THE CAPE OF GOOD HOPE: CORSICA: QUIBERON
The French Jacobins early laid stress on the weakness of the British
Empire. An official report issued in January 1793 at Paris advocated a
close alliance with Tippoo Sahib, the Raja of Mysore, and recommended
that the French force sent to assist him should threaten or secure the
Dutch possessions at the Cape of Good Hope, and in Java and Ceylon.
"There," it continued, "you would meet only with men enervated by
luxury, soft beings that would tremble before the soldiers of liberty."
The French conquest of Holland and the capture of the Dutch fleet in the
winter of 1794-5 brought these schemes within measurable distance of
fulfilment. Failing to save a single Dutch fortress or warship, Pitt and
his colleagues became alarmed about the Dutch colonies; and when the
lethargic Stadholder and his consort Wilhelmina landed in England,
Ministers conferred with him on this topic.
On 7th February 1795, shortly after his arrival at Kew House,
thenceforth the scene of his debauches, he drew up an order for the
Governor of the Cape of Good Hope, bidding him welcome the arrival of a
friendly British force, which would save Cape Town from the French. That
important post belonged to the Dutch East India Company, then virtually
bankrupt, and altogether unable to maintain its neutrality amidst the
struggles for a world-empire now entering on a new phase. The officials
of the Company at Amsterdam on 3rd February issued warnings to all Dutch
ships in British ports to set sail forthwith, and further requested the
French Government to secure Dutch vessels from attacks by its war
vessels or privateers.[397] A few days later the invaders of Holland
laid hands on British ships and detained even the packet-boats. In fact,
though the Dutch did not frame an alliance with France until 16th May,
it existed in effect from the month of February.[398] These facts
explain the action of the Prince of Orange, which is otherwise
unjustifiable. It was a natural retort to the conduct of the Dutch
authorities. The British archives also show the alarm of our India Board
and of its president, Dundas. On 5th February he urged the British East
India Company to send in duplicate urgent messages to India. On 8th and
10th February he inquired whether the extra troops needed for India
could sail on three of their ships now ready in the Thames; and he
requested that some of the Company's troops stationed at St. Helena
should proceed to India, their place being taken by drafts from
home.[399]
Foremost among Dundas's plans for assuring British supremacy in India
was the acquisition of the Cape. Not that he valued the Cape and Egypt
on their own account. That generation regarded them merely as
half-way-houses to India, witness the curious statement of Sir Francis
Barings, Director of the East India Company, to Dundas, that the Cape
was of no advantage whatever to us, and might be a dangerous drain upon
our population; but in the hands of France it would most seriously
menace our interests.[400] Of how many prosperous British colonies has
not this been said? For similar reasons we took possession of large
parts of India and Canada, not to speak of Malta, portions of Australia,
New Zealand, and the Egyptian Soudan.
Early in March Commodore Blankett set sail from Spithead with four
ships, having on board part of the 78th regiment, besides marines. The
"Sphinx" was to join them at St. Helena. The land forces were commanded
by Major-General Sir James Craig. Early in April Rear-Admiral Sir Keith
Elphinstone sailed with a larger force, and a further expedition was in
preparation under the command of Major-General Alured Clarke. The
Cabinet expected little or no resistance, and even referred to a
friendly reception as the probable issue. They had some grounds for
hope. The Dutch force at the Cape consisted of about 800 German
mercenaries, whose pay was far in arrears. It was suggested that we
should take them into our pay, and quiet the people by the promise of
abolishing the abuses of the Dutch Company. These hopes proved
excessive. Craig, on making False Bay on 11th June, soon found Governor
Sluysken totally unaffected by the Stadholder's letter. He was a man
"of the most uncommon _sangfroid_" professing affection to England and
dislike of France, but resolved to keep a firm hold of Cape Town. He
offered to give the squadron all it wanted, and begged for time to
consider the British demand.
