eminent ability and influential leadership in the Republican party.
Chase, Wade, Henry Winter Davis, and Horace Greeley were bitterly
opposed to accepting him as the Republican candidate for the second
contest, as they believed that he could not be elected. In addition to
these, Sumner was not heartily for him; Stevens was earnestly opposed
to the President because he had not pressed confiscation and other
punishments against the South, and the extreme radical wing of the
Republican party was aggressive in its hostility. Lincoln’s strength
was with the people, and they overwhelmed the leaders who sought his
overthrow.
The only exhibition of weakness I ever saw in Lincoln was exhibited
during what might be called the contest for his renomination. There
was, in point of fact, no contest at all, as after all the efforts of
the opposing leaders had been exhausted the Republican people rallied
to his support and asserted their mastery. He was painfully impressed
with the apprehension that he might be defeated in the convention,
and on a number of occasions I heard him discuss the question with a
degree of interest that was painful. Even after a majority of all the
delegates to the convention had been positively instructed for him,
and certainly two-thirds of the remainder were publicly pledged to his
support, he could not dismiss the fears of his possible defeat.
I visited him several times within a month of the convention, in
obedience to his telegrams, when he discussed only the political
dangers which beset him. He told me that his name would go into history
darkly shadowed by a fraternal war that he would be held responsible
for inaugurating if he were unable to continue in office to conquer the
Rebellion and restore the Union.
Lincoln was human, as are all men, and a more anxious candidate I have
never known. The last time I conferred with him on the subject was
within two weeks of the meeting of the convention, and I could hardly
treat with respect his anxiety about his renomination. He had given
close study to the election of delegates, and I called his attention to
the fact that a decided majority were positively instructed for him,
and that he certainly knew that a majority of the others could not be
diverted from him. He had to admit that there seemed to be no plausible
reason for doubting the result, but, with a merry twinkle of the eye,
he said:
“Well, McClure, I don’t quite forget that I was nominated by a
convention that was two-thirds for the other fellow.”
I had to admit that he had been nominated by a convention that was
two-thirds for Seward, but no such conditions could arise as presented
themselves in the Seward fight to swerve the convention from its
purpose.
So anxious was he about the situation that he made the very
unreasonable request of me to become a delegate-at-large from
Pennsylvania when I had already been unanimously elected a delegate
from my Congressional district. I vainly attempted to convince him
that it mattered not whether I was a delegate-at-large or a district
delegate, as my power to serve him would be just the same; but he
persisted in urging me to go before the State convention with the
ungracious request to elect me a delegate-at-large—a position that was
sought as one of honor—when I was already a member of the delegation
from my district.
The only possible explanation I could conceive was that, as Cameron
was certain to be a delegate-at-large, he desired me to be one with
Cameron, and thus have both the Cameron and Curtin wings of the party
equally represented at the head of the delegation. Fortunately,
political conditions enabled me to carry out his wish, and Cameron and
I were elected on the 1st ballot by a nearly unanimous vote.
I never suspected Lincoln’s purpose in asking me to change my position
as a delegate until three days before the meeting of the convention,
when I went to Washington in obedience to his summons. He then asked
me to vote for the nomination of Andrew Johnson for Vice-President.
He had Cameron already committed to the nomination of Johnson as
a War Democrat to succeed Hamlin, but he gave me no intimation of
Cameron’s position. I was favorable to the renomination of Hamlin,
but after hearing Mr. Lincoln’s reasons for the request he made I
would have voted for Johnson in obedience to a sense of public duty,
although Lincoln was not wrong in assuming that I was likely to vote
for any candidate for Vice-President he specially desired. He was not
opposed to Hamlin, but he knew that the success of the party depended
upon bringing into the Republican fold a large body of War Democrats
who had never become Republicans, such as Judge Holt, General Dix,
General Butler, and Governor Johnson, and he wished to nationalize the
Republican party.
