would alone suffice to rule the storm. Neither the civil forces nor
the local militia could be depended on. General Washington, therefore,
on the 7th of August, made a requisition upon the governor of
Pennsylvania and the adjacent states for quotas of militia. Meanwhile,
a proclamation was issued to the insurgents to disperse, and a general
amnesty promised on condition of a peaceable submission. These
measures, however, had no effect. On the 25th of September, the army
was ordered to proceed. On its approach, the principal leader fled.
This removed the great obstacle to a pacification, and a general
submission ensued on the arrival of the militia. Thus terminated a
rebellion which, for a time, threatened the most disastrous
consequences to the union. The enemies of the government were not
unwilling that it should spread wider and wider; nor was foreign
intrigue wanting to give it impulse. Through the forbearing policy of
Washington, in the first instance, and his subsequent firm and decided
measures, the insurrection was quelled. A number of arrests were made,
and a few persons convicted. But all were at length pardoned.
_Jay's Treaty._--For some time, the relations subsisting between the
United States and Great Britain had been far from amicable. The
original difficulties arose from the non-execution of the treaty of
peace--each nation charging the other with the first infraction. The
principal complaints were, on the one hand, the non-delivery of the
ports held by the latter within the American lines, and the carrying
off the slaves at the close of the war; on the other, the
interposition, by the states, of legal impediments to the recovery of
debts contracted before the war. Added to these sources of trouble,
Great Britain was accused of exciting the hostility of the Indians on
our northern frontier, of impressing our seamen, and, still more
recently, of capturing our neutral vessels, retaliatory upon France,
which had set the example.
For these reasons, a war between the United States and England was now a
probable event. Nor were the friends of France slow in fanning the flame
of discord. The latter, therefore, were greatly disappointed on learning
that Great Britain had rescinded her orders in relation to the capture
of neutral vessels. But it was a most fortunate circumstance for the
peace of the two countries. Immediately, Washington, perceiving that an
opportunity was presented for a probable settlement of existing
difficulties, on the 16th of April, nominated John Jay, then chief
justice, as envoy extraordinary to the British court.
On the 7th of March following, 1795, a treaty of amity, commerce, and
navigation, concluded by Mr. Jay, arrived. On the 8th, it was
submitted to the senate.
The main feature of this treaty respected indemnity for unlawful
captures, which was provided for, but no redress could be obtained for
negroes carried away. The obstructions to collecting debts were to
cease, and the ports on the frontiers were to be evacuated by the 1st
of June, 1796. Other stipulations were embraced, and the treaty was
limited to twelve years.
On the 24th of June, the senate advised the ratification of the treaty
by a vote of exactly two-thirds. It was well known that the President
was not entirely satisfied with it, but he had determined to ratify
it, if advised by the senate. The cabinet was divided. The country was
also divided. Even the friends of England were disappointed in its
provisions; while her enemies were loud in their complaints and
threats. Boston and the other cities passed condemnatory resolutions.
In several cities, mobs threatened personal violence to the supporters
of the treaty. Mr. Jay was burned in effigy; the British minister was
insulted; and Mr. Hamilton was stoned at a public meeting.
Contrary to the predictions of many, the treaty, thus ratified,
settled the difficulties between the two countries, which were on the
eve of war. It even proved advantageous to the United States.
_Election of Mr. Adams._--As the presidential term of Washington was
now drawing to a close, he signified his intention to retire from the
duties of public life. During his administration, the people had
become divided into two great political parties; at the head of one,
was Mr. Adams; at the head of the other, Mr. Jefferson. The election
was characterized by a zeal corresponding to the interest taken by the
parties in their candidates, and their devotion to their respective
political creeds. The election resulted in the choice of Mr. Adams, as
may be seen in the following official canvass of the votes:
ELECTION FOR THE THIRD TERM,
COMMENCING MARCH 4, 1797, AND TERMINATING MARCH 3, 1801.
Key: A. John Adams, of Massachusetts.