Meanwhile mounted burghers poured in from the eastern settlements, and
greatly strengthened the Dutch camp, situated in a pass half way between
the town and False Bay. These sturdy farmers hoped to win entire
independence; for indeed the Dutch East India Company cramped the life
of the settlers at every turn. Despite the wealth of that land in corn,
cotton, wine, and cattle, it made little progress. The fisheries might
have been productive but for the regulations which forbade the colonists
even a pleasure boat. The Company claimed one-tenth of the produce of
all sales and had the right of pre-emption and of fixing the prices of
goods. Settlers might not even kill their own cattle for food without
the permission of officials. Cape Town was the only market for foreign
commerce, and all products going in and out were subject to heavy
dues.[401] Far from thriving on these exclusive rights, that corporation
found its funds crippled by the very regulations which impoverished and
irritated the burghers. In fact the first aim of the Boers was to trek
beyond reach of the arm of the law. Thus came about the settlement of
the remote townships, Swellendam and Graaf-Reinet, and thus was
implanted in that virile race the resolve to secure complete
independence of the enfeebled motherland.
The time seemed to have come when the British force menaced Cape Town.
The Boers, no less than the Governor Sluysken, regarded the letter of
the Prince as a forgery and the whole affair a mere trick. In vain did
Elphinstone and Craig offer guarantees for good government. The
officials and soldiery were impressed by the offer of enrolment in the
British service, but the armed farmers proved intractable. Not having
artillery or sufficient troops, Craig awaited the arrival of
reinforcements from St. Helena; but on 14th July he landed about 1,600
men at Simon's Town, and somewhat later began the advance towards Cape
Town. With little difficulty his men drove the Dutch from a strong
position in the Pass of Muysenberg. On the next day the Dutch advanced
from Cape Town with all their force and eight guns, but failed to
dislodge Craig, despite his lack of artillery.
A period of much anxiety ensued, owing to the delay in the arrival of
the reinforcements under Major-General Alured Clarke, without which an
advance on Cape Town was perilous. The Dutch meanwhile received supplies
from interlopers, concerning whom Elphinstone wrote with nautical
emphasis: "The seas are infested with Americans, Danes, Genoese,
Tuscans, etc., or in other terms smuggling ships, mostly belonging to
Britain and Bengal, entrenched with oaths and infamy, who trade to the
French islands [Bourbon, etc.] and all the ports in India, changing
their flags as is most convenient to them."[402] He therefore forbade
any of them to touch at the Cape. On the arrival of Clarke's force Craig
took the offensive. About 4,000 strong, the British pushed on towards
Cape Town, amidst a dropping fire from the mounted burghers, until they
drew near to Wynberg. There the Dutch prepared to offer a stout
resistance; but the diversion caused by three British ships entering
Table Bay, and firing at Cape Town, unsteadied them; and, after little
fighting, they retired towards the capital, crying out that Sluysken had
betrayed them. Early on the morrow he offered to surrender; and the
Union Jack was hoisted on 16th September.
The conquest was delusively easy. The mounted Boers, who were the heart
of the defence, rode off with their arms, vowing vengeance against the
invaders; and some hundred of the foreign mercenaries, who entered the
British service, soon deserted. On 22nd September Craig wrote that,
except the six principal merchants in Cape Town, all the population was
hostile, and would certainly join the French, if they appeared, Jacobin
ideas being rife alike in town and country. He hoped that the abolition
of "the abominable monopolies" would have some effect. After Clarke and
most of his troops sailed on to their destination, India, Craig viewed
the future with concern, as Cape Town and the neighbouring bays needed a
considerable force for adequate defence. The population of Cape Town and
district then amounted to 4,957 settlers and their children, 6,068
servants, and 9,049 slaves. In the whole colony there were 14,929 free
settlers, 11,555 servants, and 19,807 slaves. The oxen numbered 418,817.
The news of the capture of Cape Town caused great relief at Whitehall.
Dundas on 16th January 1796 assured Craig that His Majesty would have
preferred a peaceful acquisition. The remark does not evince much
sagacity; for in that case the Boers would have represented the
occupation as an act of trickery concocted with the Prince of Orange. As
it was, the Cape was conquered after a fair fight. Undoubtedly in the
month of August the burghers might have beaten Craig had they been
either well led or enterprising. Dundas also instructed Clarke to leave
a strong garrison at Cape Town, and forwarded news of the capture of
Trincomalee, the Dutch stronghold in Ceylon. The Dutch soon sent a force
of 2,000 troops convoyed by six warships, for the recapture of the Cape;
but, while sheltering in Saldanha Bay, some fifty miles north of Cape
Town, it was surprised by Elphinstone's squadron and capitulated (17th
August 1796). The news of this disaster hastened the surrender of the
burghers of Graaf Reinet who had defied British authority.
