If the king prefers them to assume the expenses of the expedition
they propose the following:
1. That all the lands and islands discovered by them or their agents
belong to them "with all traffic, seigniory, and government," giving
to the crown one-fifth of all net profits.
2. That no other ships, either of the king or any other person,
be allowed to trade in such lands, under penalty of confiscation by
the petitioners.
3. That no other commissions for expeditions of discovery be given
for ten years.
4 and 5. Provision in case of death, and provision for
fulfilment. (No. ii, pp. 113-116; _vide infra,_ "Instructions to
Carthagena," p. 280.)
Zaragoza, July 20, 1518. The King writes to the officials of the
House of Trade, approving the contemplated expedition, and regarding
the expenditures of moneys and the fitting out of the fleet. [205]
(No. v, pp. 122, 123.)
October 24, 1518. Magallánes writes the king enumerating and amplifying
certain information and requests concerning the fleet, contained in
a letter written by him to his majesty on the fifteenth of the same
month. This letter had been despatched by a post sent by the House of
Trade. Besides giving a full account of the preparations of the fleet,
[206] it begs that the balance of the 16,000 ducats, "without which we
cannot finish" be provided; and that the 5,400 ducats lacking be taken
from the 11,000 ducats in the house. He asks also an increase of the
3,000 ducats for merchandise, "since the profits accruing therefrom
might be twenty-fold, estimating conservatively; and therefore I
desired all the gain to be your Highness's." Also, he asks that the
officials pay for the armament, weapons, and powder of the fleet,
which have been paid out of the 16,000 ducats, but which the king was
to provide. He complains of the antagonism of the officials at Seville,
relating a serious conflict that had taken place two days before. He
had caused his banners, bearing his arms to be flung from one of the
vessels. The Spaniards, incited thereto, claimed that they were those
of the King of Portugal, and attempted to arouse sentiment against him
and cause his arrest. This evil treatment, in which he did not receive
the aid and countenance of the officials, he says, was not done to him
"as Fernando de Magallánes, but as your highness's Captain." [207]
(No. vii, pp. 124-127.)
March 30, 1519. By a royal decree Luis de Mendoza is appointed
treasurer of the fleet, and 60,000 maravedis are assigned as his
annual salary during the voyage. Juan de Cartagena is appointed
inspector-general, "and he shall exercise the duties of that trust
in accordance with the instructions [_q. v. post_] given him under
the King's signature." He is to receive "70,000 maravedis from the
time of the departure of the fleet from Spain until its return." The
latter is also appointed "Captain of the third ship of the fleet of
Fernando Magallánes and Rui Falero," "with an annual salary of 40,000
maravedis." (Nos. viii-x, [208] pp. 127, 128.)
April 6, 1519. Gaspar de Quesada is appointed "Captain of the fourth
or fifth ship of the fleet in the expedition of discovery of the
spice regions, and Antonio Coca accountant, who shall have account of
everything contained in the ships, giving note of everything to the
Treasurer." The latter is to receive 50,000 maravedis a year. (Nos. xi,
xii, pp. 128, 129.) [209]
Barcelona, May 5, 1519. A letter from the king to the "officials of
the House of Trade of the Indies" states that there are to be two
hundred and thirty-five men [210] in the fleet, and orders, "because
calculation would have to be made for them in the provisioning and
in other things, if there were a greater number," "that they do not
allow, or give place in the said fleet, for any reason whatsoever,
for more than the two hundred and thirty-five men." They may even
specify a less number if it seems expedient. "All the seamen who
sail in the said fleet shall be received under the supervision of
our Captain Fernando de Magallánes, as he is the most experienced in
such things." Full declarations in writing must be made of the route
to be followed and a copy shall be given to each pilot. The officials
are ordered to buy from Magallánes the excess of powder, arms, etc.,
that has been provided for the fleet, "since it can be used in other
things," paying him what it cost. (No. xiii, pp. 129, 130.)
