THE LAST HOPE. 1759
Charles asks Louis for money—Idea of employing him in 1757—Letter from
Frederick—Chances in 1759—French friends—Murray and ‘the Pills’—Charles
at Bouillon—Madame de Pompadour—Charles on Lord George Murray—The night
march to Nairn—Manifestoes—Charles will only land in England—Murray
wishes to repudiate the National Debt—Choiseul’s promises—Andrew
Lumisden—The marshal’s old boots—Clancarty—Internal feuds of
Jacobites—Scotch and Irish quarrels—The five of diamonds—Lord Elibank’s
views—The expedition starting—Routed in Quiberon Bay—New hopes—Charles
will not land in Scotland or Ireland—‘False subjects’—Pickle waits on
events—His last letter—His ardent patriotism—Still in touch with the
Prince—Offers to sell a regiment of Macdonalds—Spy or colonel?—Signs his
real name—‘Alexander Macdonnell of Glengarry’—Death of Pickle—His
services recognised.
AFTER the fatal 10th of December, 1748, Charles had entertained a bitter
hatred of France, though he was always careful to blame the Ministers of
Louis, not the King himself. He even refused a French pension, but this
was an attitude which he could not maintain. In 1756 (July 1) he
actually wrote to Louis, asking for money.
‘Monsieur Mon Frère et Cousin,’ he said. ‘With the whole of Europe I
admire your virtues . . . and the benefits with which you daily load
your subjects . . . Since 1744, when I left Rome, I have run many
risks, encountered many perils, and endured many vicissitudes of
fortune, unaided by those from whom I had the right to expect
assistance, unsuccoured even by My Father. In truth such of his
subjects as espoused my cause have given me many proofs of zeal, and
of good will, but, since open war broke out between France and
England, I have not the same support. I know not what Destiny
prepares for me, but I shall put it to the touch.’
For this purpose, then, he needs money.
‘If I knew a Prince more virtuous than you, to him I would appeal.’
Whether Louis was good-natured, and gave some money for Charles to
O’Hagarty and Elliot, his envoys, does not appear. {301}
In these dispositions, Charles hoped much from the French project of
invading England in 1759. Though he never wholly despaired, and was
soliciting Louis XVI. even in the dawn of the Revolution, we may call the
invasion of 1759 his last faint chance. Hints had been thrown out of
employing him in 1757. Frederick then wrote from Dresden to Mitchell,
the English Ambassador at Berlin:
‘I want to let you know that yesterday a person of distinguished rank
told me that a friend of his at Court, under promise of the utmost
secrecy, told him this: The French intend to make a diversion in
Ireland in spring. They will disembark at Cork and at Waterford.
They are negotiating with the Young Pretender to put himself at the
head of the Expedition, but he will do nothing, unless the Courts of
Vienna and St. Petersburg guarantee the proposals made to him by
France.’ {302a}
Charles, in fact, was deeply distrustful of all French offers. As we
small see, he later declined to embark with any expedition for Scotland
or Ireland. He would go with troops destined for London, and with no
others. The year 1759 was spent in playing the game of intrigue. The
French Minister, the Duc de Choiseul, was, or affected to be, friendly;
friendly, too, were the old Maréchal de Belleisle and the Princesse de
Ligne. Louis sent vaguely affectionate messages. In Rome, James was
reconciled, and indulged in a gleam of hope. Charles’s agents were
Elliot, Alexander Murray (who, I think, is usually styled ‘Campbell’)
‘Holker,’ ‘Goodwin,’ Clancarty, and Mackenzie Douglas. This man, whose
real name was Mackenzie, had been a Jesuit, and is said to have acted as
a spy in the Dutch service. He had also been, first the secret, and then
the avowed, envoy of Louis XV. to St. Petersburg in 1755–1756. On his
second visit he was accompanied by the notorious Chevalier d’Eon. {302b}
As early as January 2, 1759, Murray (I think; the letters are unsigned)
assures Charles of the friendship of the French Court. The King
(‘Ellis’) will lend 30,000_l._ On January 8, Murray writes, and a
funnier letter of veiled meanings never was penned:
‘January 8.
