15. Such is the example that we set to t_The Philippine Islands, 1493-1898: Volume 48, 1751-1765 Explorations by early navigators, descriptions of the islands and their peoples, their history and records of the Catholic missions, as related in contemporaneous books and manuscripts, showing the political, economic, commercial and religious conditions of those islands from their earliest relations with European nations to the close of the nineteenth century

us so perfectly that they all desire to live as the Spaniard does,

to wear the same costly ornaments, and to be rich--but without labor,

and without ceasing to be idle or to divert themselves with all the

other vices. If the many Spanish vagabonds who wander about Manila

and its environs were distributed in the provinces, they would trade

therein; they would marry Indian women of rank, would become rich with

some application and labor, and would thus furnish a good example to

the Indians. In this way the foreigners (and especially the French)

have established their colonies, free from the error of our pernicious

vanity, inaction, and sloth; and we, although better warned than they,

are unwilling to change our ideas, but prefer to maintain the Indians

in the same state of idleness.

16. The means for their not being idle is, that the Spaniards should

work, and encourage and aid the Indians to cultivate their lands and

utilize their products. An ordinance should be published that no Indian

may be a gobernadorcillo or official of his village unless he cultivate

and gather in a certain portion of rice, wheat, sugar, cacao, cotton,

wax, or other product, regulated by what each province produces;

that if they do not cultivate their lands they must lose them, the

lands being adjudicated to other persons, in order that these may

cultivate them; and that exemption from tributes, polos, and personal

services be granted to those who shall most distinguish themselves

in tillage and harvesting. The idea is, to stimulate them in this

manner to the tillage and cultivation of the lands which his Majesty

grants to all the villages and the Indians who dwell in them; and

these measures are very gentle compared to others which were decreed

by the municipal law of the Indias. For in one of the ordinances of

Mexico it is decreed that "the Indians must not be allowed to be idle,

or to wander about as idlers and vagabonds; but they must work on

their farms." The authorities could compel them by force to obey this,

as Señor Solorzano proves by various arguments in book 2, chapter 7

of his Política Indiana, demonstrating that no Indian would work if

allowed his liberty, "through his natural inclination to an idle and

easy life," as is definitely stated in ley 1, tit. 13, lib. 6 ("Of

the Indians"), and many others of the same Recopilación; and that the

Indians resist work "because they are exceedingly slothful and fond

of idleness, and are inclined to abandon themselves to intemperance,

licentiousness, and other vices which idolatry occasions among them;

and as they are so little covetous, and are content with so little for

food and clothing, many passing their lives in the manner of beasts,

some force and compulsion is necessary to make them give up this

mode of life; for the devil prompts and persuades them not to serve

or aid the Spaniards.

17. "On this account it has always been regarded as best to keep them

occupied and at work, and in their heathen condition the same was done

by their Ingas [i.e., Incas] and Montesumas--to such an extent that,

when they lacked profitable and necessary occupation, their rulers

set them to work at others that were only for pleasure, and of no

use or benefit; they were even made to collect little bags of lice,

and to cut and carry to the mountains stones of enormous size."

18. All this description seems written for the Indians of these

islands, and he who may have any experience with them will decide

that, in order to remove them from their sloth and their vices the

increase of their tributes is indispensable, as is the necessity of

compelling them by the said measure to perform work that is useful to

the king, and likewise to themselves, in both spiritual and temporal

interests--so much so that one can and ought to form the gravest

scruples at allowing the Indians to remain in their present condition,

since it is the origin of numberless evils (from which I shall pray God

to deliver his Majesty and his ministers), through consenting to this

so pernicious sloth, and not applying some remedy to it. At the same

time with the increase of the tribute, the abundance of products and

the wealth of the islands will be greater; for if the Indians now do a

certain amount of work in order to pay five reals, they will be under

necessity of working three times as much in order to pay two pesos.

19. In Nueva España, Señor Solorzano regards as lawful and very just

the tribute of eight tostons (which are four pesos, each of eight

silver reals), for each Indian, one-half more [133] than what I rated

in the increase which is here proposed. He who has any knowledge of

the said kingdom and of these islands will admit that the said rate

is very moderate; for the Indians of America do not enjoy so great an

abundance of products or so wide a market as do the natives of these

islands. Also, there they have not, in proportion [to the extent

of the country], as many troops and as many military posts as here;

and these natives have fewer burdens of polos and personal services,

and much less hardship, than those of Nueva España. Notwithstanding

these advantages, which furnish just reason for imposing on these

islands the same tribute which is regarded as just in Nueva España,

I am fixing the rate at one-half less--for with the two pesos for each

Indian I think that there will be more than enough to place the troops,

the fortifications, and the navy, on a more respectable footing; to

defend these vassals from the invasions of Moros and other enemies;

and, by saving to his Majesty the royal situado and making amends for

the enormous expenses which have burdened these islands, to furnish

to the royal revenues some increase, and have means with which to

meet the needs and obligations of the crown.

20. The difference which there may be between the Indians who were

conquered by arms and those who voluntarily subjected themselves to

our sway (as were those of these islands) is also found in the said

regulation of rates, by which the latter will pay but one-half as much

as the former; for this circumstance that I have mentioned does not

relieve them from the obligations and burdens of vassals--although on

account of it they have the right to be treated with more clemency, as

they have been treated hitherto, and will be in the future--paying the

two pesos as tribute, in order that his Majesty and the other vassals

need not defray the expenses to which the people of these islands ought

to contribute, since these conduce to their spiritual and temporal

welfare, and to the preservation and security of these dominions.

21. Besides this, it ought to be borne in mind that, from the first

years of this conquest until the one in which we now are, nearly

all the provinces have at various times rebelled and risen in arms;

and not one of our authors doubts that for this kind of offense the

Indians ought to be punished by an increase of their tributes, that

this may serve them as a warning and example; for they [thus] lost

the right to be treated with the mildness which their first voluntary

submission deserved. If the Spaniards had proceeded after this fashion

in these islands, it would have been an easy matter to increase the

tributes, in order to save the situados. Moreover, with the examples

in this war [i.e., with the English] we have most rightful cause for

punishing, by some such means, the traitorous and revolted provinces,

by [imposing] not only the two pesos of tribute, but much more, in

order to make some distinction between the Indians who have continued

faithful to our king and those who have rebelled and acted disloyally.

22. With these brief reflections the minds of those who have

entertained some doubts or scruples in regard to the increase of

tributes which I proposed in the preceding chapter would be convinced;

but there would be other difficulties to overcome in this exceedingly

delicate matter. People will tell me (as I have sometimes heard it

said) that any person who proposes the increase of tributes commits

mortal sin, and incurs the excommunication of the bull of the Cena. But

I will reply with the upright and pious intention which has influenced

me to write on this subject--on which, in my opinion, depends the

preservation of these islands and their Christian churches; for they

will certainly be lost in a few years unless they produce [means]

for the expenses which they occasion, or unless his Majesty increase

the royal situado; this is a difficult matter, and he is under no

obligation to do so. And it is sufficient for me, in order not to incur

the said excommunication, that the bull of the Cena is not received

in España in regard to matters of temporal government (in which our

sovereigns are absolute), but only in what concerns ecclesiastical

discipline, and the purity of the faith and the Catholic religion,

in which the Spaniards have always affirmed the blindest obedience

to the supreme pontiff and vicar of Christ on earth.

23. Nevertheless, I regard with the most profound veneration and

respect all that is contained in the aforesaid bull, and its provisions

regarding government taxes and tributes make me hesitate; for, assuming

(as a good Catholic) some influence of the Holy Ghost for the said

pontifical declaration, [134] my mind would be full of remorse if

at the same time when I defend the increase of tributes I did not

oppose the malversation of their proceeds, the superfluous expenses,

the lack of economy in those who administer them, and the numberless

thefts from the royal revenues, which are the strongest objections

that can be raised against my proposal.

24. It is certain that the vassals are under obligation to pay tribute

to their kings, but it is likewise certain that they have the right,

in equity, that what they pay as tribute be well employed, and that

punishment be administered to those who steal, extravagantly spend,

or misapply those funds; for in the honest administration of the

royal revenues consists the greatest comfort of the vassals and

the prosperity of the [respective] monarchies. The remark made by a

celebrated French writer is [worthy] of note: that if the ministers

of the king of España in the Indias were not so dishonest the

royal incomes would amount to more than those of all the powers of

Europa. The vassal complies with the obligation which rests on him,

but the kings do not fulfil theirs; for they let go without punishment

all the theft, all the robbery, all the iniquity committed by their

ministers. I am well aware that there cannot be government among men

without these defects and vices, which without exception are utterly

incurable, and all the nations of the world have committed them from

the time of Adam; but he who knows our general misgovernment of the

Indias and the numberless robberies which are committed [therein] will

be astounded to see that the criminals are not punished. [At the same

time] he is certain that the royal revenues are in great part consumed

by those who manage them, while if some exemplary punishments were

inflicted the thefts would be greatly checked; that, by not curbing

these, heavier burdens are laid upon the vassals; and that these

protest against the tributes which are imposed upon them, [levied]

not strictly for the maintenance of the dominions, but in order to

enrich the officials, who (especially in the Indias) make enormous

fortunes with what they obtain by defrauding the royal exchequer--or,

to speak more correctly, by plundering those who pay tribute.

