Don Francisco Joseph de Obando, a native of Caceres in Extramadura,
went with a squadron to the Southern Sea, and was in Lima at
the time when that great earthquake occurred in which Callao was
submerged. [80] There the favor of the king was extended to him, in
appointing him governor of Manila; he went to Mexico, and in that
kingdom married Doña Barbara Ribadeneyra; and, accompanied by his
wife, he embarked for Philipinas to render service in the government,
of which he took possession in July, 1750. As soon as he arrived,
the archbishop presented to him the royal decree in which his Majesty
charged him with the expulsion of the Sangleys. The governor held a
council for the discussion of this subject, and in it was stirred up
a controversy over a seat, which frustrated the excellent intention
of his Majesty to expel the Chinese, who are so injurious to these
his dominions. The archbishop attempted to seat himself on a chair at
the left of the governor, at the head of the table [en la testera];
the latter would not allow this, nor that the guards should form in
ranks when the archbishop entered the palace or passed through the
gates of the city; and these points of etiquette were sufficient
to prevent the execution of the order to expel the Sangleys from
Philipinas. Information of this controversy was sent to the court,
and on both points came decisions in favor of the archbishop. The royal
Audiencia had a dispute with the governor on another point, because he
had by his own authority appointed Don Domingo Nebra temporary warden
of Cavite, when he should have conferred this post after consulting
the royal Audiencia, as his Majesty had commanded. The governor did
not gainsay this royal order, but he said that there was no person
competent for the building of the vessels which it was necessary to
construct for the commerce of Acapulco and the defense of the islands
against the Moros, except Nebra; that the latter was seventy years
old, and could not be compelled to take charge of the construction
of boats unless he wished; and that in no case would he accept the
post under consultation of the royal Audiencia, because in that case
he would be subject to residencia. The governor concluded that, in
an extraordinary case like this, he ought not to adhere to the usual
rules, but decide what was most expedient for the royal service. [81]
The royal Audiencia made their remonstrances and protests, but, seeing
that the governor was the stronger, they yielded, and appealed to
his Majesty. In spite of the knowledge which the governor so highly
extolled in Nebra, the fragata "Pilar," which he careened and which
was despatched to Acapulco, perished at sea, without any news about
her having come here.
Another and very noisy controversy occurred in Manila about this
time. A lady who had made profession in the beaterio of Santa
Cathalina, where she was called Mother Cecilia, became enamored of Don
Francisco Figueroa; [82] and presented herself before [the ordinary,
during] the vacant see (Señor Arrechedera being then the governor),
alleging that her profession was null. The provisor, who did not desire
controversies with the Dominican fathers (to which order the governor
belonged), pacified her, [arguing] that she should be silent for the
time, and wait for a better opportunity to press her claim. As soon
as Señor Obando arrived, seeing that the difficulties had ceased which
until then had made her keep silent, she presented herself before the
archbishop, asking, as she had done before with the provisor, that
he would annul her profession. His illustrious Lordship commanded
that the beata should be placed [for the time] in Santa Potenciana,
but this was vigorously opposed by the Dominican fathers. They had
recourse to the superior government, but, not finding support in that
tribunal, they gave way and surrendered the lady to the provisor,
to whom was entrusted this sequestration. The lawsuit followed, and
the archbishop decided that, in view of the fact that his Majesty
had forbidden that the beaterio of Santa Cathalina should be erected
into a convent, Mother Cecilia, who had made profession in it, could
not be truly a religious, and therefore her profession was null. [83]
The Dominican fathers lodged an appeal before the [papal] delegate,
who was the bishop of Zebú; [84] and the appeal was admitted to allow
another trial in the former court, but not to suspend its decrees [en
lo devolutivo, y no en lo suspensivo]. In order to follow up their
appeal with vigor they sent a religious who might carry on active
judicial proceedings against the beata, because they thought that to do
otherwise was a disgrace to the beaterio; but that bishop declined to
hear so vexatious a lawsuit, under pretext of his poor health. There
was no other bishop in Philipinas to whom they could have recourse,
for which reason they carried the suit to the archbishop of Mexico;
and he summoned Mother Cecilia before his tribunal, demanding that
she be sent to Mexico in order that he might hear and decide the case
there. As the appeal had not been admitted for the suspension [of the
first sentence], the beata contracted matrimony, and with her husband
embarked for Mexico, where the marriage was considered valid and her
profession as null. [85] The documents in the case [el espediente]
having been carried to the Council of Indias, orders were given that
the beaterio of Santa Cathalina should be extinguished with the death
of the beatas who [then] were its inmates--which has not been done,
because the Dominican fathers have obtained the revocation of this
