WILL BULGARIA DECLARE WAR?
A sitting of the Sobranje—Declarations by the Prime Minister and Dr.
Stancioff—The new Minister of Foreign Affairs—A sound progressive
government—Strong army and firm policy—Will the deplorable state of
Macedonia still be tolerated?—Ominous words.
It was a bitterly cold November evening when, accompanied by Sir George
Buchanan, I entered the Sobranje, or Bulgarian Parliament, to hear the
Ministerial statement upon the future policy of Bulgaria and her
attitude towards Turkey.
A great high-roofed square chamber, enamelled entirely in white and
picked out with gold. At one end a high, red-carpeted daïs with the
throne, behind which hung a full-length portrait of Prince Ferdinand.
Upon an escutcheon above, the Bulgarian lion on a crimson shield. Below
the empty throne, a long red-covered table, where sat the President, a
short, grey-haired little man, who from time to time rang a musical
gong; and in the arena, on a scarlet carpet, rows of horse-shoe benches
half filled by deputies. On the right, at a table placed at an angle,
sat the Ministers. First was Monsieur Petkoff, the Prime Minister, the
most prominent man in Bulgaria, and who has, alas! since shared the fate
of his friend the late Stambouloff; next Dr. Stancioff, the newly
appointed Minister for Foreign Affairs; the Minister of War in a dark
blue uniform with a white cross at his throat; and the Ministers of
Justice, Commerce, and Finance.
Above, around three sides of the huge white-and-gold hall, the galleries
were crowded by the public, while over all big arc lamps shed their
white brilliancy. With us in the diplomats’ gallery sat the Prince’s
confidential secretary, M. Dobrovitch, the German Minister, the
representatives of Turkey and Roumania, Colonel H. du Cane, the British
military attaché, and numbers of other diplomats.
The House was silent. Every ear was strained to catch the Premier’s
words, for it was he who was now speaking. A rather short, grey-bearded
figure, just past the prime, whose left hand as he gesticulated only
showed a stump. He lost it at the Shipka, and as patriot and politician
he was leader of his party—a party of progress, that has been four years
in power with an overwhelming majority.
For the past four hours he had been speaking fluently, easily, without
interruption, forecasting the future policy of Bulgaria—the policy which
is designed to lead the country to prosperity. Bulgaria had long waited
for this, and every word was now being listened to with rapt attention.
On those benches below sat representatives of the people, men of every
class—lawyers, shopkeepers, peasants in their white linen or brown
homespun suits, and even Turks. Surely this Sobranje is essentially a
representative gathering.
Now and then came a spontaneous outburst of applause, very marked when
the Prime Minister dwelt upon the cordial relations with Roumania and
their identical aims with regard to Macedonia. Everyone applauded—all
save one little section of benches on the extreme left—a mere handful of
men—the Opposition. So small are they that they really do not seem to
count. Nobody took any notice of them. With their backs to the holy ikon
of burnished gold and highly finished religious pictures, they sat
facing the Ministers, who were, of course, ever confronted by the emblem
of their faith.
[Illustration: GEN. MICHAEL SAVOFF, Bulgarian Minister of War.]
This speech, being in Bulgarian, was kindly translated to me by M.
Dobrovitch, the Prince’s private secretary. He said—
“To-day neither the Macedonian people nor Bulgaria nor Turkey are the
same states which they were fifteen years ago. In consideration of the
solution of the Macedonian question, we have to reckon with several
factors. The most important of them is that we ought to be ready at a
moment’s notice. We have to be strong! Europe acts and reforms in
Macedonia. No Bulgarian Government can foresee what to expect or how the
events will develop themselves. We must try to be one of the arbitrary
factors in the solution of the Macedonian question, and therefore we
must be armed. We have no intention of annexing Macedonia, but we wish
to better the positions of our compatriots. It is in the interest of
Turkey to reform Macedonia and to shake off all exterior influence. When
even Roumania arms herself for a few countrymen, ought we not also to
arm? We are only a small nation, but in order to be safe we ought to
have a strong army. It is said that such an army would be a luxury. That
would be only the case, then, if we could not help ourselves without
assistance. It is our duty to keep an army ready, for it is only in so
doing that we shall be considered of any consequence when the solution
of the Macedonian question arrives. A weak country is of no importance.