In order to mark the permanence of British rule, Pitt decided to send
out as Governor Lord Macartney, who previously had undertaken a mission
to "Louis XVIII" at Verona. His arrival in May 1797 helped to check the
growth of discontent which was again becoming formidable. Macartney's
difficulties were great. The Dutch held sullenly aloof, in the belief
that England must give up her prize at the peace. Our military and naval
officers disliked Cape Town, owing to the lack of amusements, the
dearness of provisions, and the badness of the roadstead. Admiral
Pringle declared to Lady Anne Barnard that, as a naval station, it was
the worst that the devil could have contrived; that the people were
objectionable, and the animals vile, even the hens being unable to lay
fresh eggs. The soldiers grumbled at the high prices; for, though beef
was only fourpence a pound, and good wine sixpence a bottle, yet an egg
cost threepence and a dish of cauliflowers eighteenpence. Readers of
Lady Anne's sprightly letters will note in germ the problem that has
beset the British in South Africa.[403] They formed a restless minority
among a people curiously unreceptive and suspicious. They were bored by
the surroundings, puzzled by Dutch elusiveness, and doubtful as to the
future. The war was going far from well; and the alliance of Spain with
France in the summer of 1796 facilitated attacks from the Canaries and
Monte Video. These difficulties were enhanced by the cold and tactless
behaviour of Macartney.
Nevertheless Pitt resolved at all costs to hold the Cape. Signs of
disgust at the state of affairs in Corsica and the West Indies early
figure in his letters; but as to the retention of Cape Town he never
wavered. Bonaparte's capture of Egypt in 1798 showed that India was
about to be assailed by way of the Red Sea. The greater, then, was the
need to retain the stronghold which dominated the sea-route to the East
Indies. The resolve of Pitt to assure the communication with India by
one or other of the two routes will concern us later. But we may risk
the assertion that he would certainly have avoided the blunder of the
Addington Ministry in 1802 in giving up the Cape and neglecting to
secure Malta against recapture by Napoleon. Early in the course of the
Napoleonic War, Pitt resolved at all costs to retain Malta and to
re-conquer the Cape. During the negotiations of 1805 with Russia he
refused to allow the discussion of our title to Malta; and in the
parleys with Prussia a little later he distinctly excepted the Cape from
the list of the conquered colonies which Britain might be willing to
restore at the general peace.[404] Six days before Pitt expressed this
resolve, Nelson won his last and greatest triumph, thus enabling the
Prime Minister to deal with full effect the blow which won Cape Colony
for the British flag. It is clear, then, that Pitt discerned the
enormous importance of that station as an outwork of India. In fact,
after the expedition of Bonaparte to Egypt and the renewal of his
oriental schemes in 1803, no statesman worthy of the name could fail to
see that either Egypt and Malta, or the Cape of Good Hope, must belong
to the mistress of the East Indies. In the last resort, then, it was the
world-policy of Napoleon which planted the Union Jack for ever both at
Malta and the Cape of Good Hope.
* * * * *
Naval campaigns almost of necessity resolve themselves into a series of
experiments; and after the failure of the attempt to hold Toulon, a blow
at Corsica was the natural sequel. At a time when Great Britain had no
post within the Mediterranean, that island was a most desirable prize.
Its supplies of naval stores to the dockyard at Toulon were of the
highest value to the French; and Nelson declared the occupation of
Corsica to be imperatively necessary, as it furnished that dockyard with
the decks, sides, and straight timbers for ships.[405] Accordingly,
after the evacuation of Toulon by the Allies in December 1793, Admiral
Hood decided to effect the reduction of the island for the royalist
cause.
Already, while at Toulon, he had received an urgent invitation from
Paoli, the leader of the Royalist, or British, party in Corsica, to help
the islanders in driving out the French. Victor in the long feud against
the Bonapartes, whom he expelled at midsummer, Paoli now resolved to
root out the Jacobins, and his Anglophil leanings induced him to offer
the crown of Corsica to George III. Both the King and his Ministers
received the offer favourably, Pitt and Grenville regarding Corsica as
one of the indemnities to be exacted from France. Sir Gilbert Elliot,
the King's Commissioner in the Mediterranean, was therefore charged to
administer Corsica. Disputes between Admiral Hood and General Dundas, the
commander of the British troops, somewhat hampered the sieges of the
three French garrisons still holding out; but by August 1794 Calvi, the
last hope of the French, succumbed to the vigour of the attack of
General Stuart, effectively helped by Nelson, who there lost the sight
of his right eye.
