5. We further protest against the sale of Government bonds for the

purpose of purchasing silver, to be used as a substitute for our more

convenient and less fluctuating fractional currency, which, although

well calculated to enrich owners of silver mines, yet in operation

it will still further oppress, in taxation, an already over-burdened

people.

The Prohibitionists held their national convention at Cleveland, O.,

on the 17th of May, and nominated Greene Clay Smith, of Kentucky,

for President, and G. T. Stewart, of Ohio, for Vice-President, by

acclamation, and adopted the following platform:

The Prohibition Reform party of the United States, organized in

the name of the people to revive, enforce, and perpetuate in the

Government the doctrines of the Declaration of Independence, submit in

this centennial year of the Republic, for the suffrages of all good

citizens, the following platform of national reforms and measures:

1. The legal prohibition in the District of Columbia, the Territories,

and in every other place subject to the laws of Congress, of the

importation, exportation, manufacture, and traffic of all alcoholic

beverages as high crimes against society; an amendment of the national

Constitution to render these prohibitory measures universal and

permanent; and the adoption of treaty stipulations with foreign powers

to prevent the importation and exportation of all alcoholic beverages.

2. The abolition of class legislation and of special privileges in the

Government, and of the adoption of equal suffrage and eligibility to

office without distinction of race, religious creed, property, or sex.

3. The appropriation of the public lands in limited quantities to

actual settlers only; the reduction of the rates of inland and

ocean postage; of telegraphic communication; of railroad and water

transportation and travel to the lowest practicable point by force

of law, wisely and justly framed, with reference not only to the

interests of capital employed, but to the higher claims of the general

good.

4. The suppression by law of lottery and gambling in gold, stocks,

produce, and every form of money and property, and the penal

inhibition of the use of the public mails for advertising schemes of

gambling and lotteries.

5. The abolition of those foul enormities, polygamy and the social

evil, and the protection of purity, peace, and happiness of homes by

ample and efficient legislation.

6. The national observance of the Christian Sabbath, established by

laws prohibiting ordinary labor and business in all departments of

public service and private employment (works of necessity, charity,

and religion excepted) on that day.

7. The establishment by mandatory provisions in national and State

Constitutions, and by all necessary legislation, of a system of free

public schools for the universal and forced education of all the youth

of the land.

8. The free use of the Bible, not as a ground of religious creeds, but

as text-book of the purest morality, the best liberty, and the noblest

literature, in our public schools, that our children may grow up in

its light, and that its spirit and principles may pervade the nation.

9. The separation of the Government in all departments and

institutions, including the public schools and all funds for their

maintenance, from the control of every religious sect or other

association, and the protection alike of all sects by equal laws, with

entire freedom of religious faith and worship.

10. The introduction into all treaties hereafter negotiated with

foreign governments of a provision for the amicable settlement of

international difficulties by arbitration.

11. The abolition of all barbarous modes and instruments of

punishment; the recognition of the laws of God and the claims of

humanity in the discipline of jails and prisons, and of that higher

and wiser civilization worthy of our age and nation, which regards the

reform of criminals as a means for the prevention of crime.

12. The abolition of executive and legislative patronage, and the

election of President, Vice-President, United States Senators, and of

all civil officers, so far as practicable, by the direct vote of the

people.

13. The practice of a friendly and liberal policy to immigrants from

all nations, the guarantee to them of ample protection, and of equal

rights and privileges.

14. The separation of the money of Government from all banking

institutions. The National Government only should exercise the high

prerogative of issuing paper money, and that should be subject to

prompt redemption on demand in gold and silver, the only equal

standards of value recognized by the civilized world.

15. The reduction of the salaries of public officers in a just

ratio with the decline of wages and market prices, the abolition of

sinecures, unnecessary offices, and official fees and perquisites;

the practice of strict economy in Government expenses, and a free

and thorough investigation into any and all alleged abuses of public

trusts.

A mass convention held under the name of the American National party

met in Pittsburg on the 9th of June, 1875, and nominated James B.

Walker, of Illinois, for President, and Donald Kirkpatrick, of New

York, for Vice-President. This political organization made no figure

in the contest of 1876, and did not again appear in the subsequent

national elections. The following platform was adopted:

We hold: 1. That ours is a Christian and not a heathen nation, and

that the God of the Christian Scriptures is the author of civil

government.