Barcelona, May 8, 1519. The instructions given to Magallánes and Falero
discuss more or less fully such points as the method and manner of
navigation (information as to routes given to the other captains
and pilots, method of signaling at night, and manner of procedure
in case the vessels become separated); treatment of natives found,
treatment of other vessels found trading in these spice regions,
"within our demarcation," such treatment differing if the vessels are
those of Christians or of Moros (Mahometans); ransoms and exchange
of prisoners; trade with the natives; division of prize-money;
reprovisioning the ships; giving of rations; keeping of accounts;
regulations concerning firearms; penalties for disobedience to the
captain-general; the taking of oaths; morals; discoveries; weights
and measures in trading; deaths of officers of the fleet, and the
cargo. Above all, the domains and demarcation of the Portuguese
monarch must be respected. The exact location of all lands must be
noted, and if these are inhabited they are to "try to ascertain if
there is anything in that land that will be to our interest." The
natives must be well treated, in order that food and water may be
obtained. When the land of spices is reached "you will make a treaty
of peace or trade with the king or lord of that land." As high a
valuation as possible is to be placed on the articles traded from the
ships. The inspector-general and accountant shall note everything
in their books. Other vessels found in the spice regions shall, if
Christians, be warned not to trade further without permission, under
penalty of seizure and confiscation of property; if Moros, "not of
the lands of our demarcation, you shall seize them in fair war," and
the gold, etc., found in their ships must be noted carefully in the
books. Moros who may, by their rank, avail for ransom are to be well
treated, but they may be sold as slaves. If Moros are found "who are
of our demarcation," they must be well treated; and a treaty must be
made, if possible, with their king or seignior. If they do not desire
peace, then the Castilians may exercise a certain amount of cruelty
against them to serve as a warning. Of the prize money or merchandise
of captured ships, certain percentages are to be given to all, these
portions varying. The King's share (one-fifth of the amount remaining,
after deducting certain sums that go to the captain-generals, and the
one-twentieth for the redemption of captives) is to be set apart for
him. One-fifth of what remains shall be given the captain-generals. The
remainder is to be divided into three parts, "of which two parts
are for us and the ships, and one for the crews." Of the latter,
ten parts are to be used for religious purposes. Good treatment is
to be accorded the natives in order that pleasant trade-relations may
be established. The physicians and surgeons are to take no money from
the natives for medical services, not even from their enemies who are
wounded in war. And the captain-generals must see that the men have
no intercourse with the native women. Entire freedom must be accorded
to every one to write what he pleases to Spain; and no letter must be
seized, under penalties to be imposed by the captain-generals. They
must guard against fire. In case of the death of any of the crew,
it is advisable to get slaves to fill their places. Rations are to be
given every two days, "and if it becomes necessary to shorten rations,
they shall be shortened." Dissatisfaction as to the length of the
voyage must not be expressed. The firearms are not to be discharged
on any newly-discovered land, "because the Indians fear this more than
anything else." No weapons shall be sold, under penalty of loss of all
property to the one so doing. Blasphemers, and card- and dice-players
are not to be allowed to ship with the crew. The captain-generals
have power to devise and execute punishments against disobedient men
of their crews. Oath shall be taken before the captain-generals by
all their crews to observe obedience and the King's service. If it is
necessary to seize water and provisions because of the hostility of
the natives, it shall be done, but with as little scandal and show of
force as possible. Samples of all products must be brought from the
lands discovered. "Ready-made clothes and other articles to give to
the kings and other princes of these lands shall be carried." "And if
the kings or seigniors of the land give any jewels or presents, they
shall be ours, and the inspector-general or accountant shall place
them in charge of the treasurer." No presents shall be given without
permission of the officers of the fleet. Everything traded must be
noted carefully and minutely in the books of the inspector-general
and accountant. If the return cargo is spice, it must be obtained as
clean as possible. The ships' cargoes must be traded first before
any private affairs are attended to. Full notices must be made in
the books regarding each member of the crew--his father and mother,
whether he is single or married, etc., in order that his heirs may be
known. Each person before embarking must have attended confession and
communion. In case any officer dies, another is to be elected in his
stead; but one-half of all the pay, etc., that would fall to the said
officer shall be given to his heirs, and the other half shall go to
the one taking his place. Any Portuguese or other Christians found in
the lands discovered must be treated well, in order to gain information
from them. "If by any chance you should meet ships from Portugal within
our limits, bid them quietly to leave the land, because in their own
requirements given by our very dear and well-loved uncle and brother,
it is forbidden to them to enter or discover in the lands and limits
belonging to us, and the same is forbidden to you by us." The cargoes
must be given up by such ships, if not peaceably, then by means of
force, provided "you can seize it without much loss to yourself." A
list is appended of the amount of freight that each one may take in
the vessels. A copy of these instructions is to be given to Juan de
Cartagena, the inspector-general. This document was copied from his
books by the secretary Joan de Samano in 1524. (No. xiv, pp. 130-152.)