B. Thomas Jefferson, of Virginia.
C. Thomas Pinckney, of South Carolina.
D. Aaron Burr, of New York.
E. Samuel Adams, of Massachusetts.
F. Oliver Ellsworth, of Connecticut.
G. John Jay, of New York.
H. George Clinton, of New York.
I. S. Johnson, of North Carolina.
J. James Iredell, of North Carolina.
K. George Washington, of Virgina.
L. Charles C. Pinckney, of South Carolina.
M. John Henry, of Maryland.
----------+----------------+--+--+--+--+--+--+--+--+--+--+--+--+---
Number of | | | | | | | | | | | | | |
Electors | STATES. | | | | | | | | | | | | |
from each | |A.|B.|C.|D.|E.|F.|G.|H.|I.|J.|K.|L.|M.
State. | | | | | | | | | | | | | |
----------+----------------+--+--+--+--+--+--+--+--+--+--+--+--+---
3 |Tennessee, | | 3| | 3| | | | | | | | |
4 |Kentucky, | | 4| | 4| | | | | | | | |
4 |Georgia, | | 4| | | | | | 4| | | | |
8 |South Carolina, | | 8| 8| | | | | | | | | |
12 |North Carolina, | 1|11| 1| 6| | | | | | 3| 1| 1|
21 |Virginia | 1|20| 1| 1|15| | | 3| | | 1| |
11 |Maryland, | 7| 4| 4| 3| | | | | | | | | 2
3 |Delaware, | 3| | 3| | | | | | | | | |
15 |Pennsylvania, | 1|14| 2 13| | | | | | | | |
7 |New Jersey, | 7| | 7| | | | | | | | | |
12 |New York, |12| |12| | | | | | | | | |
9 |Connecticut, | 9| | 4| | | | 5| | | | | |
4 |Rhode Island, | 4| | | | | 4| | | | | | |
16 |Massachusetts, |16| |13| | | 1| | | 2| | | |
4 |Vermont, | 4| | 4| | | | | | | | | |
6 |New Hampshire, | 6| | | | | 6| | | | | | |
----------+----------------+--+--+--+--+--+--+--+--+--+--+--+--+---
139 | Whole No. of |71|68|59|30|15|11|5 | 7| 2| 3| 2| 1| 2
| electors, | | | | | | | | | | | | |
| Majority, 70 | | | | | | | | | | | | |
_Farewell Address._--Washington's administration closed on the 3rd of
March, 1797. Shortly before, he held his last formal levee. It was an
occasion of deep, and even solemn interest. The distinguished of all
parties and opinions were there--veterans of the revolution,
"weather-stained and scarred"--statesmen, bent with the cares and
weight of years spent in the service of their country--executive
counsellors, who had stood by their chief, and aided in giving shape,
union, and strength to the youthful republic--ministers from foreign
governments, whose veneration approached that of his countrymen--and
finally, a long line of private citizens, who admired and delighted to
do honor to the man. They had convened, not for the last time to honor
the president of the United States--the permanency of the republic was
no longer problematical--a successor had been appointed, and hopes were
reasonably entertained that the bonds of union between the several
states would be strengthened in future years; but they had come to bid
"farewell" to Washington--to him, to whose valor and wisdom the nation
was prëeminently indebted for its independence, and the prosperity of
its government--in short, to "a soldier, without stain upon his arms--a
ruler, without personal ambition--a citizen, of self-sacrificing
patriotism--a man, pure, unblemished, and true in every relation he had
filled--one, in short, to whom all ages should point as the testimony,
that virtue and greatness had been and could be united."
To Washington, the occasion was no less solemn and affecting. On
retiring from the army, he had taken leave of officers and soldiers,
expecting to spend his future days in the shade of his beloved Mount
Vernon. Again he was seeking that happy and peaceful retreat, and was
glad to be released from the cares and responsibilities of office; but
when he looked round upon faces long familiar, and grasped the hands
of those who had helped him in times of anxiety and doubt,
Washington's heart was affected. It is said there were few smiles, but
many tears seen during the reception.