order. [86]
The governor, being informed of the ravages which the Moros were
committing in the provinces of Bisayas, determined to attack them
with a powerful squadron, which could at the same time reëstablish
Don Fernando Alimudin (whom, now become a Christian, Señor Obando had
found in Manila) on the throne of Joló, of which he had unjustly been
despoiled. There was a diversity of opinions on this latter point,
because many persons believed that no confidence could be placed in
his fidelity, and suspected that on the first occasion that might
arise he would practice some treachery, as his fathers had done. But
the decision was made in favor of the exiled king, and he was carried
to Joló in the almiranta of the armada, which sailed from Cavite
under command of the master-of-camp of the royal regiment, who bore
commissions for both these offices. The armada reached Zamboanga, but
the almiranta did not make its appearance; and, in order not to lose
the monsoon, and not to give the Moros time to fortify themselves,
the fleet, without waiting for the almiranta, sailed from that port
on June 13, 1751, and on the twenty-sixth anchored in the cove of
Joló, at a mile distant from the forts of the enemy. They began to
fire the cannons at these, and those who were in command were so
intimidated that they began negotiations for peace; and they signed a
letter in which they bound themselves to obey their king and receive
him as faithful vassals, and to surrender to the Spaniards all the
captive Christians who might be in the island. With this compact the
master-of-camp returned, much elated, to Zamboanga in nine days;
and carried with him two champans of Chinese [87] whom he found
trading there, seizing them under the pretext that they had sold a
cannon to our enemies the Joloans, with whom treaties of peace had
just been made.
The almiranta had been delayed because it had met some damage, and
had remained at Calapan repairing its rudder, for which reason it did
not arrive at Zamboanga until July 25; but the king of Joló, impatient
at waiting so long, had embarked with two caracoas and arrived there
twelve days before. In spite of his activity, the governor of Zamboanga
was very doubtful of his fidelity; and, having found two letters which
Alimudin wrote to the king of Mindanao--one in the vulgar tongue,
[written] by order of the governor of Manila, and the other in the
Arabic language, which he had learned in Batavia, where he had spent
some time--the commandant became curious to know what he was saying in
this language, [now] obsolete in our islands. He sought for someone
to translate the letter, and found that Alimudin said that what he
wrote in the other was in obedience to the governor of Manila and to
his commands; and he could not avoid obeying him, or excuse himself,
because he was in a foreign dominion. To this suspicion was added the
fact that a brother of his named Asin, and the chiefs of Joló who had
made the compact with the master-of-camp to receive their king and
surrender the captive Christians, came to Zamboanga to visit him;
and they not only brought no captive, but it was said that, under
pretext of this visit, they were bringing in arms, in order to gain
possession of the fort. The governor, influenced by these reports,
arrested the sultan with all his following, [88] and searched the
house in which they lived, but he found only a few arms, which gave
no indication of an uprising; but other faults were discovered,
which gave plausible ground for their arrest. Various despatches and
presents which he had sent to the Moros were considered as suspicious;
and the commander and two passengers of the almiranta declared that
he was on very bad terms with the people in Manila, from whom he
had received many kindnesses, to whom on all occasions he showed
himself ungrateful; that he said the new governor had kept him like
a prisoner; that he gave no sign of being a Christian, since he went
every night to sleep with his concubines, did not hear mass, and had
taken away the crosses from the rosaries belonging to the people of
his household; and, finally, that he had apostatized from the faith
by offering a Mahometan sacrifice at Calapan, where he killed a goat,
divided it into twelve parts, with many superstitious ceremonies,
and gave them to his followers to eat, in order to celebrate Easter.
The governor of Zamboanga made report to Manila regarding these
charges and his arrest of the sultan and his household; and answer
was made to him that he should send Alimudin and all his people to
Manila as prisoners, and that war should be declared on the Joloans
[89]--giving authority to every one who wished to equip his vessel
as a privateer, and allowing him to keep for himself whatever he
should seize as plunder; and any persons who should thus be seized
should remain captives, [90] since the Moros of Joló had been declared
not only enemies to the Spaniards, but pirates, who ought to suffer
captivity, just as they imposed this lot on the Christians whom they
seized. The extermination of the Moros was undertaken with so much
ardor that pardon [indulto] for their crimes was granted to those who
should present themselves to serve against the enemy. The armada which
the master-of-camp had at Zamboanga was reënforced, [91] and a second
expedition was made to Joló, more unfortunate than the first--for the
Spaniards attempted to land in that island, and the Moros received them
with such valor that they compelled our people to retreat, with heavy
loss and great disgrace to the Spanish arms, to the fort of Zamboanga.