But the conclusive reason why he desired the nomination of Johnson
was that it would most effectually prevent the recognition of the
Confederacy by England and France. That was the great peril in the last
year of the war, and Lincoln believed that in no way could the success
of the Government in the suppression of the Rebellion be so clearly
presented to the world as by taking Andrew Johnson, of Tennessee, who
had filled every important position within the gift of his State,
and elect him to the Vice-Presidency from a reorganized rebellious
State in the heart of the Confederacy. It is needless to say that,
notwithstanding my prejudice against Johnson, I agreed to support him;
but Lincoln’s caution prevented him from giving me any intimation as
to the attitude of Cameron, who was equally pledged to Lincoln in the
Johnson cause. Cameron and I met at the convention in Baltimore on
June 7 without either knowing the position of the other, and as our
political relations were not of the confidential order, although our
personal intercourse was always pleasant, it required some diplomacy
for us to reach an understanding. Cameron had been committed to Hamlin,
with whom he had served in the Senate, and was somewhat embarrassed,
and he suggested that while he was friendly to Hamlin he did not
believe that he could be nominated, to which I agreed. He then proposed
that we should line up the two factions of the State in the delegation
and cast a unanimous vote for Hamlin when the State was first called,
and change it to a unanimous vote for Johnson when the roll-call ended,
to which I readily assented; and with some effort we had a harmonious
delegation on that line with the exception of Thaddeus Stevens, who sat
beside me when I cast my vote for Johnson, and who with a grim smile
said to me: “Can’t you find a candidate for Vice-President without
going down into a d——d rebel province?” The vote of the State was,
however, recorded unanimously for Johnson, and it was the like efforts
of Lincoln in his very quiet and earnest way that made Andrew Johnson
Vice-President and President.
The Republican National Convention met in Baltimore on the 7th of June,
1864, and the venerable Rev. Dr. Robert J. Breckinridge, of Kentucky,
was temporary president and Ex-Governor William Dennison, of Ohio,
permanent president. Every State outside of the Southern Confederacy,
and some that were partially inside of it, were fully represented.
There was no contest for President, as the nomination of Lincoln was
conceded. He received the unanimous vote of every State on 1st ballot
with the exception of the Missouri delegation, that was instructed
for Grant, and that was promptly changed to Lincoln to make the vote
unanimous. There was a considerable undercurrent in the convention that
was not friendly to Lincoln, but so powerless that no attempt was made
to assert it.
The important contest of the convention was for Vice-President.
Until a short time before the meeting it was generally expected that
Vice-President Hamlin would be renominated with President Lincoln; but
when the delegates came together, opposition to Hamlin was developed
and unexpectedly to many of the members, and it soon became evident
that a powerful organization had been quietly crystallized to nominate
Andrew Johnson, of Tennessee, then Military Governor of that State.
The 1st ballot gave Andrew Johnson 200 and 150 for Hamlin and 108
for Dickinson, with 61 votes scattered; but before the ballot closed
Pennsylvania led off by changing from Hamlin and giving a unanimous
vote for Johnson. Stevens was opposed to the change, but finding
himself alone in the delegation, he permitted his vote to be recorded
with the majority. Other changes were made, and the 1st and only ballot
was finally announced as 494 for Johnson, 17 for Dickinson, and 9
for Hamlin. The following platform was prepared and reported to the
convention by Henry J. Raymond, of New York, and unanimously adopted:
1. _Resolved_, That it is the highest duty of every American citizen
to maintain against all their enemies the integrity of the Union, and
the permanent authority of the Constitution and laws of the United
States; and that, laying aside all differences of political opinion,
we pledge ourselves as Union men, animated by a common sentiment,
and aiming at a common object, to do everything in our power to aid
the Government in quelling by force of arms the rebellion now raging
against its authority, and in bringing to the punishment due to their
crimes the rebels and traitors arrayed against it.
2. _Resolved_, That we approve the determination of the Government
of the United States not to compromise with rebels, or to offer them
any terms of peace, except such as may be based upon an unconditional
surrender of their hostility and a return to their just allegiance
to the Constitution and laws of the United States; and that we call
upon the Government to maintain this position, and to prosecute the
war with the utmost possible vigor to the complete suppression of the
rebellion, in full reliance upon the self-sacrificing patriotism, the
heroic valor, and the undying devotion of the American people to their
country and its free institutions.