On leaving the seat of government, Washington presented a token of
regard to the principal officers of government. His affection for them
was sincere and abiding. Towards the entire American people, he bore
the kindness and good-will of a father. He wished their happiness. He
had spent years in their service, without emolument, and even at the
sacrifice of a portion of his patrimony; but that was nothing, so long
as he could see the government stable, and the republic "one and
indivisible." There was, perhaps, no one subject which had occupied
Washington's thoughts, more than the union of the states. And now that
he was about to retire, he felt it to be befitting him to express his
views on some subjects connected, as he thought, with the vital
interests and the future glory of his country. These he embodied in a
"Farewell Address," which, for purity of language, beauty of
conception, and soundness of political sentiments, has never been
equalled. It can never be read but to be admired. There are but two
sentences which we shall cite from this address; but, in respect to
the future glory and prosperity of our country, they are as the
corner-stones to our national capitol:
"The _unity of government_, which now constitutes you one people, is
now dear to you. It is justly so; for it is the mainspring in the
edifice of your real independence; the support of your tranquillity at
home; your peace abroad; of your safety; of your prosperity; of that
very liberty which you so highly prize."
"Of all the dispositions and habits which lead to political
prosperity, _religion_ and _morality_ are indispensable supports. In
vain would that man claim the tribute of patriotism, who should labor
to subvert these great pillars of human happiness--these firmest props
of the duties of men and citizens."
On other subjects connected with the future welfare of the country, he
expressed opinions, of whose wisdom and practical value, revolving
years have given ample proof. Against the spirit of innovation upon
the principles of the constitution, he gave solemn warning--against
the spirit of party, when bitter and exclusive, he uttered his solemn
remonstrance. Public credit should be maintained; public economy
practiced; and institutions for the education and improvement of the
public mind, liberally endowed.
FOOTNOTES:
[62] Pitkin.
[63] Never did a magistrate exercise power entrusted to him, with
stricter fidelity than Washington. In respect to appointments to and
removals from office, no man could be more conscientious. Private
friendship exerted no influence, where the public good could not be
subserved. A lofty patriotism swayed him. Even the enemies of
Washington--they were never many--but the few who, at length, opposed
the measures of his administration, had no occasion to censure him for
conferring office on men whose only claim was friendship, or political
affinity to the president. The following anecdote will serve to
illustrate the integrity of the first chief magistrate of the
union--happy had it been for the country, and for the honor and
reputation of some of his successors in that exalted office, had they
followed, in this respect, the "footsteps of an illustrious
predecessor."
"During his administration, an application was made to him by a
gentleman who had been the friend and companion of the general
throughout the whole course of the Revolutionary war, during which he
had received, on various occasions, indubitable marks of his kindness
and partiality. He had become, in the estimation, if not of himself,
of his friends, in a degree necessary to the happiness of Washington,
and had therefore, in their opinion, only to apply for the office, to
receive it. It was a boon, which, while it would ensure competency and
ease to a friend, would bring that friend into frequent intercourse
with his patron and former associate in arms.
"For the same office, however, there was a competitor; but as he was
decidedly hostile to the politics of Washington, and had made himself
conspicuous among the opposers of his administration, no serious
apprehensions were felt from this quarter. Towards such a man--a
well-known political enemy--Washington surely could feel under no
obligations, and was not likely to prefer such a one to a personal
friend and favorite. Every one acquainted with the pretensions of the
two applicants, was at no loss to judge as to the president's
decision, and the concurrent opinion was in favor of the friend and
against his competitor.
"Judge, then, the general surprise, when it was announced that the
political opponent of Washington was appointed and the former
associate of the general in the toils and deprivations of the camp,
was left destitute and dejected.
"When his decision was known, a mutual friend, who interested himself
in the affair, ventured to remonstrate with the president on the
injustice of his appointment. 'My friend,' replied this illustrious
man, 'I receive with a cordial welcome; he is welcome to my house, and
welcome to my heart; but, with all his good qualities, he is not a man
of business. His opponent, with all his political hostility to me, is
a man of business. My private feelings have nothing to do in the case!
I am not George Washington, but president of the United States. As
George Washington, I would do this man any kindness in my power; but
as president of the United States, I can do nothing.'"
[64] Pitkin.