Such a country only serves as a toy for others.
“With regard to her culture, agriculture, and her politics, Bulgaria is
to-day in a different condition than heretofore. Though we do not
acknowledge any progress, other countries see that Bulgaria has made in
twenty years a very great progress and that she still is developing in
large strides. We possess in the Balkan Peninsula a very important
point, where many interests join. The most important, however, is to
hope and to rely on our own strength.”
Dealing with the foreign policy of Bulgaria, the Prime Minister said—
“They tell us that Bulgaria has no friends. On the contrary, we possess
the friendship of all States. Our relations with other nations are not
at all the same as we found them in the beginning. No unimportant
_contretemps_ can disturb our relations with Russia. I am in the
position to proclaim that Bulgaria possesses the sympathy of all other
nations. The fact that our commercial contract with Austria-Hungary is
not yet signed does not say that our relations with each other are not
friendly. Even the two parties of that country are not on good terms,
and they cannot decide the contract. M. Todoroff has said that our
relations to Turkey are rather strained. That is not true: it is the
most difficult thing to enter into any contracts with Turkey. In spite
of those difficulties, we have signed some smaller contracts. It is also
said that Servia has been playing with us, in not showing us the tariff
unions of the Skupshtina. Now, Servia is under pressure from
Austria-Hungary, and at the time that this proposition was brought
before the Skupshtina it could not be carried by a majority of two
votes. That was not sufficient for us. Servia began to export her goods
_viâ_ Varna, and up to to-day no fewer than 4000 waggons of corn have
been exported _viâ_ Varna. Is that no success for our railways?
“Our relations with our neighbours are formed on a purely economical
basis. We mean to further our industry! But this economical basis has
nothing to do with the great and pressing Macedonian question. We only
wish to keep up friendly relations with Roumania. We try to keep our
relations with our neighbours in order, and we count upon success. In
which way shall we reach this success? That surely is our own affair! I
have finished. You see that our policy is a policy of peace. However,
remember that peace can only be protected with arms in the hand,
therefore we wish to enlarge our army. In case we have to incur expenses
for our army, we shall ask them from you without embarrassment. You may
call that bravado on our part, but we shall still do our duty; for peace
to-day means an armed peace. Led by a policy of peace, we shall try to
keep up good relations with all the nations, and we shall do everything
possible to render assistance to our brethren in Macedonia. We shall not
court war, for that might cost us our liberty. You think we are ready to
draw our swords, you believe we want to deliver Macedonia through a war?
I tell you that we only want to continue our former policy and walk on
with courage.”
The Prime Minister, with a final wave of his maimed hand, resumed his
seat amid a loud outburst of applause from both deputies and the general
public in the long galleries of the great white-and-gold Chamber. Only
we, in the diplomats’ gallery, were silent—with the Opposition, of
course.
[Illustration:
His Excellency L. PAYACOFF,
Bulgarian Minister of Finance.
]
[Illustration:
SIR GEORGE BUCHANAN,
British Minister at Sofia.
_Photo_] [_Elliott & Fry._
]
The sitting was a historic one in the annals of Bulgaria, and ere the
applause had died away, the President, on the red-carpeted platform,
rang his gong violently, and called upon the newly appointed Minister of
Foreign Affairs to make his declaration upon Bulgaria’s future policy.
Dr. Stancioff, who until recently was Bulgarian diplomatic agent in St.
Petersburg, rose from his seat at the Ministers’ table—a dark,
good-looking, middle-aged man—a trifle nervous perhaps at addressing the
Chamber for the first time in his new position.