25. If in the collection, administration, and allotment of the royal

revenues there were application, zeal, disinterestedness, and economy,

it is evident that the vassals would not be compelled to contribute

with so many imposts and taxes; for with what is plundered and

misapplied in one year the expenses could be met for the half of

the following year, and perhaps, instead of increasing the taxes,

it would be possible to make some reductions of these to the vassals

who should be considered most burdened.

26. I have not the slightest doubt that the tributes which have been

hitherto paid in these islands are not sufficient for maintaining them

in a condition so respectable as that which I have already proposed;

and if for this chiefest reason I have defended the increase of

tributes, I likewise retract this opinion in case our court do not

apply the most effective remedies, in order to check the robberies and

malversations which during my time I have seen, and that they may not

be responsible before the stern tribunal of God for such hardships

to the Indians, and for the robberies, which will be committed in

greater number in proportion to the increase in the funds which

will be handled. For, strict as is the obligation of the vassals to

contribute to the expenses, or pay tribute, equally so is that of the

sovereigns to make proper distribution of what is contributed, and to

endeavor that it be not misapplied; and so long as kings do not fulfil

this obligation, by appointing zealous and disinterested officials,

and punishing with the greatest severity those who are not such,

there will be few persons who will venture to express opinions in

favor of increasing the tributes. But [when such measures are taken]

I will be the first to withdraw from this statement of my opinion;

for I have always believed that the aforesaid condition [of honest

administration] was inseparable from such increase.

27. I will note other objections which have been made to me against

increasing the tributes; but, before mentioning them, I protest

my veneration and blind obedience to the royal decrees of my king

and sovereign, whose upright conscience will consider what is most

in accordance with its internal peace, the rectitude of his royal

intentions and the comfort of his vassals, by mercilessly punishing

those who defraud the royal treasury, and issuing such other commands

as are expedient.

28. There are many who restrict the powers of the sovereign which I

mentioned in section 2 of this chapter, and who say that the [various]

countries, when they instituted kings, did not dispossess themselves of

all the authority which the people of the nation possessed; but that

the latter reserved something, especially in the matter of taxes,

which were proposed and demanded by the kings, while the vassals

granted or denied them--[the objectors] drawing conclusions from this

ancient method, and (especially in our España) from the convocation of

parliament [cortes]; that the power of the king to grind his vassals

is not absolute, and that these do not depend in such matters on the

will of their kings alone. I frankly state these objections, which,

even though they be paltry (on account of the positive opinion of the

sovereign, supreme, and absolute power of our kings, who recognize no

superior on earth), it is expedient for those who ought to anticipate

them not to overlook; for, in order to render a question clear, and

to foresee all the difficulties in its decision and practical result,

a knowledge of the replies and objections which may be made is always

helpful. I content myself with pointing these out, and repeating my

[assertion of] invariable obedience to the royal commands of my king

and sovereign, as I stated in the preceding section.

29. [Some] persons will also raise objections against what I have

stated in the fifth section, that in all nations imposts and taxes are

increased, according to their necessities and exigencies, and that,

when this time [of urgency] is ended, the vassals are set free from

such burdens; but that in España there is no impost which may not be

perpetual, as has generally been the case with all--and the "Man of

San Quintin" demonstrates it in his memorial, attributing the ruin of

the monarchy to [the imposts,] the millones and sisas especially. [135]

30. These and other objections I will answer briefly, by saying that

the presumption of the law by which it is believed of all public

officials that they conduct themselves conformably to justice,

so long as quite the opposite is not evident, is stronger and more

effective in favor of kings and their wise prime ministers--who,

with more enlightenment, a profounder knowledge of the [affairs of]

state, well-known zeal for the welfare of the monarchy, and the proper

maintenance of their lofty honor and character, have decided and will

decide these matters, in which we who are inferior and of more limited

abilities ought to render subordinate our own opinions, and honor

with the utmost respect their wise decisions, persuading ourselves,

as is just, that in their councils they have borne in mind all the

considerations which can produce the most advantageous judgment,

before it is made known to the public. For however satisfied one

may be with their reasoning, he would admit that he was convinced

if it were possible for him to hear the substantial arguments which

influence the royal proceedings of our sovereign--on account of which

I, more than any other person, submit these productions of my dull

intellect to the superior comprehension of his Majesty and his zealous

ministers, protesting that I do not presume to furnish enlightenment

on these subjects because I might think that they do not possess it,

but in order to manifest my intense desire that what is understood

to be beneficial to the state, to the glory of the nation, and to

the welfare of all the vassals, may be carried into execution.

31. It will be necessary to assume that the increase of tributes in

these islands will be resented in the greater part of them, and that,

in order to obtain it, the precaution of stationing fifty or sixty

soldiers in each province will be necessary; in view of this, the

Indians will not cause the least trouble, while if they see us without

military forces the aforesaid increase will be entirely impracticable.

32. Equally it must be assumed that so long as the Moros invade

the provinces the Indians will resist paying tribute; for they will

represent that for the defense of their villages they are employed

during most of the year in making bulwarks, stockades, and little

strongholds, and with weapons in their hands, on account of having no

aid from the king which will secure them from the said invasions; and

in truth they ought to be heeded in this point. To this end I repeat

that in these islands some respectable forces are necessary, and with

them must be punished the haughtiness and insolence of the Moros;

for at the sight of this example the Indians will be encouraged,

they will attend to their labors, they will regard with respect

the affairs of his Majesty, and they will assuredly pay the tribute

which may be imposed upon them, without danger of their revolting. To

this end, a circular edict or decree should be drawn up, in which,

suiting the mode of expression to the disposition of the Indians,

should be fully explained to them the motives which constrain us

to the said increase, and the obligation under which they lie to

pay their share of the expenses for their spiritual and temporal

maintenance under the mild sway of our Catholic king and sovereign,

and for freeing them from the tyranny and servitude to which they

would see themselves reduced if these islands should, for lack of

military forces, pass over to another sovereign.

33. This edict or order, carefully prepared, and translated into

the idiom of each province, can produce many good results if we

proceed with an understanding of the character of the Indians, and

[in accordance] with the ideas that are necessary, which ought to

be communicated, by instructions, to all the alcaldes-mayor and

corregidors of the provinces, according to the circumstances of each

one--imposing the most severe penalties on those who do not exactly

fulfil the orders which the government may entrust to their management

and conduct, and offering corresponding rewards to those who shall

distinguish themselves in the execution and success of the new order

of things, which ought to be established in each province. [136]

34. In order to [secure] the observance of the said ordinance, it will

be expedient that when the tribute is increased the salaries likewise

should be made larger. An alcalde-mayor has twenty-five pesos of salary

a month, which makes three hundred pesos a year; but before he leaves

Manila for the province to which he is assigned he spends a larger sum

[than that] in the fees for his documents and in the notary's office,

and for the securities [that he must give]. In three years his term

as alcalde comes to an end, and the expenses of his residencia cost

him four hundred to five hundred pesos; and it needs but little less

for the settlement, presentation, and despatch of the accounts of the

royal revenue. Thus all the salary which he receives on account of

being alcalde, which amounts to nine hundred pesos in the three years,

is not sufficient for the aforesaid expenses; for the rest of their

maintenance have been invented the thefts from the royal revenue which

they handle, and from the Indians within their jurisdiction. For this

reason, and likewise because these offices have usually been sold,

as a rule they are filled by men who are not very trustworthy. But

if suitable pay were assigned to them, there would be many persons

of known probity who would seek them, transgressions could be more

severely punished, plundering would be decreased, the appointees

would furnish better bondsmen for the security of the royal exchequer,

and the Indians would not experience oppression.

35. The poverty of the alcaldes-mayor, their being loaded with debts

when they go from Manila, and the ambition to become rich in a short

time, draw them into trading with the product of the tributes in each

province; they buy vessels, lade them with goods, and convey these to

Manila, or send them to other provinces. If the vessel sink, if the

Moros seize it, or if it run aground on some shoal and the goods are

damaged, or if any other disaster occur, the alcalde loses nothing,

for he possesses nothing; and the damage is suffered by the king alone.

36. All this would be remedied by paying them more; for there would

be more reliable alcaldes, and they could be compelled to deposit in

the royal treasury every year, by means of their agents, the royal

revenue of their respective provinces, in order to avoid the aforesaid

contingencies, which here are common.

37. With better alcaldes, all the provinces would be well governed. For

what is more melancholy than to surrender authority over them to

persons who are incompetent, nobodies, in distressed circumstances,

vicious, and thieves? How is a man of this sort to govern fifteen,

twenty, or forty thousand Indians? If he cares for nothing except

for conducting his own business, how is he to attend to the

affairs which concern the king and the Indians? If the alcalde is

inefficient, or coarse, or ill-bred, or of little capacity, how is

he to govern well? how is he to administer justice, and how civilize

his subjects? How is he to furnish reports on subjects which his

limited intellect does not comprehend or fathom? How is he to look

after the cultivation of the soil, the collection of its products,

making plantations, and other things for which the ordinances provide?

38. This disappointment, this disorder, this misgovernment, and the

thefts from the royal revenue can only be avoided or remedied, for

the most part, by increasing the tribute and giving larger salaries

to the alcaldes-mayor, the corregidors, and the other officers of

justice in the provinces. There is occasion for the same increase of

pay in the posts of public and royal officials, and the subordinates

in the accountancy of the royal exchequer, in order to stimulate

them to better work and greater zeal and application in the affairs

of the royal finances.