‘I arrived on Saturday morning, I immediately call’d at Mr. Cambels,
not finding him went to Mr. Mansfield and delivered in the pills you
sent him . . . I met Cambel at 10 o’clock, delivered him his pills,
and drank a serious bottle of Burdeaux . . . delivered a pill to
Harrison who with tears of tenderness in his eyes, said from the
Bottom of his heart woud do anything in his power to serve that
magnanimous Bourton [the Prince], he brought me along to Mr.
Budson’s, who after he had swallowed the pill came and made me a Low
reverence, and desired me to assure Bourton of his respect.’
What the ‘pills’ were we can only guess, but their effects are
entertaining. Charles at this time was at Bouillon, the home of his
cousin, the Duc de Bouillon, and he made the President Thibault there the
guardian of his child, for Miss Walkinshaw did not carry off her daughter
to Paris till July 1760. {303} Murray (or Campbell) kept besieging
Choiseul, Belleisle, and the Prince de Soubise with appeals in favour of
Charles. We have heard how the Prince used to treat Madame de Pompadour,
burning her _billets_ unanswered. Now his mood was altered. His agent
writes:
‘February 19.
‘_Campbell_, I send copy of Letter to Prince de Soubise.
‘I am convinced you will not delay in writting to Madame La Marquise
de Pompadour and thereby show her that your politeness and gallantry
are not enferiour to your other superior qualifications,
notwithstanding that you have lived for these ten years past in a
manner shut up from the world. It will be absolutely necessary that
you inclosed it to the P. of S. [Soubise] who has given up the
command of ye army in Germany in order to conduct the expedition
against England.’
Charles answered in this submissive fashion:
_Prince to Murray_.
‘February 24.
‘Rien ne me flatterai plus que d’assurer de Bouche Mad. L. M. de P.
de l’estime et de La Consideration La plus parfaitte. Vous scavez
mes sentiments pour Elle, je Les ay aussy Expliqué a Le P. de
Soubise, et je ne dessirres rien tant que trouver Les occasions de
lui La prouver.’
He also tried to justify his past conduct to ‘Mr. Orry’ (his father),
especially as regarded Lord George Murray. He declared that, in the
futile attempt at a night surprise at Nairn, before Culloden,
Clanranald’s regiment did encounter Cumberland’s sentries, and found that
the attempt was feasible, had Lord George not retreated, contrary to his
orders.
The obstinate self-will of Charles displayed itself in thwarting all
arrangements attempted by the French for employing him in their projected
invasion of England. They expected a diversion to be made in their
favour by his adherents, but he persistently refused to be landed either
in Scotland or Ireland. He was partly justified. The French (as
d’Argenson admits) had no idea, even in 1745, of making him King of the
Three Kingdoms. To establish him at Holyrood, or in Dublin, and so to
create and perpetuate disunion in Great Britain, was their policy, as far
as they had a policy. We may think that Charles was in no position to
refuse any assistance, but his reply to Cardinal Tencin, ‘_Point de
partage_; _tout ou rien_,’ was at least patriotic. The Dutch
correspondent of the ‘Scots Magazine,’ writing on May 22, 1759, said that
a French expedition for Scotland was ready, and that Charles was to sail
with it, but the Prince would not lend himself to this scheme. All
through the summer he had his agents, Elliot, Holker, and Clancarty, at
Dunkirk, Rouen, and Boulogne. They reported on the French preparations,
but, writes Charles on July 22, ‘I am not in their secret.’ He
corresponded with the Duc de Choiseul and the Maréchal de Belleisle, but
they confined themselves to general assurances of friendship. ‘It is
impossible for the Duc de Choiseul to tell you the King’s secret, as you
would not tell him yours,’ wrote an anonymous correspondent, apparently
Alexander Murray.