Subsequent events in Corsica, although of great interest, are not
closely connected with the life of Pitt; and I therefore propose to
describe them and the details of the Quiberon expedition in the volume
entitled "Pitt and Napoleon Miscellanies." In this chapter only the
incidents which more particularly concern Pitt will be noticed.
The attempt to rule that most clannish and suspicious of Mediterranean
peoples first called forth the administrative powers of Sir Gilbert
Elliot, first Earl of Minto. Acting as Viceroy of Corsica, he sought to
promote contentment by promulgating an excellent constitution and
administrative reforms. But, being hampered from the outset by the
factious behaviour of Paoli, he, with the consent of the Cabinet,
deported him to England in the autumn of 1795. An equally serious
complication was the feud between the British army and navy. These
disputes, originating at Toulon, grew apace in Corsica. Elliot sided
with Hood, and was therefore detested by Dundas, his successor, Sir
Charles Stuart, and their coadjutor, Colonel Moore. This brilliant young
officer, by nature somewhat a _frondeur_, was finally guilty of
expressions so disrespectful as to lead to his removal shortly before
that of Paoli. He carried his complaints to Pitt, who bade him set forth
his case dispassionately. Indeed, so impressed was he with Moore's
abilities, that he decided to employ him in the West Indies, and
afterwards advanced him to posts of high importance.
Pitt took little interest in Corsica, leaving it to the intermittent
attentions of Portland. Consequently that interesting experiment had not
a fair chance. The possession of the island was also nearly useless in a
military sense; for the British garrison could spare no detachments,
which, even with the help of the loyal Corsicans, could effectively
harass the French forces campaigning in the Genoese Riviera. Elliot
entered into relations with the Knights of Malta, and in other ways
sought to develop a Mediterranean policy; but in this he met with scant
support from London. In excuse of Pitt it must be said that he had his
hands more than full elsewhere. Moreover the peace between France and
Spain, framed in July 1795, caused him great concern, especially as the
Court of Madrid manifested deep resentment at the British occupation of
Corsica. In October 1795 Pitt inclined strongly towards peace, and
thenceforth carried on the war mainly with a view to securing
indemnities. Corsica apparently he now looked on as burdensome; for in
his speech of 9th December 1795 he did not include it among the three
valued acquisitions of the war--Martinique, Cape Nicholas Mole (in
Hayti), and the Cape of Good Hope. Dundas always looked on the
occupation of Corsica as prejudicial to the colonial efforts which held
the first place in his thoughts. Accordingly it was not utilized in the
spring of 1796, when expeditions ought to have set forth to hamper the
march of Bonaparte's ill-equipped columns along the coast from Nice to
Savona.
The opportunity then lost was never to return. Bonaparte's triumphs in
Italy enabled him to prepare at Leghorn to deal a blow for the recovery
of his native island. Checked for the time by the other claims of the
war and the presence of Nelson, he kept this aim in view; and the
conquest of North and Central Italy at the close of that campaign
compromised the safety of the small British and _émigré_ force in
Corsica. The final reason, however, for the evacuation of the island was
neither the menace from Italy nor the discontent of the islanders, but
the alliance of Spain with France. As Nelson foresaw, that event
endangered the communications with England. Ministers also knew that a
plan was on foot for a French invasion of Ireland, which, as we shall
see, was attempted at the end of the year. They therefore determined to
concentrate their forces for home defence and the protection of the most
important possessions, a decision which involved the abandonment of the
Mediterranean. Accordingly, on 31st August 1796, Portland sent orders
for the evacuation of Corsica and of Elba. For a few days in the latter
half of October Ministers revoked these orders, and bade Elliot hold
firm, their hope being to tempt the Empress Catharine to active
co-operation against France by the cession of Corsica to her. Whether
that wily potentate saw through this device is doubtful; for she died on
16th November. Her death put an end to the fleeting hope of opposing
France with an equality of force; for the bent of her successor, Paul I,
was at first towards peace.