39. In the royal storehouses there would be an end to the incredible

infractions of law and the thefts by the storekeepers, by giving this

position to honorable Spaniards, with suitable pay; and abolishing

the mischievous abuses in the waste and consumption of supplies--with

unchangeable regulations for the incomes and expenditures; for the

respective account-books of the storehouses and the appointment of an

auditor for verifying them; for the credits and debits of the accounts,

with vouchers for them; for the obligation and responsibility of the

storekeeper; for the weekly inspection which ought to be made by the

royal officials, in order to acquaint themselves with the condition

of all these matters, and ascertain whether or not they are properly

attended to; and for many other things, which contribute to greater

economy in the royal revenues. [137]

40. In order that there shall not be such confusion, it would be

expedient to separate the storehouses, or divide what belongs to the

artillery and military supplies from all the rest; and to abolish the

dependence of the storehouses at Cavite on those of Manila, making

the regulation that in the said port be entered and unladen whatever

is necessary for the equipment of ships, galleys, and other vessels

of the king, without its being necessary that the vessels from the

provinces which come with property belonging to the royal account

should unlade their cargoes in these storehouses [at Manila], from

which various goods are sent back to the said port. This causes greater

expense, on account of the detention of the seamen, and because of

the vessels and men that afterward are employed in conveying to the

said port what [supplies] it needs, in which also they are exposed

to the uncertainties of the sea. This is avoided and spared by the

direct discharge of cargo in the said port, where, in fact, the main

storehouse ought to stand, because there three-fourths of the goods

belonging to the royal account are consumed.

41. The superior government gives orders for the hasty equipment of

some vessels to cruise against the Moros, and for other purposes. The

cordage, the sails, and all the rest, are sent from the Manila

storehouse; the said vessels set sail, and come to supply themselves

with provisions at these storehouses. Who does not see the loss of time

and the increase of expenses which are uselessly incurred, and which

could be saved if the storehouses at Cavite contained what they need?

42. Although what I have touched on in these last sections may seem

a digression from the object of this chapter, they will be excused

by those who remember what I had already stated in section 26, and

by those who think that the increase of tributes will facilitate the

increase of salaries. This measure will give the superior judges more

discretionary power for punishing the thefts and illegal acts which

are diminishing the royal patrimony, to the injury of the vassals--who

have no right to complain that those who render them faithful and

disinterested service should be well paid; but their right in justice

calls for punishment to those who, receiving suitable pay, satiate

their covetousness with the blood and sweat of those who are wretched.

43. With the increase of tribute, numberless other matters could

be regulated, for the settlement of which it is needful to begin

spending money. All my plan and project is based on this chapter,

for in no other way--although these islands can be supported with the

economies which I set forth to his Majesty in my advices of the year

sixty, without the necessity of the royal situado--will it be possible

to place the country in the respectable condition of strength which

can oppose the nations who are established in this part of India, or

to produce so great advantages to the royal exchequer. I therefore

desire that these reflections of mine be carefully considered, in

order that, with other opinions that carry more authority than mine,

the royal and upright conscience of my beloved king and sovereign

may make such decision as he shall hold most expedient; and I shall

content myself with having brought forward what is dictated to me by

fidelity and affection, the zeal of a good Spaniard, desire for the

glory and increase of the monarchy, and the general welfare of these

islands and of the entire [Spanish] nation.

44. And if, notwithstanding the cogent reasons which justify the

increase of the tributes, it be preferred to employ with these vassals

an extraordinary degree of mercy, without a resulting deficiency in

the means for supporting the islands with respectable forces this

could be made practicable by establishing the tithes [138] for the

maintenance of the ministers of religious instruction, that of the

cabildo of this holy metropolitan church, with its archbishop, and

the suffragan bishops with their churches; for the wine for masses,

and the oil for the lamps; and even for the missionaries--all with

the saving, for the royal exchequer, of these great expenses.

45. Nearly all the provinces have their military posts, with the

garrisons corresponding to the greater or less danger of enemies;

and this expense is another of the heaviest incurred by the royal

exchequer, which would be able to save it (in default of the increase

of tributes) by laying upon the Indians and mestizos the burden of

such contribution as shall be deemed necessary for maintaining the

said military posts. [This would include] the pay of the troops

in garrison, the cost of transporting them and of the shipment of

provisions, clothing for the men, and the purchase of necessary arms;

for all this would contribute to the benefit of the provinces and of

their inhabitants.

46. And if, for the same reason which I have stated for the military

posts, there be exacted from the natives of the provinces the cost

of the thousand soldiers distributed among them who are mentioned

in sections 9 and 10 of chapter third, the total saving to the

royal exchequer will exceed 260,000 pesos, or will come near to

300,000. With this, and the product from the tributes (if these are

paid as hitherto), and from the other sources of income, there will

be in the royal treasury funds sufficient for the maintenance of the

islands according to my plan, provided that the rules be observed

which I set forth in my memorandum of suggestions and in my advices

to his Majesty. Thus will be secured these objects: to make our power

respected throughout India, to avoid the expense of the royal situado

which comes from Nueva España, and to gain the many advantages which

have been mentioned. I shall speak of these in the second part of

this work, in which I am going to treat of navigation and commerce,

the gains from which will be more than enough for maintaining these

dominions, even if the tributes are not increased.

Part II

Of navigation and commerce: the method for establishing them in these

islands, and their great benefits.

Chapter First: In which it is demonstrated, with examples, that

no power can make itself respected in the world without navigation

and commerce.

1. I do not presume to utter new things, but to arouse the minds

of Spaniards to follow the examples of the other nations, to which

end I have drawn from the works on history, both ancient and modern,

what confirms this idea. [This chapter is interesting, but the limits

of our space make it preferable to omit most of it, as having but

slight connection with our main subject; the following sections are

worth retaining.]

17. In the fifteenth century was begun the manufacture of woolen stuffs

[paños] in Inglaterra; for before that they sold (as we are now doing)

their woolens to other nations, especially to the Flemings and the

people of Brabant--from whom some seditious persons went over to

the said kingdom, about the year 1420, and taught manufactures to the

English. Monsieur de Thou, [139] however, attributes this establishment

[of a new industry] to Queen Isabel [i.e., Elizabeth], and to the

disturbances, on account of religion, in which the great Duke de Alva

and the Inquisition of España were insulted--without having borne in

mind, when he allowed his pen to move with the envious and bitter

temper that swayed him, that, many years before the revolution of

some of the seventeen [Netherlands] provinces which threw off the

mild yoke of the Spaniards, the artisans of Lovaina [i.e., Louvain]

had already introduced the manufacture of woolen stuffs in Londres.

18. The French, who in the opinion of Cardinal Richelieu were totally

unfitted for commerce, have made with it and navigation the most

felicitous progress, especially since the reign of Louis Fourteenth.

19. Nor must I omit the height of glory and power to which the empire

of the Muscovites has been raised since the reign of the great Czar

Peter. That nation was ferocious, barbarous, and slothful, and had

no intercourse with other and foreign nations. That glorious monarch

formed the design of civilizing the vassals of his Russian empire,

and of turning their inclinations toward political affairs, the

sciences, the fine arts, and the great advantages which result from so

praiseworthy occupations; but [even] his uncommon intellect found no

other means [for this] than that of navigation and commerce. But he

went incognito to Inglaterra and Holanda, under pretext of renewing

certain treaties, but in reality with the idea of gaining instruction

in those two sciences, which were his only aim. In this he actually

succeeded, by dint of immense labor and mechanical occupations,

which, if apparently they were unworthy of a prince, were afterward

(as they still are) those which most enhanced his glory. Not to linger

over what is well known, I conclude with what is to my purpose: that

the great Czar Peter established commerce in his empire, overcoming

insuperable difficulties; and from the year 1697 (which is the real

date of that enterprise) to the present time so marvelous has been the

progress of that empire that its forces by sea and land, its wealth and

products, its manufactures, its vassals transformed from barbarians

into civilized beings, learned men, and politicians, yield to [those

of] no other power--all being due to commerce, which in the short time

of sixty-seven years has wrought these apparently incredible prodigies.

20. The Swedes and Danes [140] also have made much progress through

this means; and the Portuguese, glorious in their conquests and

discoveries, have constantly declined ever since they neglected

navigation and commerce, regarding these as occupations unworthy of

their nobility. [141]

21. Almost the same has happened to our España; what fear, what

respect, what terror, did not our armadas inspire in the four

quarters of the world? There was no power that could resist them;

but, not to linger on the glories of our nation, I leave that to

the histories which relate them--especially those of the reigns

of the pious king Don Fernando, the Catholic monarchs, the emperor

Don Carlos Fifth, Don Phelipe Second, and Don Phelipe Fourth, who

certainly protected navigation and commerce. I will assert [here]

only what answers my purpose: that our navy declined, our great

manufactures in Sevilla, Segovia, and other places retrograded,

and our commerce deteriorated, with the continual wars; and, as we

did not repair this damage, we were at the same time promoting the

commerce of the other nations. These have made themselves rich through

our negligence and inactivity--selling to us all the more commodities

the more we abandoned manufactures, and with their gains increasing

their shipping the more that we gave up shipbuilding--until in these

latest reigns our shipping and commerce were reëstablished. But it is

necessary to extend our commerce further, in proportion to our vast

domains; otherwise, we keep them greatly exposed [to danger]. For

it has been now thoroughly proved that navigation and commerce have

rendered formidable and terrible the forces and power of the nations

who have practiced them, as also that from the decay or neglect of

these activities has proceeded the ruin of kingdoms.