Charles prepared manifestoes for the Press, and was urged, from England,
to include certain arranged words in them, to be taken as a sign that he
was actually landed. These words, of course, were to be kept a dead
secret. The English Jacobites had no intention of appearing in arms to
aid a French invading force, if Charles was not in the midst of it.
Alexander Murray wrote suggestions for Charles’s Declaration. He was to
be very strong on the _Habeas Corpus_ Act, and Murray ruefully recalled
his own long imprisonment by order of the House of Commons. He wished
also to repudiate the National Debt, but Charles must not propose this.
‘A free Parliament’ must take the burden of the deed. ‘The landed
interest can’t be made easy by any other method than by paying that
prodigious load by a sponge.’ In a Dutch caricature of ‘Perkin’s
Triumph’ (1745), Charles is represented driving in a coach over the
bodies of holders of Consols. It is difficult now to believe that
Repudiation was the chief aim of the honest squires who toasted ‘the King
over the Water.’
In August, Murray reported that Choiseul said ‘nothing should be done
except with and for the Prince.’
The manuscript letter-book of Andrew Lumisden, James’s secretary since
Edgar’s death, and brother-in-law of Sir Robert Strange, the engraver,
illustrates Charles’s intentions. {306} On August 12, 1759, Lumisden is
in correspondence with Murray. The Prince, to Lumisden’s great delight,
wants his company. Already, in 1759, Lumisden had been on secret
expeditions to Paris, Germany, Austria, and Venice. Macallester informs
us that Sullivan, who had been in Scotland with Charles in 1745, received
a command in the French army mustering at Brest. He also tells a long
dull story of Charles’s incognito in Paris at this time: how he lived
over a butcher’s shop in the Rue de la Boucherie, seldom went out except
at night, and was recognised at Mass by a woman who had attended Miss
Walkinshaw’s daughter. Finally, the Prince went to Brest in disguise,
‘damning the Marshal’s old boots,’ the boots of the Maréchal de
Belleisle, which, it seems, ‘were always stuffed full of projects.’
Barbier supposes, in his ‘Mémoires,’ that Charles was to go with Thurot,
who was to attack Scotland, while Conflans invaded England. But Charles
would not hear of leaving with Thurot and his tiny squadron, which
committed some petty larcenies on the coast of the West Highlands.
The Prince was now warned against Clancarty of the one eye, who was
bragging, and lying, and showing his letters in the taverns of Dunkirk.
The old feud of Scotch and Irish Jacobites went merrily on. Macallester
called Murray a card-sharper, and was himself lodged in prison on a
_lettre de cachet_. Murray wrote, of the Irish, ‘their bulls and
stupidity one can forgive, but the villainy and falsity of their hearts
is unpardonable.’ Scotch and Irish bickerings, a great cause of the ruin
in 1745, broke out again on the slightest gleam of hope.
Holker sent a curious account of the boats for embarking horses on the
expedition. These he illustrated by a diagram on the back of the five of
diamonds; a movable slip cut in the card gave an idea of the mechanism.
The King of France, on August 27, sent friendly messages by Belleisle,
but ‘could not be explicit.’ Elliot reported that Clancarty ‘would stick
at no lyes to bring about his schemes.’ On September 5 came an anonymous
warning against Murray, who ‘is not trusted by the French Ministry.’ On
September 28, Laurence Oliphant of Gask sent verses in praise of Charles
written by ‘Madame de Montagu,’ the lady who lent him 1,000_l._ years
before. On October 8, Murray still reports the ‘attachment’ of Choiseul
and Belleisle. He adds that neither his brother (Lord Elibank) nor any
other Scotch Jacobite will stir if an invasion of Scotland is undertaken
without a landing in England. On October 21 he declares that Conflans
has orders to attack the English fleet lying off Havre. The sailing of
Thurot is also announced: ‘I cannot comprehend the object of so small an
embarkation.’ As late as October 26, Charles was still left in the dark
as to the intentions of France.
