2. THE PAMPEAN REGION.

South of the dividing upland which separates the waters of the Amazon

from those which find their way to the Rio de la Plata, the continent

extends in broad level tracts, watered by numerous navigable streams and

rich in game and fish. Its chief physical features are the wooded and

rolling Chaco in the north, the treeless and grassy Pampas to the south,

and the sterile rocky plains of Patagonia still further toward the region

of cold. In the west the chain of the Cordilleras continues to lift its

summits to an inaccessible height until they enter Patagonia, when they

gradually diminish to a range of hills.

The tribes of all this territory, both east and west of the Andes,

belong ethnographically together, and not with the Peruvian stocks. What

affinities they present to others to the north are with those of the

Amazonian regions.

_1. The Gran Chaco and its Stocks. The Guaycurus, Lules, Matacos and

Payaguas. The Charruas, Guatos, Calchaquis, etc._

The great streams of the Parana and Paraguay offer a natural boundary

between the mountainous country of southern Brazil and the vast plains of

the Pampas formation. In their upper course these rivers form extensive

marshes, which in the wet season are transformed into lakes on which

tangled masses of reeds and brushwood, knitted together by a lush growth

of vines, swim in the lazy currents as floating islands. These were the

homes of some wild tribes who there found a secure refuge, the principal

of whom were the Caracaras, who came from the lower Parana, and were one

of the southernmost offshoots of the Tupi family.[486]

For five hundred miles west of the Parana and extending nearly as far

from north to south, is a wide, rolling country, well watered, and

usually covered with dense forests, called El Gran Chaco.[487] Three

noble rivers, the Pilcomayo, the Vermejo and the Salado, intersect it in

almost parallel courses from northwest to southeast.

Abounding in fish and game and with a mild climate, the Chaco has always

been densely peopled, and even to-day its native population is estimated

at over twenty thousand. But the ethnology of these numerous tribes is

most obscure. The Jesuit missionaries asserted that they found eight

totally different languages on the Rio Vermejo alone,[488] and the names

of the tribes run up into the hundreds.

As is generally the case with such statements, distant dialects of the

same stock were doubtless mistaken for radically distinct tongues. From

all the material which is accessible, I do not think that the Chaco

tribes number more than five stocks, even including those who spoke

idioms related to the Guarani or Tupi. The remainder are the Guaycuru,

the Mataco, the Lule and the Payagua. This conclusion is identical with

that reached by the Argentine writer, Don Luis J. Fontana, except that he

considers the Chunipi independent, while I consider that it is a member

of the Mataco stock.

One of the best known members of the _Guaycuru_ stock was the tribe of

the Abipones, whose manners and customs were rendered familiar in the

last century through the genial work of the Styrian missionary, Martin

Dobrizhoffer.[489] They were an equestrian people, proud of their

horsemanship and their herds, and at that time dwelt on the Paraguay

river, but by tradition had migrated from the north.

The Guaycurus proper were divided into three gentes (_parcialidades_)

located with reference to the cardinal points. On the north were

the Epicua-yiqui; on the west the Napin-yiqui, and on the south the

Taqui-yiqui. Their original home was on the Rio Paraguay, two hundred

leagues from its mouth, but later they removed to the banks of the

Pilcomayo. Their system was patriarchal, the sons inheriting direct from

the father, and they were divided into hereditary castes, from which it

was difficult to emerge. These were distinguished by different colors

employed in painting the skin. The highest caste, the _nabbidigan_, were

distinguished by black.[490]

The Abipones were almost entirely destroyed early in this century by the

Tobas and Mbocobis,[491] and probably at present they are quite extinct.

The Tobas are now the most numerous tribe in the Chaco, and their

language the most extended.[492] They remain savage and untamable, and

it was to their ferocity that Dr. Crévaux, the eminent French geographer

and anthropologist, fell a victim in recent years. The dialects of

the Abipones, Mbocobis and Tobas were “as much alike as Spanish and

Portuguese” (Dobrizhoffer).

The Guachis speak a rather remote dialect of the stock, but undoubtedly

connected with the main stem. According to the analogy of many of their

words and the tenor of tradition, they at one time lived in the Bolivian

highlands, in the vicinity of the Moxos and Chiquitos. It is probable

that they are now nearly extinct, as for several generations infanticide

has been much in vogue among them, prompted, it is said, by superstitious

motives. Forty years ago an inconspicuous remnant of them were seen by

Castelnau and Natterer in the vicinity of Miranda.[493]

The Malbalas, who were a sub-tribe of the Mbocobis, dwelling on the Rio

Vermejo, are described as light in color, with symmetrical figures and of

kindly and faithful disposition. Like most of the Chaco tribes, they were

monogamous, and true to their wives.[494]

The Terenos and the Cadioéos still survive on the upper Paraguay, and are

in a comparatively civilized condition. The latter manufacture a pottery

of unusually excellent quality.[495]

On the authority of Father Lozano I include in this stock the

Chichas-Orejones, the Churumatas, that branch of the Mataguayos called

Mataguayos Churumatas (from the frequent repetition of the syllable

_chu_ in their dialect), the Mbocobis and Yapitalaguas, whose tongues

were all closely related to the Toba;[496] while Dr. Joao Severiano da

Fonseca has recently shown that the Quiniquinaux is also a branch of this

stock.[497]