A dead silence followed. Bulgaria awaited the statement with breathless
eagerness. They had heard the Premier’s declaration regarding Macedonia.
What would the Foreign Minister say?
The blue-uniformed attendants took up their positions against the dead
white panelling of the Chamber, lending the necessary colour to complete
the picturesqueness of the scene, while the great arc lamps hissed above
as they shed their bright white light over the rows of deputies upon the
horseshoe benches. On the wall, straight before the Ministers’ table,
the burnished gold of the holy ikon shone to remind them of their duty
to the Almighty and to the nation. For a few moments all was silent.
Then Dr. Stancioff, the new man of Bulgaria, cleared his throat, and in
Bulgar made the following clear, deliberate, and concise statement, of
which the following is a translation. It is, as will be seen, a direct
pronunciation of foreign policy—a firm policy, which may very probably
mean war with Turkey at a no distant date. Indeed, war is in the air in
Bulgaria, and over the Macedonian question may come at any moment;
therefore the Minister’s actual words may, with advantage to the future,
be repeated here.
He said—
“Gentlemen, the Minister President has just given an ample exposition of
the policy the Government has followed up to the present moment, and the
course which it has marked out for itself for the future: on this point,
therefore, there is but little left for me to say, as a member of this
Government, and as one who is willing to bear the responsibility of his
acts before this honourable Assembly.
“Under these circumstances, if I speak, it is chiefly that my silence
may not give rise to misinterpretation, and in order to underline the
words my colleague has said.
“Without doubt, you remember, gentlemen, that I have held the post of
Foreign Minister only a few days, and I am under no obligation to enter
into any explanation of the policy followed before my nomination, and on
the debates, interpellations, and the opinions that it has called forth.
Therefore I shall limit myself to saying a few words on the policy that
we are going to follow for the future.
“There are two questions I wish to discuss. Firstly, our relations with
the Great Powers; and secondly, what is to be our policy in regard to
what I must call the question of questions—Macedonia.
“First of all, I am glad to be able to state that our relations with the
Great Powers are of the best.
“This fact is always being confirmed by the notifications which we
receive from abroad.
“By the line of peaceful development which she has traced for herself,
and which she has never ceased to pursue, by the honourable manner in
which she fulfils all her international engagements, and by the clear
comprehension which she has of her position in the Balkans, Bulgaria is
gaining more and more the sympathy and esteem of the Great Powers.
“It would be superfluous to mention in detail our relations with each
separate State. Nevertheless, I wish to point out the happy fact that as
to what concerns our relation with Russia—the Liberating Power—they are
what they ought to be when one considers the ties which bind us to her,
when one considers the ties which unite the two Slav people, and when
one considers all that Bulgaria owes to Russia. Our relations with
Russia are of the best, and it will always be the Government’s endeavour
to render them even more cordial.
“Economic as well as political considerations bind us to
Austria-Hungary. These interests compel us to maintain relations as
cordial as possible with this Great Power.
“Our friendship with Germany, England, France, and Italy is dear to us.
We greatly appreciate the sympathy of which these countries have given
us so many proofs, and it will be our care, guided by the interests of
our country, to consolidate and ameliorate these relations.
“As regards our relations with the neighbouring States, I assert that
those with Roumania are, as they ought to be, the best and the most
cordial. We appreciate at its true value our sincere friendship with
Roumania, and it will be our task to preserve it.
“Our relations with Servia are good. We desire to cultivate a
neighbourly policy with this State. It is a policy suited to two sister
nations, and we shall cultivate it in accordance with the point of view
that Bulgaria has cultivated for so long. I may add that, to gain this
end, we shall do all that is in our power.
“As to our relations with Montenegro, it suffices to say that ancient
sympathies, the reciprocity of which has never been denied, bind us to
this State. Our sympathies perpetuate the nature of these relations with
our valiant sister nation, and assure us that they can only be good and
cordial.
