on which I could be content to rest this great cause; I mean, if
it had not already received its formal, and, I would hope, final
determination, in another way. For no pretences will surely prevail
hereafter with a happy people to renounce that liberty, which so
rightfully belonged to them at all times, and hath now so solemnly been
confirmed to them by the great transactions of these days. I willingly
omit therefore, as superfluous, what in a worse cause might have been
thought of no small weight, the express testimony of our ablest lawyers
to the freedom of our constitution. I do not mean only the COKES and
SELDENS of our time (though in point of authority what names can be
greater than theirs?); but those of older and therefore more reverend
estimation, such as GLANVIL, BRACTON, the author of FLETA, THORNTON,
and FORTESCUE[155]: men the most esteemed and learned in their several
ages; who constantly and uniformly speak of the _English_, as a mixed
and limited form of government, and even go so far as to seek its
origin, where indeed the origin of all governments must be sought, in
the free will and consent of the people.
All this I might have displayed at large; and to others perhaps,
especially if the cause had required such management, all this I should
have displayed. But, independently of the judgments of particular men,
which prejudice might take occasion to object to, I hold it sufficient
to have proved from surer grounds, from the very form and make of our
political fabric, and the most unquestioned, because the most public,
monuments of former times, “THAT THE ENGLISH CONSTITUTION IS ASSUREDLY
AND INDISPUTABLY FREE[156].”
BP. BURNET.
You will read, Sir JOHN, in our attention to this discourse, the effect
it has had upon us. The zeal, with which you have pleaded the cause
of liberty, makes me almost imagine I see you again in the warmth and
spirit of your younger years, when you first made head against the
encroachments of civil tyranny. The same cause has not only recalled to
your memory the old topics of defence, but restores your former vigour
in the management of them. So that, for myself, I must freely own, your
vindication of our common liberties is, at least, the most plausible
and consistent that I have ever met with.
MR. SOMERS.
And yet, if one was critically disposed, there are still, perhaps, some
things that might deserve a further explanation.—But enough has been
said by you, Sir JOHN, to shew us where the truth lies: and, indeed,
from such plain and convincing topics, that, whatever fears my love of
liberty might suggest, they are much abated at least, if not entirely
removed, by your arguments.
BP. BURNET.
Mr. SOMERS, I perceive, is not easily cured of his scruples and
apprehensions. But for my own part, Sir JOHN, I can think but of one
objection of weight that can be opposed to your conclusion. It is,
“That, notwithstanding the clear evidence you have produced, both for
the free nature of the _English_ constitution, and the general sense
of the _English_ nation concerning it, yet, in fact, the government
was very despotic under the TUDOR, and still more perhaps under the
first princes of the STUART, line. How could this happen, may it be
asked, on your plan, which supposes the popular interest to have been
kept up in constant vigour, or rather to have been always gaining,
insensibly indeed, but necessarily, on the power of the crown? Will
not the argument then from historical evidence be turned against
you, whilst it may be said that your theory, however plausible, is
contradicted by so recent and so well-attested a part of our history?
And, in particular, will not the partisans[157] of the late king and
his family have to allege in their behalf, that their notions of the
prerogative were but such as they succeeded to with the crown; and,
whatever may be pretended from researches into remoter times, that they
endeavoured only to maintain the monarchy on the footing on which it
had stood for many successions, and on which it then stood when the
administration fell into their hands? If this point were effectually
cleared, I see nothing that could be further desired to a full and
complete vindication of _English_ liberty.”
SIR J. MAYNARD.
Your lordship, I must own, has touched a very curious and interesting
part of our subject. But you must not believe it was so much
overlooked by me, as purposely left for your lordship’s better
consideration. You, who have looked so minutely and carefully into the
story of those times, will, better than any other, be able to unfold
to us the mysteries of that affair. The fact is certain, as you say,
that the _English_ government wore a more despotic appearance from the
time of the TUDOR family’s accession to the throne, than in the reigns
preceding that period. But I am mistaken, if your lordship will not
open the reason of it so clearly as to convince us, that that increase
of prerogative was no proof of a change in the constitution, and was
even no symptom of declining liberty. I do not allow myself to speak my
sentiments more plainly at present. But I am sure, if they are just,
they will receive a confirmation from what your lordship will find
occasion to observe to us in discoursing op this subject.