3. _Resolved_, That as slavery was the cause, and now constitutes the
strength of this rebellion, and as it must be, always and everywhere,
hostile to the principles of republican government, justice and the
national safety demand its utter and complete extirpation from the
soil of the Republic; and that, while we uphold and maintain the
acts and proclamations by which the Government, in its own defence,
has aimed a deathblow at this gigantic evil, we are in favor,
furthermore, of such amendment to the Constitution, to be made by
the people in conformity with its provisions, as shall terminate and
forever prohibit the existence of slavery within the limits or the
jurisdiction of the United States.
4. _Resolved_, That the thanks of the American people are due to the
soldiers and sailors of the army and navy who have perilled their
lives in defence of their country and in vindication of the honor of
its flag; that the nation owes to them some permanent recognition of
their patriotism and their valor, and ample and permanent provision
for those of their survivors who have received disabling and honorable
wounds in the service of the country; and that the memories of
those who have fallen in its defence shall be held in grateful and
everlasting remembrance.
5. _Resolved_, That we approve and applaud the practical wisdom,
the unselfish patriotism, and the unswerving fidelity with which
Abraham Lincoln has discharged, under circumstances of unparalleled
difficulty, the great duties and responsibilities of the Presidential
office; that we approve and endorse, as demanded by the emergency
and essential to the preservation of the nation and as within the
provisions of the Constitution, the measures and acts which he has
adopted to defend the nation against its open and secret foes; that
we approve, especially, the proclamation of emancipation and the
employment as Union soldiers of men heretofore held in slavery; and
that we have full confidence in his determination to carry these and
all other constitutional measures essential to the salvation of the
country into full and complete effect.
6. _Resolved_, That we deem it essential to the general welfare
that harmony should prevail in the national councils, and we regard
as worthy of public confidence and official trust those only who
cordially endorse the principles proclaimed in these resolutions, and
which should characterize the administration of the Government.
7. _Resolved_, That the Government owes to all men employed in its
armies, without regard to distinction of color, the full protection
of the laws of war; and that any violation of these laws, or of the
usages of civilized nations in time of war, by the rebels now in arms,
should be made the subject of prompt and full redress.
8. _Resolved_, That foreign immigration, which in the past has added
so much to the wealth, development of resources, and increase of power
to this nation—the asylum of the oppressed of all nations—should be
fostered and encouraged by a liberal and just policy.
9. _Resolved_, That we are in favor of a speedy construction of the
railroad to the Pacific coast.
10. _Resolved_, That the national faith, pledged for the redemption of
the public debt, must be kept inviolate, and that for this purpose we
recommend economy and rigid responsibility in the public expenditures,
and a vigorous and just system of taxation; and that it is the duty
of every loyal State to sustain the credit and promote the use of the
national currency.
11. _Resolved_, That we approve the position taken by the Government,
that the people of the United States can never regard with
indifference the attempt of any European power to overthrow by force
or to supplant by fraud the institutions of any republican Government
on the western continent; and that they will view with extreme
jealousy, as menacing to the peace and independence of their own
country, the efforts of any such power to obtain new foot-holds for
monarchical governments, sustained by foreign military force, in near
proximity to the United States.
The sixth resolution, read in the light of the present, would seem
to be a very harmless and proper expression on general principles,
but every member of the convention voted for it, well understanding
that it meant a demand from the supreme authority of the party that
Montgomery Blair should retire from the position of Postmaster-General.
He was not in harmony with the policy of the administration, but
Lincoln hesitated to remove him, as their personal relations were
always pleasant. Some weeks after the convention had adjourned the more
earnest opponents of Postmaster-General Blair were disappointed that
Lincoln did not remove him, and several of them called upon Lincoln
to explain why he had not obeyed the command of the party. Lincoln
answered that he fully recognized the right of the Republican party,
through its highest tribunal, to instruct him as to members of the
Cabinet, but he added, with a significant twinkle of the eye, that
those resolutions related to the next administration and not to the
present. Soon thereafter, however, Mr. Blair resigned, and Governor
Dennison, of Ohio, succeeded him.
