Incommunication. The position of a
man in prison who is not permitted to
communicate with his friends, lawyers
or any one from the outside.
JEFE Chief.
JEFE POLITICO Political chief. Head of a district
under the jurisdiction of the Governor.
Under Diaz they had almost unlimited
power for mischief.
LEY FUGA The Runaway Law--which was resorted
to for the purpose of doing
away with obnoxious political enemies
or agitators; while they were
taken from one prison to the other,
they were shot from the back, and
the pretext was that they had tried
to run away.
MADERISTA Political follower of F. I. Madero.
MOCHO Contemptible term to designate members
of the clerical party in Mexico.
NEO-CIENTIFICO New scientist. A political party which
was a continuation of the old cientifico
party. They came into power
under Madero, and were headed by
Ernesto Madero, uncle of Don F. I.
Madero, and by Rafael Hernandez, a
cousin of the president.
PACIFICO A peaceful Indian, one that cultivates
the land and does not carry arms.
PELADO “Skinned.” Term applied to a very
poor Indian.
PEON Indian worker on plantation or mines.
PLAN DE AYALA Written by a school-teacher, Montaño,
for Zapata. It was aimed against
the neo-cientificos in the Madero cabinet,
--the provisional president was
supposed to be P. Orozco, and in case
of his absence Emiliano Zapata. The
Plan was essentially an agrarian plan,
local in its ideas of reforms.
PLAN DE GUADALUPE A Manifest written by V. Carranza to
rally the Mexicans in the overthrow
of the Huerta dictatorship. It did
not attempt to bring about any reforms,
--only the elimination of
Huerta and his supporters.
PLAN DE SAN LUIS POTOSÍ Was the political plan written by F. I.
Madero against the Diaz régime on
October 5th, 1910.
PORFIRISTA Political follower of Porfirio Diaz.
PORRISTA A member of the Porra, a political club
created by the friends of F. I. Madero,
supposed to be headed by Gustavo
Madero, to fight and intimidate the
enemies of the Maderistas.
RELIGION Y FUEROS Battle-cry of the clericals since the
revolution. “Religion & Privileges.”
The Church and the army under
Spanish rule had special courts composed
of either religious clerics or of
soldiers, which judged members of
the church or soldiers in criminal
cases. The Clericals now demand a
return of their old privileges.
VILLISTA Political follower of F. Villa.
ZAPATISTA Political follower of Zapata.
FOOTNOTES:
[1] Full text of letter will be found in Index.
[2] Full text of the Plan of San Luis Potosí will be found in Index.
[3] From “Mexico the Land of Unrest,” by Henry Baerlein.
[4] “Barbarous Mexico,” J. K. Turner.
[5] “The Revolution and F. I. Madero,” Roque Estrada, 1912.
[6] “The Political Shame of Mexico,” E. I. Bell, 1914.
[7] See Plan in Index.
[8] The New York _Call_ published the first article of the exposé, May
5, 1911.
Transcriber's Notes:
Italics are shown thus: _sloping_.
Variations in spelling and hyphenation are retained.
Perceived typographical errors have been changed.