MR. SOMERS.
I will not disown that this was one of the matters I had in view, when
I hinted some remaining doubts about your general conclusion. But I
knew it would not escape my lord of SALISBURY, who, of all others, is
certainly the most capable of removing it.
BP. BURNET.
So that I have very unwarily, it seems, been providing a fine task
for myself. And yet, as difficult as I foresee it will be for me to
satisfy two such Inquirers, I should not decline that task, if I was
indeed prepared for it, or if I could boast of such a memory as Sir J.
MAYNARD has shewn in the course of this conversation. But the truth is,
though I have not wanted opportunities of laying in materials for such
a design, and though I have not neglected to take some slight notes of
them, yet I cannot pretend to have them at once in that readiness, as
to venture on such a discourse as I know you expect from me. But if,
against our next meeting, I shall be able to digest such thoughts as
have sometimes occurred to me when I was engaged in the History of the
Reformation, I shall take a pleasure to contribute all I can to the
further and more entire elucidation of this subject.
THE END OF THE THIRD VOLUME.
Printed by J. Nichols and Son,
Red Lion Passage, Fleet Street, London.
FOOTNOTES:
[1] Mala et impia consuetudo est contra Deos disputandi, sive ex animo
id fit, sive simulatè. _De Nat. D._ l. ii. c. 67.
[2] Genus hoc sermonum, positum in hominum veterum auctoritate, et
eorum illustrium, plus nescio quo pacto videtur habere gravitatis.
Itaque ipse mea legens, sic afficior interdum, ut Catonem, non me loqui
existímem. CIC. _De Amic._ c. 1.
[3] Omnem sermonem tribuimus non Tithono, ut Aristo Chius; _parum enim
esset auctoritatis in fabulâ_. De Senect. c. 1.
[4] See the Dialogue intituled, Πρὸς τὸν εἰπόντα, ΠΡΟΜΗΘΕΥΣ εἶ ἐν
λόγοις.
[5] Ἔπαιζεν ἅμα σπουδάζων· Xen. Mem. l. i. c. 3.
[6] Γέλωτα κωμικὸν ὑπὸ σεμνότητι φιλοσόφῳ. Προμηθ. c. 7.
[7] Difficillimam illam societatem _Gravitatis cum Humanitate_. _Leg._ l.
iii. c. 1.
[8] Ἐτολμήσαμεν ἡμεῖς τὰ οὕτως ἔχοντα ϖρὸς ἄλληλα ξυναγαγεῖν καὶ
ξυναρμόσαι, οὐ ϖάνυ ϖειθόμενα, οὐδὲ εὐμαρῶς ἀνεχόμενα τὴν κοινωνίαν.
Προμηθ. c. 7.
[9] Προμηθ. c. 7. to the end. Δὶς κατηγορούμενος. c. 33. and Ζεῦξις.
[10] ——quo in genere orationis utrumque Oratorem cognoveramus, id
ipsum sumus in eorum sermone _adumbrare conati_. De Orat. iii. 4.
[11] A curious passage, or two, in his Letters to Atticus, will serve
to illustrate this observation. The _academic questions_ were drawn
up, and finished, when a doubt occurred to him, whether he should
not change one of the speakers in that Dialogue, and, instead of
Varro, introduce Brutus; who would suit his purpose, he said, just
as well, because his philosophic principles were the same with those
of Varro—_si addubitas_, says he to Atticus, _ad Brutum transeamus.