Seville, 1519. The officials of the house of trade show to Magalhães
an order from the King (dated at Barcelona, July 26, 1519), "by which
his Highness orders that the commander Rui Falero remain behind and
not go as captain jointly with him in the fleet which his Highness
orders to be prepared for the spice regions; and also that the said
official judges name and appoint the stewards sailing in the said
fleet, and as secretaries of the ships of the said fleet shall go those
appointed by the said commander [Magalhães] if they are natives [of
his kingdom]." Juan de Cartagena is appointed in Ruy Falero's place
as _conjunta persona_, and Francisco, brother of Ruy, is appointed
captain of one of the ships. Magalhães says in his communication
to the officials of the House of Trade that he consents to Falero
remaining behind, provided the latter surrender to them and to him the
"elevations of east and west longitude, with all the rules accompanying
them, that they may remain in the said house and be kept in the
said fleet." He justifies, the first appointment of two Portuguese
stewards, both of whom he declares to be good and faithful men. "If
they should prove unfaithful then they shall be removed." As for his
Highness ordering that "no Portuguese seamen sail in the fleet,"
these men had been accepted by the masters of the said ships, and
Magalhães "received them as he did many other foreigners,--namely,
Venetians, Greeks, Bretons, French, German, and Genovese,--because,
at the time he took them, natives of these kingdoms were lacking." He
signifies his willingness to accept others in place of the Portuguese,
provided they make no extra expense. In regard to the order not to ship
Portuguese, if such a cause could be shown in the contract that he and
Falero made with the King at Barcelona he would keep it; but otherwise
he "would keep only the contract and instructions given to him in
Barcelona." He would not observe anything contrary to this contract,
even if ordered by the King and Council. That the King wishes no change
in the instructions is evident, because Juan de Cartagena has been
ordered not to make any innovation. Magalhães notifies the officials
not to interfere with his taking the Portuguese who had shipped in
the fleet; the blame will be theirs if, now, when everything is in
readiness, they obstruct in any way the expedition. The officials
of the house of trade reply, asking Magalhães to keep the commands
that have come from the king. Ruy Falero will give up all that is
needed. They believe that the two Portuguese stewards appointed by
Magalhães are honest men; but it is against the king's orders to carry
men of that nation. Letters from the king are cited to the effect that
Magalhães and Falero take only four or five Portuguese apiece. They
urge him to live up to these orders. (No. xvi, pp. 156-162.)
September, 1519. On setting out upon his voyage Magalhães leaves
for the king a memorandum of the latitudes and location of the
Spice Islands, and the shores and principal capes in the Castilian
demarcation, "because some time the Portuguese King may try to declare
that the islands of Maluco are within his demarcation." He bids the
king keep this memorandum carefully, for there may be a time when it
is necessary. (No. xix, pp. 188, 189.)