Despite the comparative neglect of Mediterranean affairs by Pitt at this
time, they exerted a profound influence upon his career. In view of the
many claims upon the British navy, it was perhaps impossible to exert
upon the coast of Nice and Genoa the pressure which Elliot desired; but
the failure to do so in the spring of 1796 enabled Bonaparte to win the
triumphs which changed the history of the world. Further, the British
occupation of Corsica, scarcely less than that of Hayti, aroused keen
jealousy at Madrid, and thus helped to set in motion forces which for
the time checkmated England in the Mediterranean. Not until the
Spaniards were beaten by Jervis and Nelson could she stretch forth her
trident over that sea, first from Minorca and finally from Malta. The
loss of Corsica was keenly felt. For, had England made full use of that
island as a base of operations, Bonaparte could not have carried out his
Egyptian expedition in 1798. Austria also ascribed her overthrow in
Venetia and Styria to the withdrawal of the British fleet from the
Mediterranean. That step seemed a confession of pitiable weakness,
though in reality it enabled the Government to concentrate the fleet at
points more important than Bastia and Ajaccio.
Amidst the disasters at the end of the Flemish campaign of 1794 Pitt
sought to divert the energies of England to a more promising field.
Thwarted on the Lower Rhine by the vacillations of the German Powers and
the torpor of the Dutch, he hoped for success among the Royalists of
Brittany and la Vendée. He framed this decision reluctantly; for it
involved co-operation with the French princes, the Comte de Provence and
the Comte d'Artois, and with the swarms of fanatical _émigrés_ who had
long pestered him with mad projects. Further, he had always been loath
to declare for the restoration of the Bourbons. To do so would be to
flaunt the _fleur-de-lis_ in the face of a nation which hated all that
pertained to the old régime. Besides, it implied a surrender to the
clique headed by Burke and Windham, which scoffed at the compromise
between monarchy and democracy embodied in the French constitution of
1791. Pitt, with his innate moderation and good sense, saw the folly of
these reactionary views and the impossibility of forcing them upon the
French people. Nevertheless, as an experiment in the course of that
bewildering strife, he had recourse to the _émigrés_.
The accession of Windham to the Cabinet, in July 1794, had strengthened
their influence at Westminster; and incidents which occurred in France
during the winter of 1794-5 evinced a decline of Jacobinical enthusiasm.
The sentiment of loyalty, damped by the chilling personality of
Louis XVI and the follies of his brothers, revived now that the little
Louis XVII was being slowly done to death by his gaolers in the Temple.
The rapacity and vulgar ostentation of the Thermidorian party, then in
power, provoked general disgust; and despair of any satisfactory
settlement began to range friends of order on the side of the monarchy.
The late American envoy at Paris, Gouverneur Morris, informed Bland
Burges at our Foreign Office, on 28th June 1795, that the state of
France was so desperate as to admit of cure only by the restoration of
the old dynasty; that the recent death of Louis XVII was a benefit to
the cause inasmuch as his mind had been completely brutalized; and
finally the envoy heartily wished success to every effort to overthrow
the despicable Government at Paris.
Though the Royalist leaders in the west of France early in the year 1795
made a truce with the Republic, yet the resumption of the civil war in
that quarter was known to be only a question of time. Windham,
therefore, urged the despatch of an expedition to Brittany. His royalist
zeal had now developed his powers to their utmost. Early in the course
of the French Revolution the chivalry of his nature detached him from
the Foxites. The glow and beauty of his periods marked him out as the
successor of Burke in the House of Commons; yet in no respect did he
attain complete success. His speeches were too refined and subtle for
that audience; and, worse still, his diffidence or torpor led him often
to miss opportunities of effective intervention. The sensitiveness of
his nature appeared in his falling in love at first sight with a
Highland girl whom Burke and he casually met during a tour. His loss of
her made a painful impression on him.[406] The butt of an unkind fate,
he seemed destined also to be the leader of lost causes; and the proud
and penniless _émigrés_ found in him their most devoted friend.
Despite the opposition of Dundas, and the doubts of Pitt, his views
prevailed; and preparations began for an Anglo-French expedition to the
coast of Brittany. During the winter there had arrived in London a
Breton leader of gigantic stature and considerable mental powers, the
Comte de Puisaye. He had fought devotedly for the constitutional
monarchy in that great province and had the confidence of its
inhabitants, whether nobles or peasants (_Chouans_). But French princes
and the cliques of "pure" Royalists looked on him, as Marie Antoinette
looked on Mirabeau, merely as a rebel who had partly seen the error of
his ways. Secretly they resolved to make use of him, as he had gained
the confidence of Windham and Pitt, but to throw him over at the first
opportunity.