The _Lules_ are a nation which has been a puzzle for students of the

ethnography of the Chaco. They were partly converted by the celebrated

Jesuit missionary and eminent linguist, Father Alonso de Barcena,

in 1690, who wrote a grammar of their language, which he called the

Tonicote. The Jesuit historian of Paraguay, Del Techo, states that

three languages were spoken among them, the Tonicote, the Kechua and

the Cacana, which last is a Kechua term from _caca_, mountain, and

in this connection means the dialect of the mountaineers. Barcena’s

converts soon became discontented and fled to the forests, where they

disappeared for thirty years or more. About 1730, a number of them

reappeared near the Jesuit mission of the Chaco, and settled several

towns on the rivers Valbuena and Salado. There their language was studied

by the missionaries. A grammar of it was composed by Machoni,[498] and

a vocabulary collected by the Abbé Ferragut.[499] Meanwhile the work of

Barcena had disappeared, and the Abbé Hervas expressed a doubt whether

the Lule of Machoni was the same as that of his predecessor. He advanced

the opinion that the ancient Lule was the Cacana; that the modern were

not the descendants of the ancient Lules, and that the Mataras of the

Chaco were the Tonicotes to whom Barcena was apostle.[500]

The missionary Lozano to some extent clears up this difficulty. He states

that the Lules or Tonicotes were divided into the greater and lesser

Lules, and it is only the latter to which the name properly belonged.

The former were divided into three bands, the Isistines, the Oristines,

and the Toquistines.[501] None of these latter existed under these names

at the close of the last century, and at present no tribe speaking

the Lule of Machoni is known in the Chaco. The language has evident

affinities both with the Vilela and the Mataco,[502] but also presents

many independent elements. The statement of Hervas, copied by various

subsequent writers,[503] that the ancient or greater Lules spoke the

Cacana, and that this was a different stock from the Lule of Machoni,

lacks proof, as we have no specimen of the Cacana, and not even indirect

knowledge of its character. Indeed, Del Techo says definitely that the

missionaries of the earliest period, who were familiar with the Lule of

that time, had to employ interpreters in ministering to the Cacanas.[504]

The modern Vilelas live on the Rio Salado, between 25° and 26° south

latitude. I find in it so many words of such character that I am inclined

to take it as the modern representative of the Lule of Machoni, though

corrupted by much borrowing. When we have a grammar of it, the obscurity

will be cleared up.

LULE. VILELA.

Tongue, _lequy_, _lequip_.

Tooth, _llu_, _lupe_.

Hand, _ys_, _ysip_.

House, _enú_, _quané_.

A comparison of the Vilela with the Chunipi, (Chumipy, Sinipi or

Ciulipi,) proves that they are rather closely related, and that the

Chunipi is not an independent tongue as has often been stated. In view of

this, I include it in the Lule dialects.

The third important stock is that of the _Matacos_. It is still in

extensive use on the Rio Vermejo, and we have a recent and genial

description of these people and their language from the pen of the

Italian traveler, Giovanni Pelleschi.[505] They are somewhat small in

size, differing from the Guaycurus in this respect, who are tall. Their

homes are low huts made of bushes, but they are possessed of many small

arts, are industrious, and soon become conversant with the use of tools.

Their hair is occasionally wavy, and in children under twelve, it is

often reddish. The eyes are slightly oblique, the nose large, straight

and low. Like all the Chaco Indians, they do not care for agriculture,

preferring a subsistence from hunting and fishing, and from the product

of their horses and cattle. What few traditions they have indicate a

migration from the east.

The term Mataguayos was applied to some of this stock as well as to some

of the Guaycurus. The former included the Agoyas, the Inimacas or Imacos,

and the Palomos, to whom the Jesuit Joseph Araoz went as missionary, and

composed a grammar and dictionary of their dialect. He describes them

as exceedingly barbarous and intractable.[506] The Tayunis had at one

time 188 towns, and the Teutas 46 towns. This was in the palmy days of

the Jesuit reductions.[507] Both these extensive tribes are classed by

D’Orbigny with the Matacos.

According to the older writers the _Payaguas_ lived on the river

Paraguay, and spoke their tongue in two dialects, the Payagua and the

Sarigue. Von Martius, however, denies there ever was such a distinct

people. The word _payagua_, he remarks, was a generic term for “enemies,”

and was applied indiscriminately to roving hordes of Guaycurus, Mbayas,

etc.[508]

The Payaguas, however, are mentioned distinctly by the early missionaries

as a nation with peculiar language and habits. They differed from their

neighbors as being aquatic, not equestrian. They were singularly skilful

boatmen and had a mythology apart from the other tribes, “worshipping the

devil under the figure of a great bird.”[509] There is also a manuscript

in the Library of the American Philosophical Society, written in the

middle of the last century, describing the visit of a missionary to the

Payaguas, at that time resident near Santa Fé in Paraguay. He accuses

them as given to revolting vices and utterly barbarous.[510]

The statement of Von Martius that the nation has entirely disappeared is

incorrect, as quite recently a vocabulary of it has been obtained by Don

Luis de Fontana, which shows it to be distinct both from the Guaycuru and

any other known stock.[511]

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