On the nineteenth of April, 1520, while at port San Julian, Magalhães
ordered an investigation of a petition presented by Alvaro de la
Mezquita, captain of the ship "San Antonio." The petition states
that on the first of April Gaspar de Quesada and Juan de Cartagena
appeared at Mezquita's ship, took him prisoner, and made themselves
masters of the vessel. Quesada refused to liberate the prisoner at
the request of the master, and checked the intended resistance of the
remaining officers and crew of the "San Antonio" by severely wounding
the master, Juan de Elorriaga and ordering the others disarmed. The
mate was taken prisoner, and carried to the "Concepcion." Antonio de
Coca, accountant of the fleet, was a party to the conspiracy. Juan de
Sebastian del Cano, master of the "Concepcion," was placed in command
of the captured vessel, which was put in a state of defense, all guns
being mounted in place. Mezquita asks for a thorough investigation of
this case, so that the fleet may be cleared of traitors. The charges of
wastefulness and cruelty preferred against him, he wishes examined;
and, if he is worthy of punishment, let it be administered. This
petition was presented on the fifteenth, and acknowledged on the
seventeenth. The testimonies were given before a notary on and after
April 19, and certified on the twenty-sixth. In the investigations the
depositions were taken of the chaplain of the fleet, and of the notary,
the pilot, a sailor, the boatswain, the steward, and the master of the
"San Antonio." In the main they are all alike, exonerating Mezquita
from all charges and condemning Quesada and his accomplices. On the
return to Seville of the "Victoria" (in which Mezquita was carried a
prisoner), these depositions were presented, through the efforts of
Diego Barbosa, to the alcalde-in-ordinary (May 22, 1523). (No. xx,
pp. 189-201.)
Seville, May 12, 1521. The accountant Juan Lopez de Recalde writes to
the bishop of Búrgos on this date of the arrival of the "San Antonio"
at the port of Seville, Las Muelas. The captain of the vessel now was
"Gerónimo Guerra, a relative and servant of Cristobal de Haro, and
its pilot Esteban, a Portuguese." "They brought as prisoner Alvaro de
la Mezquita, eldest son of Magallánes's brother, who was appointed
captain of this said ship in place of Juan de Cartagena." Mezquita
was transferred to a prison on shore, at which Barbosa, "Magallánes's
father-in-law, showed much resentment, saying that he ought to be
set free and those who brought him imprisoned." The letter relates
the discord between Magalhães and certain of the other officers of the
fleet; the imprisonment of Mezquita by Cartagena; the attempted mutiny;
the tragic deaths of Mendoza, the treasurer, and Quesada; and other
vigorous measures of Magalhães in quelling the outbreak. He relates the
separation in the strait of the "San Antonio" from the other vessels,
and the determination of the men of this vessel to return to Spain,
notwithstanding the opposition of Mezquita. The latter coming to blows
with the pilot Esteban Gomez was arrested and "they came direct to this
port, eating three ounces of bread each day, because their provisions
had failed. In the judgment and opinion of those who have come, the
said Magallánes will not return to Castilla." (No. xxi, pp. 201-208.)
A journal or log of Magalhães's voyage was written by Francisco
Albo, covering the voyage from cape San Agustin in Brazil until the
"Victoria" [the first ship to circumnavigate the globe] returned
to Spain. The log begins November 29, 1519, and ends September
4, 1522. The entries are for the most part very brief. It shows
that the fleet sighted or touched at various points, among them "a
mountain shaped like a hat, which we called Monte Vidi, now corruptly
called Santo Vidio [today Montevideo], [211] and between it and Cape
Santa Maria... a river called the Patos River;" also, farther on,
"a very great river... Solis [today Rio de la Plata]." The record
for October 21-December 1, 1520, says: "On the twenty-first of
the said month we took the sun in fifty-two degrees at a distance
from land of five leagues. And there we saw an opening like a bay;
at its entrance toward the left was a long sandy point. The cape we
discovered before this point is called Cape Las Vírgines. The point
of sand lies in fifty-two degrees of latitude and fifty-two and
one-half degrees of longitude. From this sand-point to the other
side is about five leagues. Inside this bay we found a strait of
about one league in width. From this entrance to the sand-point it is
straight east and west. On the left side of the bay is a large angle
in which are many sunken rocks. But as you enter you keep toward the