2. That God requires and man needs a Sabbath.

3. That the prohibition of the importation, manufacture, and sale of

intoxicating drinks as a beverage is the true policy on the temperance

question.

4. The charters of all secret lodges granted by our Federal and State

Legislatures should be withdrawn, and their oaths prohibited by law.

5. That the civil equality secured to all American citizens by Article

13th, 14th, and 15th of our amended Constitution should be preserved

inviolate.

6. That arbitration of differences with nations is the most direct and

sure method of securing and perpetuating a permanent peace.

7. That to cultivate the intellect without improving the morals

of men, is to make mere adepts and experts; therefore, the Bible

should be associated with books of science and literature in all our

educational institutions.

8. That land and other monopolies should be discountenanced.

9. That the Government should furnish the people with an ample and

sound currency, and a return to specie payment as soon as practicable.

10. That maintenance of the public credit, protection to all loyal

citizens, and justice to Indians are essential to the honor and safety

of our nation.

11. And finally, we demand for the American people the abolition of

electoral colleges, and a direct vote for President and Vice-President

of the United States.

The contest of 1876 was conducted with great earnestness, but it was

not distinguished for the defamation of candidates. The popular tide

seemed to be with Tilden, as the reformation he had wrought in the

Democratic party by the overthrow of Tweed in New York presented him

in bold contrast to the administration of Grant, that had brought a

tempest of scandals upon the party; but misfortune seemed to multiply

upon Tilden from the beginning to the close of the battle. His first

disaster, and what in the end proved to be a fatal one, was the result

of the admission of Colorado into the Union. Thomas N. Patterson,

an active Democrat, had been chosen as a delegate to Congress from

Colorado in 1874 by a majority of 2163, and he gave the Democrats, who

largely controlled the House, the positive assurance that the admission

of Colorado would bring in another Democratic State. They had the power

to exclude Colorado, but believing that the large majority of the

Democrats had, under Patterson’s lead in 1874, anchored the Territory

safely in the Democratic column, the Democrats admitted the new State,

and her three electoral votes decided the election against Tilden, as

even with South Carolina, Florida, and Louisiana taken from Tilden, all

of which had voted for him, Hayes was chosen by a single vote.

The first State election in Colorado was held in the summer of 1876,

and to the utter consternation of the Democrats the Republicans elected

the entire State ticket with 25 majority on joint ballot in the

Legislature, and it was settled before the State election that the new

State would not be put to the trouble and expense of another election

for President in the fall, and that the Legislature would choose the

electors, as it did. Tilden thus started in the contest with three

electoral votes positively assured against him in the new State, that

had been admitted because it was confidently expected to be Democratic.

On the popular vote Tilden had, according to the Republican returns,

252,224 majority over Hayes, and had the electoral colleges cast

their votes as the popular vote was cast in Louisiana, Florida, and

South Carolina, Tilden would have received 203 to 156 for Hayes. The

following table presents the popular vote and gives the Democratic and

Republican returns of Florida and Louisiana, with the totals as they

would appear with either count accepted:

══════════════════════════╤══════════╤══════════╤══════════╤══════════

STATES. │Samuel J. │Rutherford│ Peter │Green Clay

│ Tilden. │ B. Hayes.│ Cooper. │ Smith.