The haughty Bantilan, who ruled the kingdom of Joló in the absence of
his brother, undertook to induce, by the victory which he had gained
over the Spaniards, the men of Mindanao to break the peace which
they were observing with us, and to harry us as much as they could;
and he urged all the pirates who were in those islands to take up
arms against the Spaniards, whom he represented as conquered, and in
fear of their arms. Then the seas of Bisayas were seen covered with
little fleets of Moros, who carried desolation everywhere. Nothing
was heard of save plundering, the burning of villages, the seizing of
vessels, captivities, and [other] acts of violence, which the Moros
committed in our territories [92]--so that Señor Obando wished to go
forth in person to restrain them, and to repair the many injuries
which they were inflicting on us. His Majesty had commanded that a
fortified post should be established in the island of Paragua, in
order to shut off the pirates from entrance [into Bisayan waters]
on that side, just as it was closed on the other side by the post
of Zamboanga. In order to proceed in all respects with moderation,
the governor sent an ambassador to the king of Borney, in order that
the latter should cede to us the territory that he possessed in that
island; and when it was ceded he made ready a squadron to build the
fortified post, and from that place to follow up the Moros who were
plundering our islands. He intended to go out in person at the head
of this armada, and consulted the royal Audiencia on this point; but
the auditors were of opinion that it was not expedient to hazard his
person, and that he could entrust this expedition to another person,
who by carrying an engineer to draw plans for the fort which it was
necessary to build on the island of Paragua could accomplish all that
was expected from the expedition. In accordance with this advice, the
governor appointed, as its commander, Don Antonio Fabea, [sc. Faveau]
who sailed from Cavite with eleven vessels; he took with him Don Manuel
Aguirre, who went with an appointment as commandant of the military
post which was to be established, and bore orders to go to Igolote,
in the same island [of Paragua], to dislodge the Moros, who usually
took refuge in that place. Here his men fell sick, to such an extent
that, without doing more than to take possession of that district,
they went back to Manila, leaving behind two hundred and seventy dead,
and carrying home many sick men in the squadron. [93]
The king of Joló had already reached Manila, and was imprisoned in the
fort of Santiago, [94] to the great satisfaction of those who had been
opposed to his baptism and had always doubted his fidelity; but he
obtained from the governor permission that his daughter the princess
Faatima, who was imprisoned with him, might go to Joló with letters
from him for his brother and other chiefs, in order [to urge them]
to make a stable peace with the Spaniards; and for this permission he
bound himself to surrender fifty Christian captives. [95] The princess
accomplished the return of the captives, and obtained from her uncle
Bantilan the despatch of an ambassador to Manila, to attend to her
father's affairs. The envoy carried authority to conduct, jointly with
Bantilan's brother the king, negotiations for peace with the governor,
and to solemnize the treaties which they should regard as expedient,
[the chiefs] binding themselves to obey whatever the two should
sign. It was stipulated with the king and the ambassador that the
Moros of Joló should surrender all the Christian captives who were in
their island, and send back all the arms which they had taken from
the Spaniards, and the ornaments which they had plundered from the
churches; and, in order to make these treaties effective, permission
was granted to one of the chiefs who were prisoners with the king to
go to Joló in company with the ambassador whom Bantilan had sent.
The governor had very little confidence in the promises of the Moros
or in their treaties, because they had always broken them with the
same facility with which they had made them; and he prepared a strong
squadron [to go] against them, in order to compel them by force to
observe the treaties which he did not expect they would keep of
their own accord. Nor did his suspicions prove to be groundless,
for in that year (which was 1754) occurred the worst inroad which
those islanders had made into Philipinas. In all districts they made
raids with blood and fire, killing religious, Indians, and Spaniards,
burning and plundering villages; and taking captive thousands of
Christians, not only in the islands near Joló, but throughout our
territories, even in the provinces nearest to the capital Manila. [96]
The fleet which the governor had made ready went out against them,
but, before they could do anything, his successor came, at the end of
his four years' term of office; for this reason, he left the islands
in the most deplorable condition that had ever been known, the cause
of these evils being either his own misconduct or the unfitness of
those to whom he gave appointments, or perhaps his misfortune. What is
certain is, that he experienced a very grievous residencia, and many
charges against him resulted; and in the following year he embarked
in the galleon "Santisima Trinidad" for Acapulco, and died on the way,
without reaching España.