Meanwhile the Cabinet began to equip regiments of French Royalists
destined to form the spearhead of the "Royal and Catholic Army." Various
causes delayed the preparations, the chief being the absence in North
Germany of seasoned corps of _émigrés_ whose presence in Brittany, was
essential. Puisaye therefore urged Ministers to allow him to enrol
recruits from among the French prisoners of war in England--a dangerous
device which, unfortunately, was adopted. Undoubtedly the initiative in
this matter rested with him; and it is noteworthy that other royalist
leaders had tried the plan, hitherto with no untoward results.[407]
Prisoners were not forced into the new corps; but it is clear that some
of them enlisted in order to get back to France. As for the finances of
the enterprise, they were partly met by the manufacture of royalist
_assignats_. Whether they were like the forged _assignats_ manufactured,
with the connivance of Government, near Hexham and Durham, is not clear.
It is alleged by royalist writers that they bore a mark ensuring
identification, so that, in case of a monarchist triumph, they would be
duly honoured. The chief aim, however, certainly was to discredit the
republican notes and to embarrass the Parisian Government. That Pitt
should in any way have countenanced these underhand devices is
discreditable.
Owing to the declaration of war by Holland (May 1795), the vacillations
of Spain, and the determination of George III to keep troops in
Hanover,[408] very few British were available for the enterprise. It is
worth noting that the King disliked the _émigrés_ and often shocked
Windham by assertions at Court that they would prove false. His
influence was used steadily against all attempts in their favour. There
were, indeed, good grounds for suspicion even at this time. Seeing that
Charette and other Breton leaders still observed the truce with the
Republic, the risks of a landing were great; and this explains the
reluctance of the Cabinet to allow the Comte d'Artois to proceed with
the first contingent.[409] It was charged to occupy the Quiberon
Peninsula as a base for further exertions, to supply arms to the
Bretons, and thus prepare for a general rising, the effect of which
would be clinched by the arrival of a larger force. The vanguard set
sail from Spithead on 17th June 1795. It consisted of some 3,800
_émigrés_, under the general command of Puisaye, though by some mistake
in drafting the orders, considerable power was given to Comte
d'Hervilly, the senior officer of the subsidized regiments. At first all
went well. The convoying fleet under Lord Bridport, after capturing
three French sail-of-the-line off l'Orient, made Quiberon Bay and
assisted in the capture of Fort Penthièvre, commanding the narrow
isthmus (3rd July).
Disputes now began between Puisaye and Hervilly, the former desiring to
push on boldly, while the latter insisted on remaining in the peninsula.
Time was thus given for the republican general, Hoche, to collect his
forces and make spirited attacks upon the invaders, who soon fell a prey
to schism and discouragement. The doom of the expedition was decided by
the treacherous surrender of the fort to Hoche's men at the close of a
night attack (21st July). As day dawned the Republicans drove their foes
into the peninsula. Wild scenes of panic ensued. A storm having
compelled the larger British warships to keep in the offing, Puisaye
went off in a boat to beg succour from Admiral Warren. The defence
speedily collapsed. De Sombreuil, who was left in command near the tip
of the tongue of land, unaccountably surrendered, though a British
corvette, the "Lark," and gunboats were effectively covering his flank.
At the instigation of Tallien, the French Convention disavowed the
promise of its officers at Quiberon to spare the lives of those who laid
down their arms; and 712 Royalists were shot down in cold blood at Auray
and neighbouring places.
The evidence proves that the Pitt Ministry had done its best for this
expedition, which went to pieces owing to the quarrels of its leaders
and the refusal of Charette to stir a finger on behalf of Puisaye, whom
he detested. For the final massacre Tallien and the French Convention
are wholly responsible. Yet it suited the tactics of the English
Opposition to accuse Pitt of planning the death of the French Royalists.
Fox, in one of his wildest outbreaks, charged Ministers with
deliberately sending noble gentlemen to a massacre. Sheridan, too,
declared that, though British blood had not flowed, yet "British honour
had bled at every pore." These reckless mis-statements have been refuted
by the testimony of La Jaille, Vauban, and Puisaye, royalist officers
who escaped.
Before these horrible events were known in England, Ministers prepared
to succour the vanguard at Quiberon. News that Spain had made peace with
France in a highly suspicious manner weakened this second effort, it
being necessary to safeguard the British West Indies from a probable
attack by the Spaniards. As no more than four newly raised British
regiments could be spared for the Biscay coast, the Earl of Moira threw
up the command, which General Doyle then accepted. It seems probable
that by 3rd August Pitt doubted the expediency of sending a second
expedition to Brittany or la Vendée. Nevertheless, the Comte d'Artois,
who about that time arrived at Spithead from North Germany with a force
of _émigrés_, desired to make the venture, relying on Charette, and
other royalist chiefs who had once more aroused the men of the West. The
Count also cherished the hope that the numerous bands of malcontents in
Paris would overthrow that tottering Government.