VII. JOHN ADAMS, PRESIDENT.
[Illustration]
INAUGURATED AT PHILADELPHIA, MARCH 4, 1797.
THOMAS JEFFERSON, VICE-PRESIDENT.
HEADS OF THE DEPARTMENTS.
Timothy Pickering, Pennsylvania, (_continued in_ }
_office_), } Secretaries
John Marshall, Virginia, May 13, 1800, } of State.
Oliver Wolcott, Connecticut, (_continued in_ }
_office_), } Secretaries
Samuel Dexter, Massachusetts, December 31, 1800, } of Treasury.
James M'Henry, Maryland, (_continued in_ }
_office_), } Secretaries
Samuel Dexter, Massachusetts, May 13, 1800, } of War.
Roger Griswold, Connecticut, February 3, 1801, }
Benjamin Stoddert, Maryland, May 21, 1798, Secretary of
the Navy.
Joseph Habersham, Georgia, (_continued in_ Postmaster
_office_), General.
Charles Lee, Virginia, (_continued in_ Attorney
_office_), General.
SPEAKERS OF THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES.
Jonathan Dayton, New Jersey, Fifth Congress, 1797.
Theodore Sedgwick, Massachusetts, Sixth do. 1799.
On the 1st of March, Washington, now about to retire from the
presidency, addressed a communication to the senate, desiring them to
attend in their chamber, on Saturday, the 4th, at ten o'clock, "to
receive any communication which the new president might lay before
them, touching their interests." In conformity with this summons, the
senate assembled at the time and place appointed. The oath of office
was administered by Mr. Bingham to Mr. Jefferson, the vice-president
elect. The customary oath was next administered by the vice-president
to the new senate; which preliminary forms being finished, the senate,
preceded by their presiding officer, repaired to the chamber of the
house of representatives, to witness the ceremonies of the
inauguration of the new president.
Mr. Adams entered, accompanied by the heads of departments, the
marshal of the district and his officers, and took his seat in the
speaker's chair; the vice-president and secretary of the senate were
seated in advance on his right, and the late speaker and clerk on the
left; the justices of the supreme court sat before the president, and
the foreign ministers and members of the house in their usual seats.
The venerable Washington himself also appeared. As he entered, all
eyes were turned towards him with admiration, and every heart beat
with joy at the complacency and delight which he manifested at seeing
another about to be clothed with the authority he had laid aside.
In his inaugural address, Mr. Adams expressed his preference, upon
principle, to a free republican government--his attachment to the
constitution of the United States--an impartial regard to the rights,
interests, honor, and happiness of all the states of the Union,
without preference to a Northern or Southern, an Eastern or Western
position--a love of equal laws and exact justice--an inflexible
determination to maintain peace and inviolable faith with all
nations--his regard for the institutions of religion, and the
propagation of knowledge and virtue among all classes, &c.; and,
finally, he invoked the care and blessing of that Almighty Being, who
in all ages had been the Patron of order, the Fountain of justice, and
the Protector of virtuous liberty.
Having concluded his address, the oath of office was administered by
Chief Justice Ellsworth. Washington was the first to tender to the new
president his heartfelt congratulations; which having done, he bade
adieu to the seat of government, and hastened to the enjoyment of that
peace and quiet which he had long desired, and which he now
anticipated in his own beloved Mount Vernon.
The condition of the country, on the accession of Mr. Adams, was
highly prosperous. The constitution had been tested through the
vicissitudes of eight years, and had stood, and continued to stand, as
a monument of the political wisdom of its framers. Fortunately,
several of those sages had borne conspicuous stations in the
government from the time of its organization. The president himself
had been the president of the convention which formed the
constitution. The true intent, therefore, of that instrument, both in
its general and special provisions, had become well understood; its
great principles had been applied, and found to answer the most
sanguine expectations of its patriotic projectors.
In relation to particular measures, Washington had shown himself to be
as skillful a statesman as he had proved himself sagacious as a
general. A credit had been established for the country, whose
soundness no capitalist doubted--an immense floating debt had been
funded in a manner perfectly satisfactory to the creditors, and a
revenue had been secured sufficiently ample for the national demands.