The Democratic convention met in Chicago on August 29, and Horatio
Seymour was permanent president. It was on the 23d of the same month
that Lincoln had written the paper before referred to, expressing his
settled belief that he would be defeated. Grant had been hammering
away between the Wilderness and the James with appalling sacrifice
of life and without visible substantial results. Sherman had been
fighting his way toward Atlanta, and had never won anything approaching
a victory over Johnson. Thus the summer was well-nigh ended without
the inspiration of victory, and the long, fearful strain and sacrifice
suffered by the people made many patriotic hearts inclined to accept
peace on any reasonable terms.
The Democratic convention thus met just when the country was most
profoundly impressed with the terrible sacrifices of war and the
apprehension that the military power of the Confederacy could not be
conquered. It was this condition that made the Democrats commit the
fatal blunder of declaring in their national platform, “As the sense
of the American people that, after four years of failure to restore
the Union by the experiment of war, under the pretence of a military
necessity of a war power higher than the Constitution,” considerations
of humanity, liberty, and the public welfare demand “that immediate
efforts be made for a cessation of hostilities with a view to an
ultimate convention of all the States.” Had the election been held at
that time, McClellan would have been elected, but the delegates from
the Democratic convention when on their way home after their fatal
deliverance against the war met the people at every city and village
cheering to the echo over the capture of Atlanta, and by night they
found almost a continuous line of torches displayed by crowds cheering
themselves hoarse over the great victory that was the beginning of the
end of the war.
It was universally accepted by the Democrats before the Chicago
convention met that General George B. McClellan would be their
candidate. He had been in retirement at Orange, N. J., after he had
been removed from the command of the Army of the Potomac in the fall
of 1862, and his friends were very enthusiastic in his support. It
was believed that he had sufficient flavor of the soldier to hold war
Democrats, and he was known to be in very positive antagonism with
the whole political and war policy of the President. He was a man of
blameless character and altogether the strongest candidate upon whom
the Democrats could unite. The 1st and only ballot for President in the
convention gave 174 votes to McClellan, with 38 for Thomas H. Seymour,
of Connecticut, 12 for Horatio Seymour, of New York, with 1/2 vote for
Charles O’Conor, of New York, and 1-1/2 votes blank. Changes were made
before the ballot closed, giving McClellan 202-1/2 votes to 28-1/2 for
Thomas H. Seymour, and the nomination of McClellan was made unanimous
with great enthusiasm.
There was only one ballot for Vice-President, as follows:
James Guthrie, Ky. 65-1/2
Geo. H. Pendleton, Ohio 55-1/2
Lazarus W. Powell, Ky. 32-1/2
George W. Cass, Pa. 26
Daniel W. Voorhees, Ind. 13
J. H. Caton 16
Augustus C. Dodge, Iowa 9
John S. Phelps, Mo. 8
Very soon after the 2d ballot began Mr. Guthrie’s name was withdrawn,
followed by the withdrawal of other candidates, and Mr. Pendleton was
nominated unanimously. The following platform was adopted with little
opposition:
_Resolved_, That in the future, as in the past, we will adhere with
unswerving fidelity to the Union under the Constitution as the only
solid foundation of our strength, security, and happiness as a people,
and as a framework of Government equally conducive to the welfare and
prosperity of all the States, both Northern and Southern.
_Resolved_, That this convention does explicitly declare, as the sense
of the American people, that after four years of failure to restore
the Union by the experiment of war, during which, under the pretence
of a military necessity, or war power higher than the Constitution,
the Constitution itself has been disregarded in every part, and
public liberty and private right alike trodden down, and the material
prosperity of the country essentially impaired—justice, humanity,
liberty, and the public welfare demand that immediate efforts be made
for a cessation of hostilities, with a view to an ultimate convention
of the States, or other peaceable means, to the end that, at the
earliest practicable moment, peace may be restored on the basis of the
Federal union of the States.