Chapter Second: Of the liberty of the Spaniards to navigate by way

of the Cape of Good Hope

1. Some may think that this navigation is prohibited to the Spaniards

by the treaties of peace, and that on this account we have not

established a commerce like that of the Dutch, English, French,

Swedes, Danes, and other nations. But it is certain that there is no

such prohibition, and that our natural inactivity, laziness, and lack

of application to commerce, has been the cause of our not undertaking

the aforesaid navigation, which is equally free to us as to all the

other powers. For the prohibition that the Englishman, the Dutchman,

and the rest can lay upon us is, that our ships may not enter their

ports, just as they have been forbidden to enter our ports; but

they cannot hinder us from navigating in all the seas of the world,

in accordance with natural right and the law of nations. That law

does not allow the dominion of the sea to any power, according to

Grotius, Heinsius, and others--contrary to the Mare clausum [i.e.,

"closed sea"], of the Englishman Selden, [142] who in regard to

the dispute of the year 1653 defended the [English] dominion of the

White Sea, and the right of forbidding this navigation to the Dutch;

but they maintained their freedom with powerful fleets, and with the

same arguments which justify the freedom which the Spaniards possess

for navigating by way of the Cape of Good Hope.

2. As the Dutch have always regarded these islands with suspicion,

fearing some injury to their own commerce, they likewise have striven

in every way to make amends for the damages which they fear. One of

these is the extension of our commerce, because it diminishes their

own; and, in order to hinder it, they have sometimes chosen to avail

themselves of article 5 in the treaty of Westphalia in 1648, and of

article 10 in that of Utrecht in 1714--in which is confirmed the said

article 5, wherein it is provided that "the Spaniards shall retain

their navigation to the Eastern Indias, in the same manner as they

enjoy it at present, without being authorized to extend it further; as

likewise the inhabitants of this Low Country [i.e., Netherlands] shall

abstain from frequenting the places which the Castilians possess in

the Eastern Indias." From these expressions, and from the demarcation

[made] by the supreme pontiff Alexander Sixth, the Dutch--who claim,

by right of conquest, to enjoy the privileges and prerogatives of

the Portuguese--try to argue that our ships have no right to navigate

by way of the Cape of Good Hope, nor along the regions of Asia--the

Coromandel Coast, Vengala, the Red Sea, etc.--intending that these

Philipinas Islands shall be the limits of our navigation to the west.

3-8. [In section 3, it is shown that the demarcation of Alexander VI

was made only to check possible disputes between the great Catholic

nations of Spain and Portugal, and its provisions referred only to

their discoveries of lands and isles, and not at all to the navigation

of the sea, which no power can claim, "since it is not fitted for other

dominion than that of God." Section 4 shows that the Portuguese and

Spaniards have frequented each other's ports, without any difficulties

arising between them over the navigation of those seas, which has not

been and could not be forbidden to the Spaniards; and that even if the

Portuguese had had any such exclusive right it could not pass over to

the Dutch when they conquered the former nation in India, especially

as privileges granted by the Holy See to its Catholic followers

could not be claimed by Protestants. In section 5 it is asserted that

the previously-cited article 5 of the treaty of Westphalia does not

forbid navigation past the Cape of Good Hope, but only the entrance

of Spaniards or Dutch into ports belonging to the other power; that

navigation on the high seas is, "by natural right, free to all the

world," and the object of the treaty was to protect both powers in

their respective possessions and commerce. As further proof of this,

Viana cites (in his section 6) the Hague treaty of 1650, and comments

on it in section 7. In the following section he shows how the Dutch

are claiming what was never granted by Alexander VI, who separated

only the conquests of Spain and Portugal, and not their navigations in

the high seas, a distinction which has been observed in the practice

of both countries, "who have freely navigated and traded through all

the seas of the East and the West." He claims that Japan and China

"are, without doubt, included in the demarcation of Castilla."]

9. Equally within the demarcation of España are included the kingdoms

of Siam, Camboja, Cochinchina, and, in the other direction, Borney, the

Molucas, and the other islands of the Malays--as was declared in the

year 1524, by the geographers appointed for this purpose by the crowns

of Castilla and Portugal, to whose decision the respective sovereigns

agreed. As for the prohibition of navigation, if the demarcation of

Alexander VI were to have been observed, it was clear that the Dutch

must admit the right of the Spaniards to prevent their navigation

through the seas of the kingdoms and provinces here enumerated, as also

through those of Japan and China, to which the Dutch ships go every

year; or else that they have not any right to forbid to the Spaniards

the navigation by way of the Cape of Good Hope. For by the admission of

those very Dutchmen, in a letter which the governor of Batavia wrote

to the governor here [at Manila], in regard to a balandra seized by

the Spaniards in the island of Mindanao (which belongs to the crown

of España, and is within the limits of the aforesaid demarcation),

they say that the Spaniards could not enjoy dominion over the rivers

and ports of Mindanao, and that only the authority of the petty king

there ought to be acknowledged; and they add that it is lawful for any

power to navigate there, and make observations on the situation of

those lands and towns, and to trade therein with the vassals of the

princes who possess them. This carries conviction [of the principle]

that as little ought the Spaniards to recognize in Eastern India any

other authority than that of the princes of the ports and towns where

their ships make port; and that it is lawful to navigate through those

seas, to reconnoiter those lands, and to trade with their vassals,

as has been done hitherto. For our ships have gone to their ports,

where they have been well received, as happened recently with the ship

named "Guadalupe," in the past year of 760; and those who have come

to this city, under various flags--Moro, Armenian, Malabar, Chinese,

Siamese, and others--have met the same friendly reception.

10-11. [Viana asserts that, although "long use and immemorial

possession may be a certain title to dominion over the sea," in such

instances as that of the Venetians over the Adriatic, and the Greeks

over the Ionian, this cannot be true of the claim made by the Dutch

(as having conquered the Portuguese settlements) to the dominion of

the great seas that lave India and Africa. These waters are too vast

to be possessed by any one power, and have always been freely used by

all nations. Moreover, the influence of Alexander VI and his successors

had always been in favor of the Catholic monarchs of Spain, and of the

preservation of the law of nations--"which presumption is taken for

granted whenever for just cause temporal dominions are changed by the

paramount power of the supreme pontiff." [143] He also cites Solorzano

to support his contention. The final section repeats the statement that

the Dutch cannot forbid the Spaniards to navigate through the seas

of India, and past the Cape of Good Hope; and adds, "Would to heaven

that we had the eyes to perceive the advantages of this navigation,

which are the following." Thus he prepares for chapter iii.]

Chapter Third: Of the advantages of the commerce carried on by way

of the Cape of Good Hope

1. The distance of these islands [from España] deprives our court often

of news; occasions delays in the correction of so many infractions

of law; retards all governmental measures; gives opportunity for the

commission of many iniquities; discourages those who are zealous for

the royal service; causes incredible expenses to the royal exchequer,

and to the inhabitants of these islands; and detains the citizens here,

as if in a place of banishment, [144] since they are not at liberty

to return to España, nor have they means to pay the expenses of the

long and grievous journey over land and sea, by way of Acapulco. All

this would be in great part remedied by carrying on navigation and

commerce by the Cape of Good Hope.

2. The clothing for the troops is brought from Mexico; it costs much,

and serves only to kill the soldiers. If it came directly from España,

it would be of better quality, cheaper, and more suitable for garments;

and our [Spanish] manufactures would have this market.

3. The wine for masses comes by way of Vera Cruz; it crosses the

entire kingdom of Mexico, and is shipped at Acapulco; and it arrives

here with so many leakages, damages, and costs for transportation

that it costs very dear--and sometimes it is mixed with water, to

replace what the muleteers drink on the route [across Mexico]. If it

came by way of the Cape, there would not be this uncertainty about

celebrating mass and the wine would cost much less.

4. The iron which has been purchased here from the Dutch, English, and

others at very high prices would cost much less if it came directly

from España, and foreigners would not carry away our silver. I say

the same of the lead, copper, gunpowder, balls, bombs, grenades, and

cannons, which have always been bought from foreigners, on account of

the negligence of the Spaniards--who, although they have [material for]

all the said [supplies] within the islands, go outside to find it,

for lack of application in working the mines.

5. The many thousands of pesos which the king has expended in the

transportation of missions by way of Nueva España, the detention

of the religious in the said kingdom in order to await the galleon

(for which delay the king pays), and the amount that is contributed

for clothing to the religious orders of St. Dominic and St. Francis,

would have been largely saved, and can be thus saved in the future,

if the said route be established. Among the ships of that navigation

will come to these islands many belonging to the commerce of Cadiz, and

on the other hand other ships will go to Cadiz from here, among which

there will be many who will undertake [to convey], some one article

and others another of the numberless commodities which can yield some

profit. With this trade it will be known what the Philipinas are;

our court will have more light [about them]; the infractions of law

and the iniquitous acts, of which it will have accurate information,

will be punished; and the measures of redress will not be delayed

for four or five years, as is now the usual case.