“From a diplomatic point of view, our relations with Greece are good and
normal; the regrettable incidents which took place last summer in
certain portions of our country belong to the Department of the
Interior. They are, so to speak, a family matter; they cannot, and must
not, be allowed to darken relations between the two countries, who in
their common interests will guard against a modification so undesirable.
“There only remains for me to speak of our relations with Turkey.
“I will be brief, though I could speak at great length upon this
subject.
“Our relations can only be good, or sincerely good. At the present
moment they are only ‘good.’ Before they can become ‘sincerely’ good it
is necessary that the two countries should be convinced not only of the
utility of friendly relations, but also that their interests, political
and economic, demand other relations than those that exist at the
moment. As regards ourselves, who take this matter at its true
valuation, it will be our task to do our utmost to prove to Turkey that
we justly estimate these interests, and are prepared to pursue a sincere
policy, provided that, on her side, she gives us pledges of her
reciprocity.
“You will be able to estimate what that policy is by the attitude that
we have taken up regarding the Macedonian question. This is a European
question, but that does not hinder it from being, at the same time, both
a Bulgarian and a Turkish question. First of all, I declare that the
Bulgarian Government is far from having conceived the idea of provoking
or imposing a solution of the Macedonian question by violent means. But
our Government recognises the significance of this vital question for
our country, it justly estimates the violence with which this question
reflects itself upon the inner life of the Principality, and this
renders it necessary to closely observe its development and its
solution.
“The Macedonian question is in the hands of the Great Powers, who have
taken upon themselves the task of introducing into Macedonia reforms
assuring to the population of this country a development at once more
orderly and more free. It is true that in this respect up to the present
an altogether satisfactory result has not yet been achieved, and that
the Bulgarian population of Macedonia and the _vilayet_ of Adrianople
still have to face complications. But the Government hopes that the good
work they have begun will make progress. The Government will take every
measure to keep itself currently informed of the situation in Macedonia,
and will do everything in its power to at all times assist the
interested Governments, and insist with all its energy upon the
amelioration of the condition of the people of this country. The
Government think that the representation they are going to make to the
Great Powers in regard to a prompter and more energetic carrying out of
the essential reforms in Macedonia is not incompatible with having good
and cordial relations with Turkey. On the contrary, they consider that
action of this nature suggests a more normal conception of the
reciprocal interests of the two countries, and that it will induce the
Government of His Majesty the Sultan to adopt a totally different
attitude in regard to the Bulgarian population of Macedonia—an attitude
which will conduce to its peace, and which will be, at the same time, an
important factor in the destinies of the Empire itself.
[Illustration]
[Illustration: Military Manœuvres in Bulgaria.]
“We make no mental reservations with regard to Turkey. We do not dream
of conquest or annexation. But the Bulgarian nation cannot look coolly
on while our blood-brothers (those of our own blood) are being subjected
to such ordeals as those they are suffering in Turkey. In the name of
reciprocity, in the name of justice and of humanity, the Bulgarian
nation demands that the right of existence, and that the right of free
development in their nationality, and its religion, be granted to the
Bulgarians of Macedonia. She demands that their right of enjoying the
fruits of their labour be recognised.
“The Government has the strongest convictions on the subject of the
national duty, and will not waver in carrying them out. It is the
fulfilling of this duty which must constitute the foundation of friendly
relations with Turkey, and in this matter the Government will stand
firm.
“The arming of our military forces must, of necessity, be a
contradiction. We live in the era of armed peace, and we must not lose
sight of the fact that the peace of Europe is due, if not entirely, at
any rate in great part, to the formidable armament that each country
keeps up. Bulgaria, though small, cannot evade this essential, if she
wishes to live in peace.”
Dr. Stancioff resumed his seat amid thunders of applause.
Parliament shortly afterwards adjourned, and we went home to snatch a
hasty dinner and put on our war-paint for the smart ball at the Military
Club.
Will Bulgaria declare war against Turkey? That was that night, and still
is, the question on everyone’s lips in Sofia.