_Resolved_, That the direct interference of the military authorities
of the United States in the recent elections held in Kentucky,
Maryland, Missouri, and Delaware was a shameful violation of the
Constitution; and a repetition of such acts in the approaching
election will be held as revolutionary, and resisted with all the
means and power under our control.
_Resolved_, That the aim and object of the Democratic party is to
preserve the Federal Union and the rights of the States unimpaired;
and they hereby declare that they consider that the administrative
usurpation of extraordinary and dangerous powers not granted by the
Constitution; the subversion of the civil by military law in States
not in insurrection; the arbitrary military arrest, imprisonment,
trial, and sentence of American citizens in States where civil law
exists in full force; the suppression of freedom of speech and of
the press; the denial of the right of asylum; the open and avowed
disregard of State rights; the employment of unusual test oaths; and
the interference with and denial of the right of the people to bear
arms in their defence; are calculated to prevent a restoration of the
Union and the perpetuation of a Government deriving its just powers
from the consent of the governed.
_Resolved_, That the shameful disregard of the administration to its
duty in respect to our fellow-citizens who are now, and long have
been, prisoners of war and in a suffering condition, deserves the
severest reprobation, on the score alike of public policy and common
humanity.
_Resolved_, That the sympathy of the Democratic party is heartily and
earnestly extended to the soldiery of our army and the sailors of
our navy, who are and have been in the field and on the sea, under
the flag of our country; and, in the event of its attaining power,
they will receive all the care, protection, and regard that the brave
soldiers and sailors of the Republic have so nobly earned.
The renomination of Lincoln by the Republican National Convention was
so entirely assured early in the year that the Republican opponents
of the President made a desperate effort to crystallize an opposition
to Lincoln of such formidable character as to compel the national
convention to choose another candidate. The call for the Republican
convention to meet at Baltimore was issued on the 22d of February,
and very active efforts were made by the leaders of the opposition
to place a Republican ticket in the field before Lincoln could be
renominated. A mass convention was called, to meet at Cleveland on
the 31st of May, and some three hundred and fifty responded to the
call. John Cochrane, of New York, was made permanent president, and
without the formality of a ballot John C. Fremont was nominated for
President and John Cochrane for Vice-President by acclamation. Both
promptly accepted the nominations, but instead of inspiring Republican
revolt against Lincoln, as was anticipated, the nominations gave no
exhibition of popular strength, and after considerable conference
between the insurgents and the regulars, Fremont and Cochrane announced
their retirement from the contest on the 21st of September, and urged
the re-election of Lincoln. The following platform was adopted by the
Fremont convention:
_First._ That the Federal Union shall be preserved.
_Second._ That the Constitution and laws of the United States must be
observed and obeyed.
_Third._ That the Rebellion must be suppressed by force of arms, and
without compromise.
_Fourth._ That the rights of free speech, free press, and the habeas
corpus be held inviolate, save in districts where martial law has been
proclaimed.
_Fifth._ That the Rebellion has destroyed slavery, and the Federal
Constitution should be amended to prohibit its re-establishment, and
to secure to all men absolute equality before the law.
_Sixth._ That integrity and economy are demanded at all times in the
administration of the Government, and that in time of war the want of
them is criminal.
_Seventh._ That the right of asylum, except for crime and subject to
law, is a recognized principle of American liberty; that any violation
of it cannot be overlooked, and must not go unrebuked.
_Eighth._ That the national policy known as the “Monroe Doctrine”
has become a recognized principle, and that the establishment of an
anti-republican government on this continent by any foreign power
cannot be tolerated.
_Ninth._ That the gratitude and support of the nation are due to the
faithful soldiers and the earnest leaders of the Union army and navy
for their heroic achievements of deathless valor in defence of our
imperilled country and civil liberty.
_Tenth._ That the one-term policy for the Presidency adopted by the
people is strengthened by the force of the existing crisis, and should
be maintained by constitutional amendments.