Then, obviously while Charles was waiting for orders, came the fatal news
in a hurried note. ‘_Conflans beaten_, _his ship_, _the_ “_Soleil
Royal_,” _and the_ “_Héros_” _stranded at Croisic_. _Seven ships are
come in_. _Ten are flying at sea_.’
Brave Admiral Hawke had routed Conflans in Quiberon Bay. _Afflavit
Deus_, and scattered the fleet of France, with the last hope of Charles.
Yet hope never dies in the hearts of exiles, as is proved by the
following curious letter from Murray (?). It is impossible to be certain
as to the sincerity of Choiseul; the split in the Jacobite party is only
too clearly indicated.
_From Campbell_ (_probably Murray_).
‘December 10.
‘I delivered your letter this evening and had a long conference with
both the Ministers: Mr. Choiseul assured me upon his word of honour
that Your R.H. should be inform’d in time before the departure of Mr.
de Gouillon, {309a} so that you might go with that embarquement if
you thought proper, upon which I interrupted him and told him if they
were destined for the Kingdom of Ireland that it would be to no
manner of purpose, for I was certain you would not go, and that you
had at all times expressly ordered me to tell them so; he continued
his conversation and said you should be equally informed when the P.
of S. {309b} embarked. I answered as to every project for England
that you would not ballance one moment, but that you would not, nor
could not in honour enter into any other project but that of going to
London, and if once master of that city both Ireland and Scotland
would fall of course, as that town was the fountain of all the
riches; he then hinted that Guillion’s embarkment was not for
Ireland, and talked of Scotland.
‘I then told him of the message you had received from my brother
[Elibank] and the other leading men of the party, in that country,
that not a man of consequence would stir unless the debarkment was
made at the same time in England, and that every person who pretended
the contrary, ought to be regarded as the enemy of your R.H. as well
as of France. He then told me that in case you did not choose to go
with Mr. de Guillion that it would be necessary to send one with a
declaration in your name; I told him I could make no answers to that
proposition, as I had never heard you talk of declarations of any
sort before you was landed in England, and that you had settled all
that matter, with your friends in England and Scotland. He assured
me that the intentions of the King and his Ministers were unalterable
as to their fixed resolution to serve you, but that they met with
difficulties in regard to the transports and flat-bottomed boats
which retarded the affair longer than they imagined, and that though
they had already spent twenty four million every thing was not yet
ready.
‘This is as near as I can recollect the purport of his conversation
excepting desiring to see him before my return to Your R.H. I
afterwards saw your good friend the Marcel [Belleisle] who told me
that every thing that depended upon his department was ready, and
said pretty near what Mr. de Choiseul had told concerning the delays
of the transports, seventeen of which they yet wanted. He assured me
it was the thing on earth he desired the most to see you established
upon the throne of your Ancestors, and that he would with plesure
give you his left arm, rather than it should not succeed: I am
perfectly convinced of the sincere intention of the King and
Ministers, and that nothing but the interposition of heaven can
prevent your success.
‘I have not yet seen the P. of S. [Soubise] but shall to-morrow: your
Cousin Bethune is greatly attached to you, and has done you great
justice in destroying the villanous lyes, and aspersions of some of
your false subjects [Clancarty], who by a pretended zeal for you got
access to the ministers, and have had the impudence to present
memorials as absurd and ridiculous, as their great quality, and
immense fortunes they have lost by being attached to your family. I
flatter myself you will very soon be convinced of all their infamous
low schemes.’
Meanwhile, in all probability, Pickle was waiting to see how matters
would fall out. If Conflans beat Hawke, and if Thurot landed in the
Western Highlands, _then_ Pickle would have rallied to the old flag,
_Tandem Triumphans_, and welcomed gloriously His Royal Highness the
Prince of Wales. Then the despised warrant of a peerage would have come
forth, and Lord Glengarry, I conceive, would have hurried to seize the
Duke of Newcastle’s papers, many of which were of extreme personal
interest to himself. But matters chanced otherwise, so Pickle wrote his
last extant letter to the English Government:
Add. 32,902.