6-7. [Viana (in section 6) reminds the government of the great

advantage which the proposed route would give in sending news of an

outbreak of war with any power, enforcing this by the ignorance of the

Philippine colony, in the late war with England, of any hostilities

with that country, of which Manila learned by the coming of the

English squadron to attack that city. He urges (section 7) the lack of

available shipping along the South American coast, and "the incredible

amount of money which the equipment at Acapulco of the fragata 'Santa

Rosa' (which by accident arrived at the said port from Perù) cost; and

the injuries which would have followed to these islands if the divine

Providence had not made ready the said fragata for our succor. Thus

will be seen the advantage of the aforesaid navigation and commerce,

for, without its costing the king any money, he will have in Cadiz

vessels for carrying out the orders and despatching the succors and

provisions which his royal compassion shall regard as expedient."]

8. Conducting our commerce from these islands to España by way of the

Cape of Good Hope, the commerce of the foreigners must necessarily

be diminished, and they will not obtain so much silver from us. In

most years there come to the port of Canton, in the empire of China,

twenty-four, twenty-eight, or thirty ships--English, French, Dutch,

Swedish, and Danish; they carry our pesos fuertes (which is the

money most valued in China and throughout India), and some European

commodities, as fine woolen stuffs, and Brussels camlets [carros

de oro] (which the Chinese use for their outer garments [145] in

the winter-time), some pearls, and clocks, and much wine; cochineal

[grana] from our own America, and the opium of India, are also two

main lines of this commerce.

9. Such is the lading of the said ships, which return to Europa with

chà or tea, and with some porcelain, some articles of furniture in

lacquered or varnished wood, rosewood escritoires, and candlesticks

and other articles of white copper; [146] and, finally, they carry a

great amount of silk, both raw and in fabrics, which is their principal

lading. The raw silk is used for the European manufactures, and with

the fabrics they transact most of their trading. Each of the aforesaid

nations has its agent in Canton, who during the year disposes of such

goods as his ships could not sell; he furnishes to the Chinese the

designs [for fabrics] which are every year invented, and they weave the

stuffs of the same width as those of Europa. Afterward they sell these,

as coming from Francia, Inglaterra, and other European countries,

without any one being able to detect the fraud except those who have

been in these islands--where it is notorious to all that this is true;

and he who may doubt it will find this statement confirmed in the

"Universal Dictionary" of Sabary. [147] A large portion of the said

fabrics or stuffs come to Nueva España in our trading-fleets, and,

although they are of the same quality as those which the galleons carry

from here to Acapulco--with only the difference that the latter are

wider and somewhat more lustrous than the former--there is a very

great difference in the prices; for the mere name of "French" or

"English" confers value and estimation on the said fabrics throughout

the kingdom of Mexico, and the mere name of their being "Chinese"

renders those which go by way of Acapulco of little value.

10. This fraud only the traders of Manila thoroughly understand,

because they see it every year; the traders of Cadiz would be

equally aware of it if they carried on commerce in the empire of

China, as the foreigners do. They would also discover in the same

way numberless small wares of Canton make which are sold in España

as made in Londres and Paris, as is the case with the snuff-boxes

of all kinds, whether gold or silver, or of tortoise-shell or other

material; with lace-bobbins [palillos] of mother-of-pearl, ornamented

with gold, and those of finely lacquered or varnished work, painted;

and with various other curious articles of mother-of-pearl, ivory, etc.

11. All of these desirable articles, and many more, could be obtained

by our ships, if they came via the Cape of Good Hope to these islands,

which are on the route to Canton. At Cadiz they could take on cargoes

of woolen stuffs, which here are used for riding caps and coats,

[148] liveries, and in China for outer garments, as I have said;

Brussels camlets, which both here and in that country are greatly

used; wines (and thus the Swedes, who carry it from Cadiz to Canton,

and the Dutch and the English--all of whom carry away our money,

and make us pay sometimes a peso fuerte for a single bottle of red

wine, and for that of Xeres--would be deprived of this [source of]

profit); hats, which the foreigners sell to us at high prices;

silk hose and thread under-stockings; mirrors; crystal chandeliers;

branched candlesticks, and lanterns; vases, cups, and other kinds of

glassware; European paper; thread for sewing; britannia linens, fabrics

from Cambray, etc. (which are brought at much cost from Batavia);

silver and gold galloons and laces, which also the Dutch sell (and

would to Heaven that the great extravagance of Manila in this respect

might be prohibited!); and numerous other articles, which persons who

have a practical acquaintance with commerce can name better than I,

and which, if used, would be recognized as highly beneficial.

12. Of course the said lines are of recognized utility and large

profits, both for the Spaniards who may ship them by the said route

of the Cape, and for those who will buy the goods in these islands,

at more moderate prices. Above all, the profit would remain among

Spaniards; our Spanish manufactures would have this additional market;

we would succeed in stopping the foreigners from draining away all

our silver. For it is an intolerable grief to good Spaniards that,

when more than two hundred millions of pesos have come to these

islands since they were conquered, there are not now found in them

eight hundred thousand pesos in ready money. [This is] because our own

inactivity and lack of application causes us to buy from foreigners

the very articles with which these dominions abound, or which they

bring from our own España--as is the case with the iron, the copper,

the lead, the saltpetre; with the cinnamon, cloves, and pepper; with

the wines; with the woolen stuffs; with the mirrors; with the hats,

hose, galloons, and other articles, of which some are manufactured

in our España, and others are produced in these islands.

13. The Spanish ships which make their navigation by way of the Cape

could supply, as I have said, these islands with what they need, and

carry from them to Canton many excellent products which the foreign

ships cannot include in their cargoes. Such are birds'-nests, nacre

or mother-of-pearl, carey or black tortoise-shell, indigo and dyes

from Pampanga, balate, tapa, deer's sinews, hides, sybucao, ebony,

lumber, and other things, which have a great consumption in China;

on this account every year cargoes of these commodities are carried

thither by the champans which come here to trade, and by the barks

which depart from here for Emui and Macao. With these products,

and with the commodities from España, the said vessels would ship

at Canton the same goods that the foreigners are taking on; the

royal duties at Cadiz would be the same; our manufactures would be

greatly promoted; the profits would be as great [to the Spaniards]

as the losses to the said foreigners; the products of these islands

would be cultivated according to the market for them; and, finally,

in time many other advantages and benefits would be made evident.

14. The said ships returning from Canton by way of this city, in order

to pursue their voyage to Cadiz, could carry some products of the

islands--such as very fine petates or mats, hats of the same kind,

and cotton; tortoise-shell, palomaria; tamarinds, dragon's blood;

manungal, [149] and jars of the same wood, which is very medicinal;

various especial roots; gold; sibucao, which resembles brazil-wood, for

dyeing; pepper, which yields very abundantly wherever it is cultivated;

sugar, which does not cost here two cuartos a libra; dried candied

fruits; and, finally, they would have the benefit of the cinnamon,

with which our mountains abound from Samboanga to Caraga in the island

of Mindanao; it would be the most valuable line of commerce. These

mountains are in the same degree of north latitude as those of Ceylan,

where the Dutch obtain all the cinnamon; and it is judged, on account

of their location, that the quality of the cinnamon also is the very

same. For in Ceylan likewise cinnamon grows that is thick and gummy,

like that of Samboangan, and if the latter were cultivated like the

former, it would be equally good. [150] The cinnamon of Mindanao will

be as good as that of Ceylan if the king prohibits the latter in his

dominions, and facilitates the consumption of the former; and if the

Spaniards had begun to sell their cinnamon before the Dutch did so,

ours would now be of better quality than theirs.

15. As soon as I arrived in these islands and had made myself

somewhat acquainted with this subject, the inactivity and indolence

of our people caused me much sorrow; for although we possessed this

exceedingly rich treasure, there had been no one who devoted himself

to its development. This I explained, among other things, to his

Majesty in my report of June 5, 1760, showing what these islands

could produce, the valuable products with which they abound, and the

possibility of maintaining them without the situado which annually

comes from Mexico. In the following year came Don Nicolas Norton

Nicols, [151] who, it seems, proposed at the court the project for

[developing] the cinnamon, and brought a royal order from his Majesty

that he should be aided therein. I did so, with the utmost energy

and readiness, and this famous and skilful Englishman began to make

plantations in Caraga; people assure me that he would have carried

this work to completion if God had not taken away his life, through

the grief which he experienced at the attack on us by the English,

from whom he expected no favor. It was necessary that a foreigner

should accomplish what no Spaniard had done in some two hundred

years; [152] he died on account of our misfortunes, and now there

will be no one who will devote himself to the same enterprise; for

these citizens have no thought of any further occupation than their

everlasting laziness, nor have they the spirit to risk four reals,

or any zeal for the nation.

16. Even without its cultivation, there is a wide market for all the

cinnamon which comes from Samboangan. The greater part of it is used in

these islands, for chocolate, and brings a very good price; for ragouts

and for liquors, it is stronger than that of Ceylan; and it is being

shipped, as for several years past, to Nueva España. In Samboangan no

cinnamon is procured besides what the natives gather in order to better

their wretched condition, but this produces a sufficient quantity. This

is enough to prove that if the Spaniards would apply themselves to

the cultivation of the cinnamon of the said mountains; to making new

plantations, the bark of which, as being more delicate, would yield

better cinnamon than that of Ceylan; and to gather what Nature herself

produces, without any [human] labor: this commodity alone would be

capable of enriching the islands and the Spanish commerce, and of

annihilating that of the Dutch. The Dutch company supports existence,

notwithstanding its many losses and obligations, on the cinnamon and

[other] spices, fixing the prices of these at its pleasure, as being

masters of this commerce--which indemnifies them for their losses on

other things, and for the incredible costs of fortresses, troops,

and [commercial] establishments in the aforesaid island of Ceylan

(which would not be incurred in our cinnamon mountains).