──────────────────────────┼──────────┼──────────┼──────────┼──────────

Maine │ 49,917 │ 66,300 │ 663 │ ――――

New Hampshire │ 38,509 │ 41,539 │ 76 │ ――――

Vermont │ 20,350 │ 44,428 │ ―――― │ ――――

Massachusetts │ 108,777 │ 150,063 │ 779 │ 84

Rhode Island │ 10,712 │ 15,787 │ 68 │ 60

Connecticut │ 61,934 │ 59,034 │ 774 │ 378

New York │ 521,949 │ 489,207 │ 1,987 │ 2,359

New Jersey │ 115,962 │ 103,517 │ 712 │ 43

Pennsylvania │ 366,204 │ 384,184 │ 7,187 │ 1,319

Delaware │ 13,381 │ 10,752 │ ―――― │ ――――

Maryland │ 91,780 │ 71,981 │ 33 │ 10

Virginia │ 139,670 │ 95,558 │ ―――― │ ――――

West Virginia │ 56,495 │ 42,046 │ 1,373 │ ――――

North Carolina │ 125,427 │ 108,417 │ ―――― │ ――――

South Carolina │ 90,896 │ 91,870 │ ―――― │ ――――

Georgia │ 130,088 │ 50,446 │ ―――― │ ――――

Florida[25] │ 22,927 │ 23,849 │ ―――― │ ――――

Florida[26] │ 24,434 │ 24,340 │ ―――― │ ――――

Alabama │ 102,989 │ 68,708 │ ―――― │ ――――

Mississippi │ 112,173 │ 52,605 │ ―――― │ ――――

Louisiana[25] │ 70,508 │ 75,315 │ ―――― │ ――――

Louisiana[26] │ 83,723 │ 77,174 │ ―――― │ ――――

Texas │ 104,803 │ 44,803 │ ―――― │ ――――

Arkansas │ 58,071 │ 38,669 │ 289 │ ――――

Missouri │ 203,077 │ 145,029 │ 3,498 │ 64

Tennessee │ 133,166 │ 89,566 │ ―――― │ ――――

Kentucky │ 159,696 │ 97,156 │ 1,944 │ 818

Ohio │ 323,182 │ 330,698 │ 3,057 │ 1,636

Michigan │ 141,095 │ 166,534 │ 9,060 │ 766

Indiana │ 213,526 │ 208,011 │ 17,233 │ 141

Illinois │ 258,601 │ 278,232 │ 9,533 │ ――――

Wisconsin │ 123,926 │ 130,070 │ 1,509 │ 27

Minnesota │ 48,799 │ 72,962 │ 2,311 │ 72

Iowa │ 112,121 │ 171,326 │ 9,901 │ 36

Nebraska │ 17,554 │ 31,916 │ 2,320 │ 1,599

Kansas │ 37,902 │ 78,322 │ 7,776 │ 110

Colorado[27] │ ―――― │ ―――― │ ―――― │ ――――

Nevada │ 9,308 │ 10,383 │ ―――― │ ――――

California │ 76,468 │ 78,322 │ 44 │ ――――

Oregon │ 14,149 │ 15,206 │ 510 │ ――――

├──────────┼──────────┼──────────┼──────────

Total, Republican count │4,285,992 │4,033,768 │ 81,737 │ 9,522

Total, Democratic count │4,300,590 │4,036,298 │ 81,737 │ 9,522

══════════════════════════╧══════════╧══════════╧══════════╧══════════

[25] Republican count.

[26] Democratic count.

[27] By Legislature.

On the morning after the election, newspapers of all parties announced

the election of Tilden for President, but a murmur of the coming storm

came at the same time from Senator Chandler, of New Hampshire, who

was secretary of the national committee, of which Senator Zachariah

Chandler, of Michigan, was chairman, who announced that Hayes was

elected, and declared that the States of Florida, Louisiana, and South

Carolina had honestly voted for Hayes, and that he would finally

receive their electoral votes. With the whole machinery of the

Government in the hands of the Republicans, it was almost a hopeless

battle for Tilden to fight for the disputed Southern States, but the

Democratic people became violently aroused, and threats were freely

made that the inauguration of Hayes would be prevented by mob violence

if attempted.

So grave had the situation become that both branches of Congress

finally passed an act, creating what was known as the Electoral

Commission, that should be a tribunal of last resort, to determine

the disputed election. The bill passed the House by the vote of 158

Democrats and 33 Republicans, with 68 Republicans and 18 Democrats

voting in the negative; and in the Senate the bill was passed by

the votes of 26 Democrats and 21 Republicans, with 16 Republicans

and 1 Democrat voting against it. The measure was approved by the

President on the 29th of January. As a majority of the Democrats in

both Houses favored the measure, it was assumed that Tilden desired

them to support it, but in point of fact Tilden was irresolute,

and put it upon his friends to decide what should be done. Had any

other man been the Democratic candidate, he would have been a great

leader and an aggressive one; but from the beginning to the close of

the post-election battle Tilden was apparently dwarfed into utter

helplessness, and when it became evident that the Commission would

decide against him, he distinctly disclaimed all responsibility for the

creation of the tribunal. The Electoral Commission was finally made up

under the law, composed of Senators Edmunds, Morton, Frelinghuysen,

Republicans, and Thurman and Bayard, Democrats; of Representatives

Payne, Hunton, and Abbott, Democrats, and Garfield and Hoar,

Republicans, with Justices Strong and Miller, Republicans, and Clifford

and Field, Democrats, and the fifth member of the court to be chosen by

the four. Justice David Davis was first chosen as the fifth judicial

member of the court, but he declined, as he had just been elected

to the Senate by Illinois, and Justice Bradley was then selected to

fill his place. Had Davis remained on the Commission, it is reasonably

certain that the vote of the Electoral Commission would have been 8

for Tilden and 7 for Hayes. This Commission, whose judgment was to be

final, decided in favor of Hayes on every disputed proposition by a

vote of 8 to 7, and thus made him President by the following electoral

vote:

════════════════╤════════╤════════

STATES. │ Hayes. │ Tilden.

────────────────┼────────┼────────

Maine │ 7 │ ――

New Hampshire │ 5 │ ――

Vermont │ 5 │ ――

Massachusetts │ 13 │ ――

Rhode Island │ 4 │ ――

Connecticut │ ―― │ 6

New York │ ―― │ 35

New Jersey │ ―― │ 9

Pennsylvania │ 29 │ ――

Delaware │ ―― │ 3

Maryland │ ―― │ 8

Virginia │ ―― │ 11

West Virginia │ ―― │ 5

North Carolina │ ―― │ 10

South Carolina │ 7 │ ――

Georgia │ ―― │ 11

Florida │ 4 │ ――

Alabama │ ―― │ 10

Mississippi │ ―― │ 8

Louisiana │ 8 │ ――

Texas │ ―― │ 8

Arkansas │ ―― │ 6

Missouri │ ―― │ 15

Tennessee │ ―― │ 12

Kentucky │ ―― │ 12

Ohio │ 22 │ ――

Michigan │ 11 │ ――

Indiana │ ―― │ 15

Illinois │ 21 │ ――

Wisconsin │ 10 │ ――

Minnesota │ 5 │ ――

Iowa │ 11 │ ――

Nebraska │ 3 │ ――

Kansas │ 5 │ ――

Colorado │ 3 │ ――

Nevada │ 3 │ ――

California │ 6 │ ――

Oregon │ 3 │ ――

├────────┼────────

│ 185 │ 184

════════════════╧════════╧════════

The true history of the struggle for the control of the electoral votes

of South Carolina, Florida, and Louisiana has never been written and

now never can be fully written. The ablest men of both sides attended

the contest in those States to battle for or against the action of

the returning boards. All three States had voted for Tilden, but the

returning boards, which had been created by the carpet-bag rule of

the South, set aside the returns on the plea of fraud and certified

the electoral vote for Hayes. The strength of the claim of the

Democrats was practically admitted after the inauguration of Hayes

by the President aiding in the adjustments which gave the Democrats

the Governors and the Legislatures of those States, and ousting the

Republicans who had given the electoral vote to the President.

The chief factor in the bold and revolutionary action that returned

the three States named for the Republican candidate for President was

J. Donald Cameron, then Secretary of War under President Grant, and

later United States Senator. He is nothing if not heroic when occasion

demands it. I remember calling upon him at the Continental Hotel a few

days after the election, and inquired of him whether he really meant to

force the reversal of the vote in those States and have Hayes returned

as elected. He answered with perfect frankness that he had started in

to do it, that he meant to do it, and that it was right to do it, as

the Republicans had not opportunity to vote in the South, and the only

way to meet such frauds was by the strong power of the Government.

But for the assurance that the army and navy would sustain the

returning boards of those States in whatever they did under color

of law, the reversal of the popular vote never could have been

accomplished. The State of Florida was manipulated by Robert W. Mackey,

who was the most accomplished politician the Republicans have ever

produced in Pennsylvania. He was apparently dying of consumption for

ten years, and when it became necessary to send some competent man to

handle Florida, he was selected. He started on his mission, and his

racking cough and general consumptive features gave plausibility to the

statement that he was going South to nurse his health. Two Democratic

visiting committeemen were on the same train, and he overheard them

mature their plans to hold the State for Tilden. He telegraphed to C.

D. Brigham, who had been a prominent editor and Republican politician

in Pittsburg, but who then resided in Florida, to meet him at the

station, and before the Democrats attempted to carry their plans into

execution they were completely blocked by Mackey, who could summon all

the Federal officials to his aid.