Est enim is quoque Antiochius._ l. xiii. 25. Was this a change to
be easily made, if it were necessary, in this kind of writing, to
suit the _style_ and _manner of expression_ to the character of the
speakers? Yet, hear how negligently he treats this matter—_Opinor
igitur consideremus, etsi nomina jam facta sunt. Sed_ VEL INDUCI, VEL
MUTARI POSSUNT. l. xiii. 14.—In other words, provided the _cast_ of
the several parts was the same, the _language_ of the Dialogue would
require no alteration. It was indifferent, in this respect, who were
the speakers.
[12] Scripsit enim et DIALOGOS quos non magis philosophiæ annumerare
possis, quam HISTORIÆ. SENECA, EP. C.
[13] Lord SHAFTESBURY’S _Moralists_, P. 1. S. I.
[14] _Adv. to an Author_, P. 1. S. III.
[15] _Adv. to an Author_, P. 1. towards the end.
[16] The scene of Dr. MORE’S DIVINE DIALOGUES, printed in 1668.
[17] At BEACONSFIELD in _Bucks_, the supposed scene of the Dialogue.
[18] See his works, where are some pieces of a very early date; though
Lord CLARENDON tells us, _he was near thirty years of age, before he
was much taken notice of as a Poet_. Contin. of his Life, P. I. p. 25.
[19] Dr. ANDREWS, bishop of _Winchester_, and Dr. NEAL, bishop of
_Durham_. The story is well known.
[20] Dr. GEORGE MORLEY.
[21] This alludes to the impeachment of Mr. _Justice_ CRAWLEY, _July 6,
1641_, for his extra-judicial opinion in the affair of _Ship-money_.
Mr. WALLER’S speech on this occasion is extant amongst his works.
[22] The famous Mr. HAMPDEN was his uncle.
[23] That of _Secretary of State_. The Lord CLARENDON tells us it was
with the utmost difficulty he persuaded him to accept it. “There were
two considerations (says the historian) that made most impression on
him; the _one_, lest the world should believe that his own ambition had
procured this promotion, and that he had therefore appeared signally
in the house to oppose those proceedings, that he might thereby render
himself gracious to the court: The _other_, lest the king should expect
such a submission and resignation of himself and his own reason and
judgment to his commands as he should never give or pretend to give;
for he was so severe an adorer of truth, that he would as easily have
given himself leave to steal as to dissemble,” &c. B. iv.
[24] The noble historian, before cited, gives us two instances of Lord
FALKLAND’S scrupulosity. The _one_ was, “That he could never bring
himself to employ spies, or give any countenance or entertainment to
them:” The _other_, “That he could never allow himself the liberty of
opening letters, upon a suspicion that they might contain matter of
dangerous consequence.” B. viii.
[25] To this purpose my Lord CLARENDON. “He [Mr. W.] spoke, upon all
occasions, with great sharpness and freedom: which (now there were so
few that used it, and there was no danger of being over-voted) was
not restrained; and therefore used as an argument against those, who
were gone upon pretence, that they were not suffered to declare their
opinion freely in the house; which could not be believed, when all men
knew what liberty Mr. WALLER took, and spoke every day with impunity,
against the sense and proceedings of the house.” B. vii.
[26] See Lord CLARENDON’S History.
[27] Ἅπλωσον σεαυτόν, lib. iv. § 26, which Dr. MORE, in l. ii. c. 3. of
his ENCHIRIDION ETHICUM, translates, _simplifica teipsum_.
[28] In the year 1654.
[29] Lord CLARENDON died in 1674.
[30] The character of Mr. WALLER is given at large in the _Life of
Lord Clarendon_, P. I. p. 25.—As for Dr. MORE, Bishop BURNET tells
us, in one word, “That he was an open-hearted and sincere Christian
philosopher.” _Hist. of his own Time_, vol. p. 273. 12^{mo}, _Edinb._
1753.
[31] This Dialogue is founded on a short passage in Mr. SPRAT’S Life of
Mr. COWLEY, in which he observes, “That in his long dependence on my
Lord St. ALBANS, there never happened any manner of difference between
them; except a little at LAST, because he would leave his service.”