17. The iron is another valuable product of these islands; there are

mountains of this metal, the ores of which yield seventy-five per cent,

only twenty-five per cent being lost in the fire. To judge from the

abundance of ores in the said mountains, iron to supply the world

can be obtained from them. Before the English came to attack us, the

working of these mines was vigorously pushed; it was in charge of Don

Juan Solano and Don Francisco Casañas. In less than eight months they

established furnaces, coalpits, barracks, forges, and other facilities,

and they mined a large quantity of iron; but everything was destroyed,

as a result of the loss of Manila, because some malevolent persons went

to plunder and destroy all the works. But it is absolutely certain that

all the iron can be obtained [here] which the islands need for nails,

plows, bolts, cannon-balls, bombs, grenades, cannons, and carajayes,

and for other uses, which amount to more than one hundred thousand

pesos every year, without the iron costing three pesos a pico. [It

is also certain] that if this money remains within the islands--an

amount of which hitherto the Dutch, English, and Chinese have drained

us--they will become rich, and diminish the commerce of the foreigners.

18. The commerce in the iron that is necessary for these islands will

alone produce, in fifteen or twenty years, more money than what they

now have; and if the Indians were compelled to clothe themselves with

the fabrics of the land, even with the little commerce that we have the

islands would abound with silver. The trade with Nueva España in iron

would be extremely advantageous to his Majesty; for the mines of Sonora

and other provinces further inland cannot be worked, on account of the

transportation from Mexico of the great amount of iron and quicksilver

that is necessary; and this, and the expenses which are added for the

conveyance of silver to Mexico, leave very little profit to the miners.

19. In carrying the iron from these islands and the quicksilver from

Peru to Acapulco or to La Navidad, these effects can be transported in

small vessels, and with little expense, to the coast of Guadalajara;

they will cost less than if purchased in Mexico; at least thirty or

forty pesos will be saved on the transportation of every arroba; and,

if on the return trip by the same route the silver is embarked for

Acapulco, there will be a great saving of freight in the transportation

of this metal.

20. Let a computation be made of the money which must have gone out

from the islands since their conquest, in order to purchase the very

products in which they abound, and the amount will be incalculable for

the items of cinnamon, iron, saltpetre, and other products. Let also

computation be made of what the outlays must have been for purchasing

wines, mirrors, and the other things which, as I have stated above,

could be brought directly from España; and it will be seen that by

our own fault we have enriched our enemies, and that we could have

annihilated their commerce and increased our own with only the sources

of gain which are pointed out in the present exposition. Then let us,

even though it be late, have the discernment to avert our total ruin,

by striving, with glorious emulation, to secure the greatest prosperity

for the Spanish nation.

Chapter Fourth: Of the necessity for forming a company in these islands

1. By a royal decree dated at Sevilla on March 23, 1733 (in which the

project was carried out which was approved by his Majesty on April 26,

1732), there was established by our lord Don Phelipe Fifth, of undying

memory, a company with the name of "Royal Company of Philipinas,"

[153] under fifty-eight articles and stipulations. These were full

of the most unusual privileges and liberties that can be granted,

and were even more advantageous to the Spaniards than those which

Louis Fourteenth granted to the French for their Oriental Company;

but I do not know exactly for what reason--some attribute it to

the loss of Torres's trading-fleet--the paternal affection did not

prove effectual with which our beloved king and sovereign took an

interest in making the Spanish monarchy prosperous by the extension

and promotion of commerce (the only means for securing wealth),

imitating the examples of almost all the nations of Europa, who, in

order to become rich, have established their companies in the Orient.

2-12. [In these sections Viana expands this last statement, enumerating

the nations who have enriched themselves by the Oriental trade,

and the companies formed in each for this purpose. First were the

Genovese and Venetians, who traded with India by way of the Red Sea;

they were afterward driven out of this trade by the Portuguese, in

consequence of the discovery by the latter of the route via Cape of

Good Hope. (Section 3.) "Portuguese trading-fleets of thirty ships

came to the commerce of India every year, and for Brasil alone sailed

fifteen to twenty ships laden with merchandise from India--besides

others which carried on trade in China, Japon, Persia, Arabía,

Mosambique, Melinda, Sofala, and other regions. But now that commerce

is so reduced that only one or, at most, two ships sail from Lisboa

yearly, which would not be the case if they had established a company

with adequate capital, which is the only way of making commerce

lasting." The Dutch at first bought spices from the Portuguese,

and then resold them at a huge profit to the other European nations;

but Phelipe II prohibited the spice trade to Portugal, and the Dutch

therefore formed a company to operate in the Orient, and trade directly

with its peoples. As finally constituted in 1602, this company had

(section 6) a capital of 6,600,000 florins ("according to Savary"); and

"in less than four years the members received the principal of their

shares with the great profits which they obtained." At the time of

Viana's writing, the Dutch company were maintaining "twelve thousand

men, regular troops, in their twenty-five fortresses in India, and

were able to equip 30,000 militia in their colonies, especially that

of Batavia" (Savary). Viana cites another authority, Samuel Ricard,

who places this militia force at 100,000, and states that the company

employed in the Eastern trade more than 160 ships, each carrying thirty

to sixty cannon, besides forty ships of the line (which number was

increased in time of war). This enterprise ruined the commerce of the

Portuguese (who had been the first to open the sea-route to India);

"from that time until now it has steadily diminished, and is the

poorest in all India; this has been the result of their not having

formed a company with capital, and with respectable forces to oppose

the conquests which the Dutch made. For they had a better opportunity

than the latter, and it would have cost them less to maintain a

flourishing commerce, as was that which they already possessed,

than it cost the Dutch to establish a new commerce by dint of money,

conquests, fortifications, and enormous expenses." The English company

(section 8) sent out its first fleet (of four ships) in the year 1600;

its capital was 369,891 pounds sterling. After various fluctuations of

fortune, it was reëstablished in 1698, and attained great prosperity,

so that its capital had increased to 1,703,422 pounds. In Viana's time,

"the ships from Madrast for London (more than fifty in number) carry

annual cargoes of five to six million pounds, according to the estimate

of Sabary; and, taking into consideration the increase which this

commerce has had since he published his famous work, the 'Universal

Dictionary,' it must by this time be worth some ten millions. This

does not include the operations of the private English traders who

traffic among the colonies of India; this may be inferred from the

duties which they pay in Madrast, which, at the rate of five per cent,

produce for the company 80,000 pagodas. This sum amounts to 120,000

or 130,000 pesos, estimating the pagoda at twelve and sometimes

thirteen silver reals." The English company were maintaining in

constant operation 150 ships and fragatas, and more than fifty smaller

vessels, employed in their commerce between India and London alone; to

the great expenses of this navy must be added those of the company's

forts and garrisons in India, which indicate how enormous were their

profits. An Englishman told Viana that the king of England was owing to

the company more than 36,000,000 pesos, the amount of loans which they

had made to the crown in various emergencies. The Oriental commerce

of the Dutch was further encroached upon (section 11) by the trading

companies formed later in France, Sweden, and Denmark, and proposed in

Prussia; [154] these were protected and fostered by their respective

governments. The commerce of the Dutch "would have been ruined if it

were not for their being exclusive owners of the spice trade--of which

only the Spaniards are able to deprive them, since we have in these

islands cinnamon, pepper, cloves, and nutmeg." As all those nations

maintained forts, garrisons, and war-ships, the necessity of opposing

these armaments with like forces has imposed on the Dutch enormous

additional expenses. Viana says (section 12): "I know not what reason

there can be why that which is so beneficial to all the powers should

not, with even greater cause, be an advantage to España, which holds

her conquests in peaceable possession, and has valuable products

in her dominions; moreover, she has forts and ports which at little

cost can be rendered impregnable, and better opportunities than any

other nation for a very flourishing commerce. Yet she labors only to

enrich her enemies, abandoning to them the commerce which our people

are unwilling to carry on, and surrendering to them our treasures

and wealth, in exchange for the greater part of the commodities and

products which our own lands produce."]

13. If the Spaniards would form a company in the islands, similar

to the foreign companies, and according to the pious anxiety with

which the magnanimous heart of our beloved king and sovereign Don

Phelipe Fifth, of undying memory, was concerned in this matter,

all the nations who trade in India would have the same experience as

the Portuguese and Dutch. Our commerce would annihilate or [at least]

diminish that of all the India companies, who cannot find a market for

their goods if they do not trade these in our dominions--and this they

could not do if the Spanish company had large capital, and ships for

navigation and trade in España and the Americas. If we could fortify

the towns and garrison them, as has already been explained, the other

nations would find themselves under the necessity of spending much

more than they now do, in order to defend themselves against our

power, if war should break out. This increase of expenses on the

one hand, and diminution of their commerce on the other, are two

excellent principles, which promise many advantages to the Spanish

company--which, as it is not, like the others, compelled to incur

these expenses, will be able to sell its commodities at lower prices,

and the gains will be more certain.