Governor Curtin and Senator Sherman met face to face at New Orleans

in the struggle to win the electoral vote of Louisiana, and at one

stage of the battle Tilden could have secured the vote by telegraphing

a single word to Curtin; but Tilden seemed to have lost his cunning,

and hesitation was exhibited by him at every stage of the conflict

when the promptest action was indispensable. I visited him at his

home in Gramercy Park when the contest was on at white heat, and was

amazed to find his table covered with legal briefs, as though his

election depended upon the law that would govern before a competent

and impartial judicial tribunal. He permitted himself and his friends

to become involved in a compromising way in the Oregon dispute for a

single elector, and had the same method been adopted in Louisiana,

he would have won. Instead of discussing the situation as it was, he

presented to me elaborate arguments to show how it should be, and I

could not refrain from reminding him that he was not dealing with

judicial tribunals nor with honest men, and that he must either meet

them on their own ground and with their own weapons or he must fall

in the fight. He seemed to be utterly bewildered, and the man who had

organized his nomination and election with consummate skill shrivelled

up into pitiable indecision and inaction when he had the power to cast

the die for or against himself.

The severe strain upon the popular sentiment of the country that had

given Tilden 250,000 majority for President was greatly tempered,

especially in the South, by a very shrewd movement planned early in

the after-election contest to conciliate the leading people of the

South. They received positive assurances from men very close to Hayes,

and who gave the assurance of Hayes’s approval of the movement, that

if Hayes should be inaugurated President without violence the State

governments of Louisiana, Florida, and South Carolina would be given

to the Democrats. That Hayes approved of the plan is evidenced by the

fact that after he became President he stood resolutely by the promise

made by his friends to give the Democrats control of the governments of

those States.

There was not serious friction in Florida; the Democratic candidate

for Governor was allowed to be inaugurated on a returned majority

of 195 as given by the Supreme Court. In South Carolina the face of

the returns gave Wade Hampton 1134 majority for Governor, with about

a like majority for the Democratic Presidential electors, but the

Returning Board threw out Democratic counties and returned Chamberlain,

Republican, as elected Governor by a majority of 3433, and gave the

Republican electors majorities ranging from 600 to 900.

Two Legislatures were organized and two claimants for the Governorship

were qualified, but after a long siege, in which the friends of

Hampton were with difficulty restrained from taking violent possession

of the Capitol, the Republicans gave up the contest, as they discovered

that President Hayes would not support them, and Hampton and his

associate Democratic candidates and a Democratic Legislature were

accepted.

The great battle was made in Louisiana, where the Returning Board gave

Hayes the State by a majority of 4807, and declared the Republican

electors chosen by about the same majority. The face of the returns

gave a majority of 7876 for Tilden and 8101 for Nichols, Democratic

candidate for Governor. There, as in South Carolina, two Governors

were qualified and two Legislatures organized, and Stephen B. Packard,

who had been counted in as the Republican Governor, and had been

largely instrumental in giving the electoral vote to Hayes, and thereby

electing him, demanded that the President should sustain him, logically

insisting that if Hayes was elected Packard was elected, and that if

Packard must go out Hayes must go out with him.

The faith of the President and his friends were pledged to the people

of property in Louisiana that they should have their own State

government, but it was a most difficult obligation to discharge.

Finally, the President appointed a committee of eminent Republicans,

two of whom were the present Senator Hawley, of Connecticut, and

ex-Attorney-General Wayne MacVeagh, of Washington, to go to New Orleans

and solve the problem. The first necessity to accomplish that result

was to withdraw enough Senators and Representatives from the Packard

Legislature to the Nichols Legislature to give Nichols a quorum in both

houses of undisputed legislators, as that would leave Packard without

a Legislature and clothe Nichols’s government with all the ceremony of

law.

Many of the Packard legislators were negroes, and most of them

commercial. The change could be effected only by purchase, in which

the Hawley and MacVeagh committee had no part. There were enough and

to spare of Packard legislators who were willing to sell out, but the

Democrats were impoverished and could not raise money to buy them. One

of the active men in the movement was Duncan F. Kenner, one of the most

prominent men in the State for many years, and among the Senators in

the market was one of his former slaves, who demanded a high price.

The State had been desolated, business paralyzed, and the people of

Louisiana had not recovered from the universal waste of war, and while

they were more than willing to buy enough of the Packard men to give

Nichols the Legislature, they were absolutely without the means to do

it.

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