Events turned out otherwise. The first plan, that of occupying
Noirmoutier, an island close to the Vendéan coast, proving
impracticable, Doyle sailed to a smaller island, Yeu, farther out at
sea. There the 5,500 troops, miserably cramped and underfed, waited
until the Comte d'Artois should make good his boast of throwing himself
into a boat, if need be, in order to join his faithful Charette. It was
soon apparent that he preferred to stay in Yeu with his mistress, Mme.
Polastron. In vain did the Bretons under Puisaye and Vauban, and the
Vendéans under Charette, beg him to join them. Meanwhile, amid the early
autumn rains the troops deteriorated, and the royalist rising at Paris
proved a miserable fiasco, some 30,000 National Guards being scattered
by a small force well handled by Bonaparte and Barras (5th October).
Finally, a deputation of Bretons proceeded to Yeu, and begged Artois to
place himself at the head of the numerous bands of devoted gentlemen and
peasants who still awaited his appearance. All was in vain. _Je ne veux
pas aller Chouanner_ (play the Chouan) was his reply (12th November). On
the morrow he informed Vauban that he had received orders from England
to return at once. This assertion was at the time generally believed to
be false; the letters of Grenville to the Prince prove it to be grossly
exaggerated. To the despair and disgust of his soldiers he departed, and
finally sought refuge from his creditors in Holyrood Castle. The British
and French royalist regiments were withdrawn with much difficulty during
the storms of December 1795. Nearly all the horses had to be destroyed.
Undoubtedly Pitt and Grenville had become disgusted with the torpor of
Artois and the follies of the French Royalists. In particular the absurd
failure at Paris seems to have prompted the resolve of the Cabinet to
withdraw the British troops from Yeu. Pitt's letters of the latter half
of October also evince a desire to pave the way for some understanding
with the French Directory. As that Government was firmly installed in
power, an opportunity presented itself, for the first time since the
opening of the war, of arranging a lasting peace. These hopes were to be
blighted; but it is certain that Pitt cherished them; and, doubtless,
among the motives operating in favour of peace the foremost was a
feeling of disgust at the poltroonery of the French Princes and the
incurable factiousness of their followers, in whom the faculties which
command success were lost amidst vices and perversities sufficient to
ruin the best of causes. Pitt continued to support the Chouans by money
and arms; but, despite the frequent protests of Windham, not a British
soldier was landed on that coast.[410]
FOOTNOTES:
[397] "F. O.," Holland, 57.
[398] "Cape Records," i, 98.
[399] "W. O.," vi, 67.
[400] "Cape Records," i, 17, 22.
[401] "Cape Records," i, 23-6, 138-40; Cory, "Rise of South Africa," i,
ch. ii.
[402] "W. O.," i, 323. In "F. O.," Holland, 57, is a memorial of
Elphinstone and Craig to Grenville, stating why they had detained at the
Cape the U. S. ship "Argonaut," whose owners now prosecuted them for
£100,000.
[403] "South Africa a Century ago." By Lady Anne Barnard.
[404] "F. O.," Prussia, 70. Pitt to Harrowby, 27th October 1805.
[405] "Nelson Despatches," ii, 5.
[406] "Corresp. of Sir John Sinclair," i, 141-3.
[407] Puisaye, "Mems.," ii, 594-603; Forneron, "Hist. des Emigrés," ii,
13, 14.
[408] Cornwallis, "Corresp.," iii, 289.
[409] "F. O.," France, 44. Grenville to d'Harcourt, 19th June 1795.
[410] On 19th January 1798 Pitt, Windham, and Canning agreed to give
£9,082 and £9,400 for the discharge of debts due for services of the
Royalists in France, incurred in England and France respectively,
leaving a balance of £8,000 for future payment. The following sums were
paid to the Duc d'Harcourt for the support of "Monsieur": in 1796,
£3,000; in 1797, £9,000; and after May 1798 at the rate of £500 per
month (B.M. Add. MSS., 37844). I have not found the sums allowed to the
Comte d'Artois.