[32] A small village on the _Thames_, which was Mr. COWLEY’S first
retreat, before he removed to _Chertsea_.
[33] Meaning an estate he had obtained by means of this lord. This
particular is several times referred to in the course of the Dialogue.
[34] The writer of the Dialogue has thought fit to soften the
misanthropy of Mr. COWLEY in this instance. In one of his Essays he
talks strangely. “It is the great boast,” says he, “of eloquence and
philosophy, that they first congregated men dispersed, united them into
cities, and built up the houses and the walls of cities. I wish they
could unravel all they had woven, that we might have our woods and our
innocence again, _instead of our castles and our policies_.”
[35] These verses are inserted in one of his _Essays_, and in some
editions of his works.
[36] “Perhaps, says he (speaking of the poets), it was the immature and
immoderate love of them, which stampt first, or rather engraved, the
characters in me: they were like letters cut in the bark of a young
tree, which with the tree, still grow proportionably.”
[_Essay on himself._]
[37] “When the civil war broke out, his [Mr. COWLEY’S] affection to the
king’s cause drew him to _Oxford_, as soon as it began to be the chief
seat of the royal party.” [Dr. SPRAT’S life of him.]
[38] Dr. SPRAT tells us in _his Life_, “That, during his residence at
_Oxford_, he had the entire friendship of my Lord FALKLAND, one of the
principal secretaries of state. That affection was contracted by the
agreement of their learning and manners. For you may remember, Sir,
[addressing himself to Mr. M. CLIFFORD] we have often heard Mr. COWLEY
admire him, not only for the profoundness of his knowledge, which was
applauded by all the world, but more especially for those qualities
which he himself more regarded, for _his generosity of mind, and his
neglect of the vain pomp of human greatness_.”
[39] _The Cutter of Coleman-street_; the occasion and purpose of
which was this: At the Restoration, there was not a set of men more
troublesome to the ministry than the cavalier officers; amongst whom
had crept in all the profligate of broken fortunes, to share in the
merits and rewards of that name. COWLEY writ this comedy to unmask
these wretches, and might reasonably pretend to some thanks for it.
But, contrary to expectation, this very attempt raised a storm against
him even at court, which beat violently upon him. See his preface to
that play in the later editions in 8vo.
[40] SHAKESPEAR. _As you like it._ Act II. S. 1.—There is a quaintness
in these lines of the great poet, which however are not unlike some of
Mr. COWLEY’S addressed to J. EVELYNE, Esq.
Where does the wisdom and the pow’r divine,
In a more bright and sweet reflexion shine;
Where do we finer strokes and colours see
Of the Creator’s real poetry;
Than when we with attention look
Upon the third day’s volume of the book?
If we could open and intend our eye,
We all, like _Moses_, should espy,
Ev’n in a _Bush_, the radiant Deity.
[41] In the PREFACE to his _Proposition for the advancement of
experimental philosophy_, first printed in 1661. _See the edition in
24^{to}, Lond. for H. Herringham._
[42] Dr. SPRAT tells us, “That he had obtained a plentiful estate by
the favour of my Lord ST. ALBANS, and the bounty of my lord duke of
BUCKINGHAM.” [See his _Life_.]
[43] Meaning _The true history of_ Don Quixote; in which poor _Sancho
Panca_ is drawn into all adventures, by the promise of his _knight_, to
reward him in due time with the government of an _island_.
[44] LORD BACON gives another account of this matter.—“As for the
privateness of life of contemplative men, it is a theme so common
to extol a private life, not taxed with sensuality and sloth, in
comparison, and to the disadvantage of a civil life, for safety,
liberty, pleasure, and dignity, _as no man handleth it, but handleth it
well_: such a consonancy it hath to men’s conceits in the expressing,
and to men’s consents in the allowing.” [_Adv. of Learning_, Book 1.]