14. In order to facilitate the establishment of this most beneficial

company, the royal protection of our sovereign is absolutely necessary,

and with it must be banished the contemptuous notion that the Spaniards

form of the commercial career; for that notion usually leads them to

keep their chests full of silver, for which they sell the products

of their family estates. As a rule, the Spaniards spend with great

economy what is necessary for their maintenance, especially those

in the little hamlets throughout the kingdom; and, as they enjoy

no commerce, they deprive themselves of the benefits arising from

commercial activities, with detriment to their families and to the

public welfare. On the other hand, they imagine that there is too

great a risk in the remittance of their silver by sea, because they

are so little (or not at all) acquainted with nautical science and

mercantile affairs; and, as timidity prevails in their minds over

ambition, they consider themselves fortunate to keep their riches

under their own eyes, without thinking of investing them. But they

would take hazards on their money, if they were touched by that eager

desire for gain which is inseparable from all commerce, and which is

stimulated by the lure of profits.

15. There are, of course, many persons whose ability enables them

to understand thoroughly the benefits of commerce; but they live

remote from the marine ports, they have not trustworthy acquaintances

to whom they can confide the management of their capital, and they

sorrowfully deprive themselves of the benefits which they would derive

from its employment, the result of which is that they lead idle lives,

or sometimes yield to an extravagance which is excessive and impairs

their fortunes. Even more melancholy than all that I have related

is the sight of the Spanish nobility, without any occupation, and,

as a rule, reared in extreme ignorance and idleness. This is the

source of many excesses, the beginning of ruin to the most robust

constitutions, a hindrance to the generation of children, and a

cause of the lessening of population which is continually growing

more worthy of consideration.

16. Let there be formed, then, an Oriental company, and let the nobles

of the kingdom contribute its funds; the profits [on these] will

awaken in them a liking for commerce, and they will become acquainted

with this most useful branch of knowledge. They will maintain their

[business] relations, they will have some occupation, and will not

use up their fortunes with vicious habits; their children will be

brought up with a liking for commerce, and the fathers will have the

satisfaction of employing some of their sons in appointments under

the same company. This is the most certain means for securing the

happiness of families and the prosperity of the entire monarchy; for,

if commerce and the naval service (which follows the other closely)

are promoted, there will be no vagabonds or idlers. Rather, idleness

will come to an end, and with it many vices, on account of the enormous

number of men whom a company with large capital needs to employ by land

and sea--not only for its business positions, but for manufactures and

navigation, in which persons from all spheres of life find an opening.

17. What a number of people must be employed by the English and Dutch

companies in the more than one hundred and fifty ships which each

company maintains for its commerce, and in the various colonies in

which they have established that commerce! And what advantages result

to these two powers from keeping so many people busy, maintaining

them at the company's expense, and freeing them from the idleness

in which they would [otherwise] live! If those countries had not so

great a commerce, vagabonds and idlers would abound in them; but this

class of people is not seen there. On the contrary, there is great

application to all the arts and sciences; for all have employment,

and all are useful--some in manufactures, others in the military or

the naval service, and others in commerce, etc.

18. The attainment of these fortunate advantages depends on whether

our beloved king and sovereign will assure to his vassals all his royal

protection for the promotion of the said company, following the example

of his glorious father, Don Phelipe Fifth, ever to be remembered; for

the money of the royal treasury is the main foundation for this great

and most useful enterprise. For it cannot be doubted that, animated

by the same spirit, there will be many contributors to the capital of

the said company--all the nobility of España, from the highest rank

down; the guilds of Madrid, which now form a body of considerable

importance; all the merchants of España, the two Americas, and these

islands; some foreigners; and many religious communities, who have set

aside the proceeds of their funds for pious contributions--convinced

of the benefits of this commerce, and of the prosperity which will

ensue to the Spanish nation; and regarding it as certain that (as

will be mentioned hereafter) our Spanish merchants, if assured of

their gains by way of these seas, and the method of supplying the

Americas, in great part, with the materials for clothing which they

need, without the burden of the royal imposts, will not long for the

illegal purchase of foreign commodities.

19. There are also other advantages, worthy of being known, which

render the above-mentioned project more feasible. One of these is

the abundance of timber for the construction of ships; at least

ten ships can be built every year in these islands; and, by taking

care of their many forests, even if a hundred ships were built now

there would be enough timber left to construct every year the ten

that I have mentioned. The Viscount del Puerto greatly praises (in

book 9, chapter 10, article 2 of his Reflecciones militares [155])

the project of a friend of his (whose name he conceals) for forming

a company in these islands; and among the products which it yields he

mentions the timber called tiga (it is not known here by this name),

extolling its strength, and setting forth the advantages of carrying

this wood to España as ballast for the ships.

20. This wood (of which, according to the said author, the strong

ships of Philipinas are built) is in my opinion the teca [i.e., teak],

which comes from the Coast; or that which is known here (and I am

inclined to think that this is meant) by the name of molave. This

abounds in all the islands, and is so compact that it petrifies in

the water, which I myself have seen; of it are made the ribs of

the ship's frame, the knees, and all the principal timbers that

strengthen the ship. The keels are made of another wood, equally

strong, which is called guijo; it never rots in the water, nor does

the boring worm, which is bred on the ships in the port of Cavite,

penetrate it. There are other woods as useful as the guijo, and among

them is the dongon, which is better. As a rule, the lower masts are

made from the mangachapui, which is another timber of especial value;

for, although it is somewhat heavy, it never splinters, and is very

elastic. The yards and topmasts are of palo maria; and for whatever

is made of boards the lavan, the banaba, and the tangili [156] are

also used, from which kinds of wood very long and broad planks are

obtained. There are pines here, and various other kinds of trees,

which can be put to the same use; and plantations could be made of

the teca tree (the wood of which lasts more than a hundred years in

the water), for there is more than enough land for this purpose in

the vicinity of Manila and Cavite. Likewise, sawmills could be built,

in order to save the expense of [hiring] sawyers; also dry-docks,

for careening the ships and preserving them under cover.

21. In Ilocos are manufactured the blankets which serve as sails

for our ships; and canvas can be made (as it has been) of excellent

quality and in enormous quantities, for there is no end to the cotton

which is and can be gathered, with the greatest facility, and of

the finest quality. Moreover, on the many tracts of land which the

sloth of the Indians leaves untilled hemp could be cultivated--which,

even if it should not yield well on the lands of one province, would

without doubt succeed on those of another; for there is nothing among

all the products of the earth which is not afforded by these islands,

by searching for the climate--whether hot, cool, or temperate--which

is suited to the needs of the crop. Flax would be produced with the

same ease as hemp, without any other cultivation than that which rice

receives on irrigated soil [en tubigan]; and the seed of both these

plants has been sown, and is yielding very well, in the province

of Cagayan.

22. There is much pitch, and cordage is so abundant that it can be

supplied to all the ships of España, with what is made here; and, in

order that it may be evident whether it is suited for this purpose,

I will explain in detail how on this may depend the question of saving

the expense of purchasing cordage in foreign kingdoms, by availing

ourselves of that produced in our own dominions. [The fiber used for]

cordage is both white and black; the former is known by the name

of abaca, which is obtained from the bark of a tree resembling the

plantain, the trunk of which is heckled like [the stems of] hemp. The

fiber is very harsh; tar scorches it, and for this reason no tar

is used in these ships; it is stronger than hemp, as experience

has shown. It is usually of service no longer than for one voyage;

the threads shrink much, and on this account all the cordage here

is heavier than that of Europa. On twisting it, it is apt to break,

and in order to avoid this it is cured by placing it for some time in

salt water, and drying it in the sunshine, then storing it until it is

needed; for if this precaution be not taken, and it becomes spattered

or moistened with fresh water, it will soon become rotten. With

some additional expense the cordage could be made finer and smaller,

without changing its quality; it would then be more easily handled,

and the manoeuvers of the ships would be more expeditious.

23. The [fiber for] black cordage (known as cabo negro) [157] is

obtained from a plant which they call gamù, very similar to the coco,

and it is a veil which covers the entire tree, from the top down;

it grows out between each pair of leaves [entre òja y òja] of the

gamù, like long hair, or tufts of hair. It is exceedingly harsh,

and for this reason it is used only for cables, of all sizes, and to

some extent for tackle and rigging; and there is nothing with which

to compare its strength. It lasts many years, but it is necessary

to keep it either under water, or uncovered, where the dew and the

rains bathe it; and in dry weather water is thrown over it, either

salt or fresh, for its better preservation; for if it stands in the

sun and wind, without these precautions, the threads break, and it

loses its extraordinary strength. It is also preserved by keeping

it in a shady place, where the wind strikes it but little. These two

kinds of cordage are exceedingly abundant in these islands.

24. There is another sort of cordage, [made] from the husks of the

coco, which is superior to the other two; for with the said fiber

the ships can be calked, and [even] after many years the bonote

(thus they call it) comes out as fresh, strong, and sound as on the

day when it was thrust between the planks. Of this species also there

is a great abundance.

25. The anchors can be cast here, by putting into operation the iron

mines of which mention has been made; and I can say the same of the

cannons, the balls, the grape-shot, the bombs, and the grenades. For, I

repeat, there is iron in these islands for supplying all the world, and

there are men enough to mine and manufacture it, if there be brought

from España some skilled directors (who are not found here). If it be

desired to work the copper, there are mines of this also, although I

cannot speak with the same certainty of these as of the iron mines; for

I have not come across any records to show whether the said metal has

been worked at any time, and what the product was. The same thing is

true in regard to the lead mines, but I have seen ores from Paracale,

which were smelted at Bacolor, by order of Don Simon de Anda; and I

do not doubt that, if we had skilled master-workmen in this and other

industries, many useful discoveries would be made through the agency

of the aforesaid company, whose funds would allow the expenses that

a private person is unable to incur.