‘My Lord [the Duke of Newcastle],—As I am confident your Grace will
be at a lose to find out your present Corespondent, it will, I
believe, suffice to recall to mind _Pickle_, how [who] some time ago
had a conference with the young Gentilman whom honest old Vaughan
brought once to Clermont to waite of yr. Grace. I find he still
retains the same ardent inclination to serve his King and Country,
yet, at same time, he bitterly complains that he has been neglected,
and nothing done for him of what was promis’d him in the strongest
terms, and which he believes had been strickly perform’d, had your
most worthy Brother, his great friend and Patron, surviv’d till now.
He desires me aquent your Grace that upon a late criticall juncture
[November 1759] he was prepairing to take post for London to lay
affaires of the greatest moment before his Majesty, but the suden
blow given the enemy by Admiral Hack [Hawke] keept him back for that
time. But now that he finds that they are still projecting to
execute their first frustrated schem, {312} there present plan of
operation differing in nothing from the first, but in what regards
North Britain. He has certain information of this by verbal
Expresses; writting beeing absolutely dischargd for fear of
discovery. He desires me aquent your Grace of this, that you may lay
the whole before His Majesty.
‘If His Majesty’s Enemys should once more faile in their favourite
scheme of Envasion, this young gentilman [Glengarry] intends to make
offer of raising a Regiment of as good men as ever was levied in
North Britain, if he gets the Rank of full Colonell, the nomenation
of his Officers, and suitable levie Mony. He can be of infinite
service in either capacity mentioned in this letter [spy or Colonel],
that his Majesty is graciously pleasd to employ him. He begs that
this may not be delay’d to be laid before the King, as things may
soon turn out very serious. He makes a point with your Grace that
this be communicated to no mortall but his Majesty, and he is willing
to forfite all pretensions to the Royall favour, if his services at
this criticall juncture does not meritt his Majesty’s aprobation. If
your Grace calls upon him at this time, as he was out of pocket upon
further Chants, it will be necessary to remit him a bill payable at
sight for whatever little sum is judg’d proper for the present,
untill he gives proof of his attachment _to the best of Sovereigns_,
and of his reale zeale for the service of his King and Country,
against a most treacherous and perfidious Enemy. I have now done my
duty, my Lord, reffering the whole manadgement to your Grace, and I
beg youl pardon the freedom I have taken as I have the honour to
remain at all times
‘My Lord, your Grace’s Most obedient and most oblidged humble Servt.
‘PICKLE.
‘February 19, 1760.
‘Mack [make] mention of _Pickle_. His Majesty will remember Mr.
Pelham did, upon former affairs of great consequence.
‘Direction—To _Alexander Mackdonell of Glengary_ by Foraugustus
[_Fort Augustus_].’
Pickle, as he remarks in one of his artless letters, ‘is not of a
suspicious temper, but judges of others’ candour by his own.’ He now
carries this honourable freedom so far as to give his own noble name and
address. _Habemus confitentem reum_. Persons more suspicious and less
candid will believe that Pickle, in November 1759, was standing to win on
both colours. His readiness to sell a regiment of Macdonnells to fight
for King George is very worthy of a Highland chief of Pickle’s kind.
On December 23, 1761, Alastair Macdonnell of Glengarry died, and Pickle
died with him. He had practically ceased to be useful; the world was
anticipating Burns’s advice:
‘Adore the rising sun,
And leave a man undone
To his fate!’
We have unmasked a character of a kind never popular. Yet, in the
government of the world, Pickle served England well. But for him there
might have been another highland rising, and more fire and bloodshed.
But for him the Royal Family might have perished in a nocturnal brawl.
Only one man, Archibald Cameron, died through Pickle’s treasons. The
Prince with whom he drank, and whom he betrayed, had become hopeless and
worthless. The world knows little of its greatest benefactors, and
Pickle did good by stealth. Now his shade may or may not ‘blush to find
it fame,’ and to be placed above Murray of Broughton, beside Menteith and
Assynt, legendary Ganelons of Scotland.