[45] The justness of this encomium on Lord CLARENDON will hardly be
disputed by any man, whose opinion is worth regarding.—What pity,
that Mr. COWLEY’S connexions with some persons, indevoted to the
excellent Chancellor, kept him at a distance from a man, so congenial
to himself, and for whom he could not but entertain the highest esteem!
The Chancellor, though he could not be expected to take him out of the
hands of his old patrons, seems, yet, to have been generous enough to
Mr. COWLEY, not to resent those connexions: as may be gathered from
the handsome testimony paid to his merit, in the _Continuation of the
History of his own Life_. Speaking of B. JONSON, he says—“He [BEN
JONSON] was the best judge of, and fittest to prescribe rules to,
poetry and poets, of any man who had lived with, or before him, or
since; _If Mr._ COWLEY _had not made a flight beyond all men_; with
that modesty yet, to ascribe much of this, to the example and learning
of BEN JONSON.”—Among the other infelicities of men of genius, ONE
is, and not the least, that it rarely happens to them to have the
choosing of the persons, to whom they would most wish to be obliged.
The sensibility of their gratitude being equal to their other parts and
virtues, the man, whose favour they chance first to experience, is sure
of their constant services and attachment through life, how strongly
soever their interest, and even their judgment, may _draw_ another way.
[46] The reader is not to forget, that Mr. SPRAT is writing to the Lord
ST. ALBANS, and was, at this time, chaplain to the Duke of BUCKINGHAM.
[47] “Ingenium illustre altioribus studiis juvenis admodum dedit: non,
ut PLERIQUE, UT NOMINE MAGNIFICO SEGNE OTIUM VELARET, sed quo firmior
adversus fortuita rempublicam capesseret.” [_Hist._ IV. 5.]—Part of
the fine character given us of HELVIDIUS PRISCUS.
[48] THE ROYAL SOCIETY; not yet instituted, but much talked of at this
time.
[49] We have in this remonstrance that follows, the usual language of
those we call our _friends_; which may sometimes be the _cause_, but
is oftner the _pretence_, of ambition. Hear how gravely Sir DUDLEY
CARLTON, who loved business, and drudged on in it all his life, is
pleased, in an evil hour, to express himself: “The best is, I was never
better, and were it not more for a necessity that is imposed by the
EXPECTATION OF FRIENDS, not to stand at a stay and SENESCERE, whilst
a man is young, than for ambition, I would not complain myself of my
misfortune.” [Sir RALPH WINWOOD’S _Memorials_, vol. II. p. 45.]
[50] That Mr. COWLEY _had_ his prince’s grace appears from what the
king said of him, on the news of his death: “_That he had not left a_
BETTER _man behind him in_ England.” And this with _grace_ enough, in
reason, from SUCH a prince.—How it came to pass that he _wanted_ the
grace of his peers (if, indeed, he _did_ want it), hath been explained
in a note, p. 140.
[51] The application of this line is the affair of the _Mastership of
the_ Savoy; “which though granted, says Mr. Wood, to his highest merit
by both the CHARLESES I. and II. yet by certain persons, enemies to the
Muses, he lost that place.” But this was not the worst. For, such is
the hard lot of unsuccessful men, the _Savoy-missing_ COWLEY became the
object of ridicule, instead of pity, even to the wits themselves; as
may be seen in “_The session of the poets_, amongst _the miscellaneous
poems_ published by Mr. DRYDEN.”
Quid DOMINI facient, audent si talia FURES?
[52] Printed among his works, under the name of THE COMPLAINT. The
relation it has to the subject debated, made me think it not amiss to
print it at the end of this Dialogue—It must raise one’s indignation
to find that so just, so delicate, and so manly a _complaint_ should be
scoffed at, as it was by the wits before mentioned, under the name of
THE PITIFUL MELANCHOLY.
[53] Juvenal, _Sat._ i. ver. 112.