Funds also had been provided for the gradual extinction of the
national debt; a considerable portion of it had, indeed, been actually
discharged, and that system devised which did in fact, in the lapse of
some years, extinguish the whole. The agricultural and commercial
thrift of the nation had been beyond all former example, and beyond
all anticipation. The numerous and powerful tribes of Indians at the
West, had been taught by arms and by good faith to respect the United
States, and to desire their friendship.
The principal events which distinguished the administration of Mr.
Adams, were,
Difficulties with France Death of Washington.
Treaty with that Power. Removal of the Seat of Government.
Election of Mr. Jefferson.
_Difficulties with France._--The misunderstanding between France and the
United States, which had commenced during the administration of
Washington, not only extended into that of Mr. Adams, but, soon after
his accession, assumed a still more formidable and even warlike aspect.
The seditious conduct of Mr. Genet, the French minister, and his
rëcall, were noticed when reciting the prominent events of
Washington's administration. He was succeeded by Mr. Fauchet, who
arrived in the United States in February, 1794. The conduct of this
functionary, if less exceptionable than his predecessor, was by no
means calculated to restore the harmony of the two governments.
Fauchet, believing that a large party in the United States sympathized
with him and his government, insulted the administration by accusing
them of partiality to the English, enmity to his nation, and
indifference to the cause of liberty.
With a desire to restore the peace of the two governments, General
Washington, in 1794, rëcalled Mr. Morris, our then minister to France,
and appointed Mr. Monroe to succeed him, a gentleman belonging to the
republican party, and, therefore, more acceptable to the French
government, and the more likely to succeed in a satisfactory adjustment
of existing difficulties. Mr. Monroe was received with distinguished
consideration, and as an evidence of his kind reception, the flags of
the two republics were entwined and suspended in the legislative hall.
Mr. Adet soon after succeeded Mr. Fauchet. He brought with him the
colors of France, which were presented to the government of the United
States as a token of her sympathy and affection for her sister republic.
But when the former discovered that the United States continued rigidly
to maintain their neutrality, her sympathy and affection suddenly
declined. Measures were adopted highly injurious to American commerce.
Her cruisers were let loose upon our commerce, and hundreds of vessels
pursuing a lawful trade were captured and confiscated.
The favorable results anticipated from Mr. Monroe's embassy to France
signally failed. Whether this failure proceeded from an impossibility
of making terms with the French government, or from a want of firmness
and decision on the part of Mr. Monroe, it may be difficult to decide.
But, dissatisfied with the tardy and unsatisfactory manner in which
the negotiation was conducted, the president decided to rëcall Mr.
Monroe. This was accordingly done, and Mr. Pinckney was appointed to
succeed him.
The object of Mr. Pinckney's mission was stated in his letter of
credence to be "to maintain that good understanding which, from the
commencement of the alliance, had subsisted between the two nations;
and to efface unfavorable impressions, banish suspicions, and restore
that cordiality which was at once the evidence and pledge of a
friendly union." The French directory, however, refused to acknowledge
Mr. Pinckney in his official capacity; and, at length, by a written
mandate, ordered him to quit the territory of the French republic.
Intelligence of these facts having been communicated to Mr. Adams, he
summoned congress by proclamation, to assemble on the 15th of May, when,
in a fine and dignified speech, he stated the great and unprovoked
outrages of the French government. He expressed, however, his wish for
an accommodation, and his purpose of attempting it. Meanwhile, he
earnestly recommended the adoption of measures of defence.
Accordingly, to prevent war, if practicable, Mr. Adams appointed three
envoys extraordinary to the French republic. General Pinckney, then at
Amsterdam, whither he had retired on being ordered to leave France,
Mr. Marshall and Mr. Gerry. These, also, the directory refused to
receive. They were, however, addressed by persons verbally instructed
by Talleyrand, the minister of foreign relations, and invited to make
_proposals_. In explicit terms, these unofficial agents demanded a
large sum of money before any negotiations could be opened. To this
insulting demand, a decided negative was given. A compliance was,
nevertheless, repeatedly urged, until, at length, the envoys refused
to hold with them any further communications.