north, and as you enter the strait you go toward the southwest by a
mid channel. And as you enter you observe some shoals in front at a
distance of three leagues from the mouth, and afterward you will find
two sandy islets, and then the open channel, and you can doubtless
sail at will therein. Passing this strait we found another small bay,
and then another strait like unto the first. From one entrance to
the other the direction is east and west, and the strait runs from
the northeast to the southwest. After we had passed through the two
mouths or straits we found a very large bay, and some islands. In one
of the latter we anchored and took the altitude, which we found to be
fifty-two and one-third degrees. From this point we sailed southeast
and found a point to the left, at a distance from the first entrance
of about thirty leagues.... There are many turns in this strait,
and the mountains are very high and covered with snow. Afterward we
sailed northeast by east, passing many islands on the way. At the
farther end of the strait the coast turns northward. At the left we
saw a cape and an island, and we named them Cape Fermoso and Cape
Deseado. It lies in the same altitude as Cape Las Virgines, which is
the first point at the entrance. From the said Cape Fermoso we sailed
northeast, north, and north-northwest, for two days and three nights,
and on the next day we saw land ... and this land we saw the first
day of December." On the twenty-fourth of January, 1521, they find
an islet, which they name San Pablo. On the sixth of March two small
islands are sighted, and they see many small sails. A further note
of this same day says "The islands of the Ladrones are three hundred
leagues from Gilolo." March 16, they sight more islands, giving names
to two, Suluan and Yunagan--the first island of the archipelago of
San Lázaro [the Philippines]. They land successively at the islands
of Gada, Seilani, and Mazava, and pass by or anchor at Matan, Subu,
Baibai. "We left Subu sailing southeast ... between the Cape of Subu
and an island named Bohol; and on the western side of the Cape of Subu
is another island, by name, Panilongo, inhabited by blacks. This island
and Subu have gold and quantities of ginger.... We anchored at the
island of Bohol." Thus the log continues without date for some time,
the islands of Quipit, Quagayán, Poluan, and Borney being noted. At
the latter place in a brush with the natives, they seize a junk,
on which "was a son of the king of Luzon, which is a very large
island." The ship passes on through the Moluccas, which are named:
"Terrenate, Tidori, Mare, Motil, Maquiam, Bachian, Gilolo--these are
all that have cloves." On the fourth of May, 1522, the Cape of Good
Hope is founded. (No. xxii, pp. 209-247.)
The cargo of cloves brought by the "Victoria" amounted to three
hundred and eighty-one sacks, with a net weight of five hundred
and twenty-four quintals, twenty-one and one-half libras. This was
delivered to Cristóbal de Haro, through an agent, in accordance with
a royal decree of October 10, 1522. The cargo also contained other
spices, and a feather ornament, besides the private stores. (No. xxiii,
pp. 247, 248.)
October 18, 1522. Certain questions are to be put to those coming
in the "Victoria." These included: the cause of the discord between
Magalhães and Cartagena and others; the reason for the capture and
killing of Mendoza, and if any reward were promised to Espinosa for
killing him; the reason for Magalhães's abandonment of Cartagena
and the ecclesiastic, and if he acted right toward Quesada, Mendoza,
and others; whether the punishments were meted out for the purpose
of putting the Portuguese accompanying him, and who were kin to him,
in command of the ships; the reason for Magalhães's long delays
in various ports, thus wasting provisions and losing valuable time;
questions affecting trade; as to the manner in which Magalhães met his
death from the Indians, and why some say he died in another manner;
those who were left behind at the island where Magalhães had been
killed, and whether they could be rescued. Answers are given to these
questions by Juan Sebastian Del Cano, captain, Francisco Albo, pilot,
and Fernando de Bustamente, barber, all of the "Victoria." (No. xxv,
pp. 285-294.)
The expedition begun by Magalhães made treaties of peace with various
petty kings or governors among the islands. One was made with the
seignior of Poluan, a vassal of the king of Borneo. The interpreter
in this treaty was "a Moro who was seized in the island of the king
of Lozon and knew some Castilian." Presents were made to seal the
peace. Treaties were made also in Tidori, Cebu, and Gilolo. (No. xxvii,
pp. 295-298.)