[54] Whether it were owing to his other occupations, or that he had no
great confidence in the success of this attempt, these _Essays_, which
_were to give entire satisfaction_ to his court-friend in the affair of
his retirement, went on very slowly. They were even left imperfect at
his death, “a little before which (says Dr. SPRAT) he communicated to
me his resolution, to have dedicated them all to my Lord ST. ALBANS, as
a testimony of his entire respects to him; and a _kind of apology_ for
having left human affairs in the strength of his age, while he might
have been serviceable to his country.”——However, if this apology had
not the _intended_ effect, it had a much better. Lords and wits may
decide of the qualities of Mr. COWLEY’S _head_ as they please; but, so
long as these _Essays_ remain, they will oblige all honest men _to love
the language of his heart_.
[55] Alas! he was mistaken.
[56] A citation from one of his own poems.
[57] Mr. SPRAT himself tells us, speaking of Mr. COWLEY’S retreat,
that “some few friends and books, a _chearful heart_, and innocent
conscience, were his constant companions.” _Life._
[58] This is one of the prettiest of Mr. COWLEY’S smaller Poems. The
plan of it is highly poetical: and, though the numbers be not the most
pleasing, the expression is almost every where natural and beautiful.
But its principal charm is that air of _melancholy_, thrown over the
whole, so expressive of the poet’s character.
The _address_ of the writer is seen in conveying his just reproaches on
the _Court_, under a pretended vindication of it against the _Muse_.
[59] An execrable line.
[60] For the account of these _Monuments_, and of _Kenelworth-Castle_,
see the plans and descriptions of DUGDALE.
[61] The speaker’s idea of Lord LEICESTER’S porter agrees with the
character he sustained on the queen’s reception at _Kenelworth_;
as we find it described in a paper of good authority written at
that time. “Here a PORTER, tall of person, big of limbs, stark of
countenance—with club and keys of quantity according; in a rough
speech, full of passion in metre, while the queen came within his ward,
burst out in a great pang of impatience to see such uncouth trudging
to and fro, such riding in and out, with such din and noise of talk,
within his charge; whereof he never saw the like, nor had any warning
once, ne yet could make to himself any cause of the matter. At last,
upon better view and advertisement, he proclaims open gates and free
passage to all; yields over his club, his keys, his office and all, and
on his knees humbly prays pardon of his ignorance and impatience. Which
her highness graciously granting, _&c._”—
A letter from an attendant in court to his friend a citizen and
merchant of _London_. From the court at _Worcester, 20 August 1575_.
[62] In the first volume of the SPECTATOR.
[63] The factious use, that was afterwards made of this humour of
magnifying the character of ELIZABETH, may be seen in the _Craftsman_
and _Remarks on the History of England_.
[64] What the _political_ character of Mr. ADDISON was, may be seen
from his _Whig-examiner_. This amiable man was keen and even caustic
on subjects, where his party, that is, _civil liberty_, was concerned.
Nor let it be any objection to the character I make him sustain in
this Dialogue, that he treats ELIZABETH’S government with respect in
the _Freeholder_. He had then the people to cajole, who were taught to
reverence her memory. He is, here, addressing himself, in private, to
his friends.
[65] Lucian expresses this use of the Table prettily—ΦΙΛΙΑΣ ΜΕΣΙΤΗΝ
ΤΡΑΠΕΖΑΝ, Ἔρωτες, c. 27.
[66] Besides this sort of hospitality, there was another still
more noble and disinterested, which distinguished the early times,
especially the purer ages of chivalry. It was customary, it seems,
for the great lords to fix up HELMETS on the roofs and battlements
of their castles as a signal of hospitality to all adventurers and
noble passengers. “Adoncques etoit une coustume en la Grant Bretagne
(says the author of the old romance, called PERCEFOREST) et fut tant
que charité regna illecque, tous gentils hommes et nobles dames
faisoient mettre au plus hault de leur hostel ung heaulme, en SIGNE
que tous gentils hommes et gentilles femmes trespassans les chemins,
entrassent hardyement en leur hostel comme en leur propre; car leurs
biens estoient davantage à tous nobles hommes et femmes trespassans le
royaulme.” Vol. iii. fol. 103.