26. To this concourse of advantages ought to be added the most

important one that our Indians are exceedingly ingenious in

the construction of ships. They do not understand arithmetic, or

proportions and measures, or the computation of the weights of the

various parts, or anything which requires knowledge; but if they have

masters who will furnish to them models of the works, they imitate

everything with the greatest accuracy, for they have exceedingly

keen eyesight, and indescribable facility in making whatever they

see. For this reason we have here excellent carpenters, calkers,

and the other artisans necessary for the construction of ships,

and in whatever number may be desired.

27. There is not an Indian in these islands who has not a remarkable

inclination for the sea; nor is there at present in all the world a

people more agile in manoeuvers on shipboard, or who learn so quickly

nautical terms and whatever a good mariner ought to know. Their

disposition is most humble in the presence of a Spaniard, and they

show him great respect; but they can teach many of the Spanish

mariners who sail in these seas. In the ships of España there are

sure to be some Indians from these islands, and investigation can be

made to ascertain what they are. The little that I understand about

them makes me think that these are a people most suited for the sea;

and that, if the ships are manned with crews one-third Spaniards and

the other two-thirds Indians, the best mariners of these islands can

be obtained, and many of them be employed in our warships. There is

hardly an Indian who has sailed the seas who does not understand the

mariner's compass, and therefore on this [Acapulco] trade-route there

are some very skilful and dexterous helmsmen. Their disposition is

cowardly, but, when placed on a ship, from which they cannot escape,

they fight with spirit and courage.

28. Let it be considered, then, whether these circumstances are

worthy of regard, and highly advantageous for the company of which I

am speaking--which likewise can save much money in the difference of

wages; and any one will reason that not one of the foreign companies

has had the opportunities which these islands possess for the

establishment of a company, since all these things which are easy

and of little expense for the Spaniards were almost insuperable

difficulties for the Dutch, the English, and the French--who

succeeded in overcoming them by dint of silver, of conquests, and of

fortifications; and by bringing from Europa supplies which we do not

have to bring, because they abound in these islands.

29. In order not to be prolix in relating other advantages which the

companies in general possess, as compared with the commerce of private

persons, I refer to those which are set forth by the distinguished

Don Miguel Zavala (in his celebrated memorial [158] to Phelipe V of

blessed memory), whose authority alone would be sufficient in order

that no means should be neglected for establishing the aforesaid

company in these islands; and I pass to other advantages which the

said author explains. But first I will point out what relates to the

fortunes in the Indias, which do not pass to the grandsons; this is

accounted for by the vicious way in which the creoles, as a rule,

are reared--the indolence and vices in which they are brought up,

and the luxury and prodigality to which they are accustomed from

childhood. If these fortunes, or the greater part of them, were

[invested] in the company, they would not be so easily wasted; and,

even if the sons should save nothing from the profits, they would

keep the principal which their fathers might bequeath to them in the

aforesaid company. Or, in case there were some persons so reckless

as to sell their shares, others would buy these, and the commerce

and its gains would always remain for the benefit of the Spaniards.

30. With the funds of a company, enterprises could be undertaken that

would be both extensive and easy. The province of Pampanga alone is

capable of producing more sugar than can be consumed in China (to which

the Sangleys carry it when it is cheap), in the coasts of Coromandel,

Malabar, and Vengala (where it is scarce, and is sold at a high price),

and in all the ports of India; having a market, all that is required

of this product will be supplied in abundance, especially if the said

company encourages the Indians to cultivate their lands. It would be

the same with the dyes; and with deer's hides, sinews, and tapa (or

dried meat) which all come from the same province, and are sold to the

Chinese who come here to trade. By establishing a mart in the capital

[of Pampanga], on the company's account, it will gather in all the

said products, in exchange for cloth, especially if credit be given

to some persons until the time of the harvest; and the gains will be

enormous, since profits will be made on the sale of the cloth, on the

purchase of the products, and on the export of these to other colonies.

31. The same method ought to be observed in the other provinces

for promoting the cultivation of the lands and the abundance of so

highly valuable products as they yield; by this means there would

be obtained in Pangasinan all the gold which the infidels bring

down from the mountains there, which exceeds three hundred thousand

pesos each year, and with that which is brought from other provinces

reaches five hundred thousand pesos. This commodity is very useful

in all the commerce of India, and can also be carried to Europa, as

is done by the English and Dutch, to whom regularly comes the gold

from Philipinas; its current price is at the rate of sixteen pesos

for the tae of 22-carat metal (each tae has the weight of ten reals),

and in this ratio is purchased that of 21, 20, 19, and 18 carats.

32. In the provinces of Ilocos and Cagayan there might be excellent

factories, to work up the great amount of fine cotton which they

produce; and, by bringing skilled workmen from the Coast, the figured

cottons which are brought thence could be made [here]. In all the

Visayan Islands, in the province of Camarines, and in that of Albay,

are made the choicest and finest webs, which they call nipis; and

others, of commoner quality, which they call guinaras, and use for

shirts. In Cagayan and Ilocos are woven very fine handkerchiefs,

towels, coverlets, table-linen (which is of as good quality as that

made in Flandes), terlingas, etc.; and if only these provinces are

stimulated, and factories established with good master-workmen,

the company can easily manufacture at least all the cloth which the

Indians consume. As these number a million of souls, if we allow to

each one an average consumption of no more than one peso, this would

amount to a million of pesos; and the greater part of this amount,

which now the Chinese, the Dutch, and the English carry away, would

remain in the islands, and would increase the profits of the Spaniards

and the losses of the said foreigners.

33. The cacao is very abundant and cheap, and if it could find a market

in other colonies and kingdoms the crop of it would be still greater,

because the Indians would devote themselves to its cultivation. [159]

Entire groves of the coffee-tree could be planted, since it yields

fruit everywhere; it is milder than that of Mage [i.e., Mocha?] and

its fruit is gathered in the year when it is [first] planted, on

account of the richness of the soil. Rice and wheat, if the natives

applied themselves [to cultivating these], as they would do if they

had a market for them, would be sold at good prices throughout China

(where these grains are scarce), in Cochinchina, in Siam, in Camboja,

in Pegu, and sometimes in the Malabar and Coromandel coasts. Wax--of

which these mountains are full, and which is sold by the infidel

Indians who inhabit them--has a great consumption here, and much of it

is shipped to Nueva España; and if it were bartered for cloth, as was

said above, it could be procured in greater quantity. Tobacco, oil,

and sulphur are very abundant. Horses are valued in the said coasts,

and, although there are many of them in these islands, there would be

more if the ranchmen had a better sale for them; for at times they

are accustomed to kill the horses, in order to dry their flesh and

sell it. Carabaos and deer, whose flesh is likewise dried, yield some

pesos. In fine, the following are recognized articles of merchandise

in different places in China, Cochinchina, Camboja, and Siam: sugar,

rice, cotton; indigo, dyes, sibucao (a sort of Brasil-wood), deer's

sinews, pepper, black tortoise-shell (called carey), nacre shells (or

mother-of-pearl), [160] birds'-nests, ebony; tapa (or dried meat),

balate and camaron (both which are shellfish), and bonga; cables

of cabo negro--all of which commodities these islands produce. [To

these must be added] cochineal from Nueva España, fine cloths and

camlets from España; lead (which also is produced by these islands,

although it is not mined), and other articles, as stated above,

of which better information will be given by practical merchants.

34. For Vengala, the Coromandel and Malabar coasts, Persia, Zurrate,

and other parts of India, are found useful indigo, sugar, sibucao,

sulphur, siguey, birds'-nests, cotton, rice, gold, and horses;

and, in one word, all that has been said in the preceding chapter

(speaking of the private commerce which could be carried on via the

Cape of Good Hope) ought to be understood, with greater reason,

of the commerce which can be carried on by the company of which

this chapter treats. For this reason I omit what I said there of the

cinnamon and other products which the company could develop, with its

funds and systematic arrangements, better than an individual could;

for the latter may die, and the former continues perpetually to carry

on the enterprises of manufactures, mining operations, the cultivation

and promotion of crops, and the exportation of all these to foreign

kingdoms and colonies. For all will be successful in these islands with

the Indians, who, if well paid, will do what they are ordered to. [161]

35. I have already mentioned the indescribable readiness with which

our Indians learn perfectly whatever they see, even without the

necessity of a master to instruct them. There are some who write well,

without knowing how to read, as they have had no teacher; for by their

natural inclination they devote themselves to imitation of the letters,

and easily succeed in doing so, without being able to read what they

write. This is one proof of their readiness, above mentioned, but they

have still more of it in embroidery. It is a marvelous thing to see,

that there is hardly an Indian who cannot embroider, and that they

learn this art without any teacher save their own attention and their

extraordinary patience. The hands of the Indian women are the most

delicate, for every kind of sewing and needlework; and the company,

by availing itself of this skill of our Indian men and women, could

employ an innumerable number of people in embroidery, needlework,

and the making of hose--they make them of fine quality, in Zebu of

cotton, and in La Laguna of silk--and obtain much profit through

these industries, in finding a market for them.

The Philippine Islands, 1493-1898: Volume 48, 1751-1765 Explorations by early navigators, descriptions of the islands and their peoples, their history and records of the Catholic missions, as related in contemporaneous books and manuscripts, showing the political, economic, commercial and religious conditions of those islands from their earliest relations with European nations to the close of the nineteenth century · 第 12 / 14 章

15. Such is the example that we set to the Indians, and they imitate