1523. Diego de Barbosa presents a memorandum to the king regarding some
events of Magalhães's voyage, and the methods for trading in the spice
regions. He cites the memorandum left by the latter on his departure
from Seville in 1519. He adds "And now, ... I believe that the time
has come when this must be investigated, and I determined to present
this memorandum to your Majesty in order that you may not be deceived
in the routes, and in the trade of those regions which you have in
your power, since it was discovered at so great expense and toil to
Magallánes, and his death ..." He justifies the conduct of the latter,
and urges the king to see justice done. Speaking of the trade he says,
"Your Majesty should believe that the sport of this business that you
have in your power is of what extent you may desire, only your Majesty
must know the game well, because in these first beginnings lies its
good. Whence I say, that before all else your Majesty ought, in this
case, to give such examples to those sailing in the fleet which you
expect to have prepared, so that those who go shall not be betrayed
... as happened in the past, and that the captain-general ... be one
who knows thoroughly what he must do, and that those accompanying him
go so instructed that after telling him their opinion, they shall
not dare to instruct him in his duties; for where confusion exists
there is the whole mistake." He urges a powerful fleet in order
to be able to show sufficient force to the natives, and to punish
those who killed Magalhães. He cites the example of the Portuguese
who send large fleets to the east, and gain respect through fear,
"for if the King of Portugal has prestige in the Indies, it is because
he has always tried to demonstrate his power there, sending as large
a fleet as possible each year. Therefore not only did he rule those
lands with love and good works, but to a greater degree by means
of fear." In the matter of trading, the king should keep control;
for if traders are allowed to trade on their own account they will
ruin everything, and will sell lower, being content with thirty or
forty per cent when they might gain one hundred per cent or more. He
advises the king that trading should be under the control of his
Majesty's factor. (No. xxviii, pp. 298-301.)
Chainho, 1523. Antonio Brito writes to the king of Portugal in regard
to events in India and the voyage of Magalhães. "I arrived at Tidore
May 13, 522 [sic]. The Castilians had been there and loaded two of the
five vessels that sailed from Castilla; and I learned that the one had
left there four months before, and the other one month and a half." On
October 20, news is brought of a ship. Brito orders it brought to port,
and finds, as he had supposed, that it is a Castilian vessel. Of their
crew of fifty-four men, thirty had died. Their maps and instruments
are seized; and the ship and cargo confiscated, the wood of the
former being used in the fortress. "They said that the bishop of
Burgos and Cristóbal de Haro had fitted out this fleet." A short
account of the voyage is given. From Rio de Janeiro the Castilians
"sailed to the river called Solís, where Fernando Magallánes thought
a passage would be found; and they stayed there forty days.... They
coasted along shore to a river called San Juan, where they wintered
for four months. Here the captains began to ask where he was taking
them, especially one Juan de Cartagena.... Then they tried to rise
against Magallánes and kill him." The flight of the "San Antonio"
is narrated, "and it is not known whether it returned to Castilla
or whether it was lost." The discovery of the strait is noted, with
a brief description of its location. The succeeding events--the
death of Magalhães, the election of two captains (Duarte Barbosa,
"a Portuguese, and brother-in-law of Magallánes;... and Juan Serrana,
a Castilian"), and the death of Barbosa and thirty-five or thirty-six
men at the hands of natives, are briefly narrated. "They sailed to
an island called Mindanao ... and had an interview with the king, who
showed them where Borneo lay," whither they next journeyed. Here they
were taken by the natives for Portuguese, and were well treated. They
asked for pilots to conduct them to the Moluccas, but the king gave
them only as far as Mindanao "on the opposite side from which they
had come, where they would get other pilots. Mindanao is a very large
and fertile island." Brito relates further the disposition made of
the Castilians and their cargo. (No. xxx, pp. 305-311.)
Valladolid, August 2, 1527. Investigations are instituted by the
Council of the Indies in regard to the seizure and confiscation by
the Portuguese of the "Trinidad," one of Magalhães's vessels. This
court of inquiry is in charge of the bishop of Ciudad, Rodrigo,
who examines under oath the captain of the vessel, Gonzalo Gomez
de Espinosa and the two pilots Ginés de Mafra and Leon Pancado. The
investigation brings out, in the form mainly of question and answer,
the communication of the Castilians with the Portuguese, and the
confiscation of their ship and cargo. (No. xi, pp. 378-388.)