Allerton in England negotiates partnership between leading New
Plymouth colonists and some of the previous London adventurers—Patent
for Kennebec River procured—Further Dutch intercourse—Trade in
Wampum begun—Troubles with Morton in Massachusetts—John Endicott’s
arrival—Morton trades guns and ammunition to the Indians—Morton
apprehended—Troubles begin with Isaac Allerton: 1628.
After Mr. Allerton’s arrival in England, he informed the adventurers
of his commission to make the purchase of the trade of the colony for
six years, and upon delivery of the bonds for the yearly payments
it was finally concluded, and a deed engrossed in parchment was
delivered to him under their hands and seals confirming it. He also
arranged with some special friends among them, as instructed, to
participate in the purchase, and to supply them with money at better
rates, etc. Concerning this I insert here a letter from Mr. Sherley
to the Governor throwing light on what followed.
_James Sherley in England to Governor Bradford at New Plymouth_:
Sir,
I have received yours of May 26th through Mr. Gibbs and Mr. Goffe,
with the barrel of otter skins, for which I got a bill of store,
and sold them for £78-12-0 sterling; and Mr. Allerton has received
the money as will appear by the account. It is true, as you write,
that your obligations are large, not only for the purchase but
for the working stock you will require, which you cannot raise
at 6 or 8 per cent. as here but must pay 30, 40 and even 50 per
cent. Were not your profits considerable, and God’s blessing on
your honest endeavours more than ordinary, you could not long
be masters of your affairs. And this, it seems, your honest and
able agent, Mr. Allerton, has seriously considered. He tells me
that you are willing to permit me and some few others to join
with you as partners in the purchase; I thank you and all the
rest, and gladly accept, and though absent, shall willingly be
at such expense as you and the rest think proper. This year I am
prepared to forego the £50 due and the two years’ increase for the
venture, which comes in all to £80, without making any condition
for the profit,—you with the rest to bear the risk outward and
homeward. I have persuaded Mr. Andrews and Mr. Beauchamp to do
the same, so that you will not have to bear the high rate of the
previous two years. We leave it freely to yourselves to allow us
what you please, and according as God shall bless us. Whatever
course I take, Mr. Beauchamp is willing to do the same; and though
he may have seemed rather harsh before, you will find he is now
new moulded. I also see by your letter that you desire me to be
your agent here. I have ever found you such faithful, honest, and
upright men, that I have resolved to do you all the good that
lies in my power; so if you please to select so inadequate a man
to perform your business, I promise to do the best I can with the
ability the Lord has given me; and wherein I fail, blame yourselves
that you did not make a better choice. As I am not in good health,
and we are all mortal, I have advised Mr. Allerton to associate
Mr. Beauchamp with me as your deputy, which is both necessary and
advisable for you, and will cost you no more, for it is not the
salary that induces me to undertake your business. Thus commending
you and yours and all God’s people to the guidance and protection
of the Almighty, I ever rest,
Your faithful, loving friend,
JAMES SHERLEY.
_London, Nov. 17th, 1628._
With this letter he sent a draft of power of attorney to be sealed
and returned to them, authorizing them to act as their agents. As
some trouble arose about it afterwards, I will insert it.
To all to whom these presents shall come, greeting; know ye that
we, William Bradford, Governor of New Plymouth, in New England,
in America, Isaac Allerton, Myles Standish, William Brewster, and
Edward Winslow, of New Plymouth aforesaid, merchants, do by these
presents for us and in our names make, substitute, and appoint
James Sherley, goldsmith, and John Beauchamp, salter, citizens
of London, our true and lawful agents, factors, substitutes, and
assigns; as well to take and receive all such goods, wares,
merchandise whatsoever as to our said substitutes or either of
them, or to the city of London, or other place of the Realm of
England, shall be sent, transported, or come from us or any of us;
as also to vend, sell, barter, or exchange the said goods, wares,
and merchandise, so from time to time to be sent to such person or
persons upon credit, or otherwise in such manner as to our said
agents and factors jointly, or to either of them severally, shall
seem proper. And further we make and ordain our said substitutes
and assigns jointly and severally for us, and to our uses, and
accounts, to buy and consign for us and to us to New England
aforesaid, such goods and merchandise to be provided here, and to
be returned hence as by our said assigns, or either of them, shall
be thought fit. And to recover, receive, and demand for us and in
our names all such debts and sums of money, as now are or hereafter
shall be due, incident, accruing, or belonging to us, or any of us,
by any ways or means; and to acquit, discharge, or compound for any
debt or sum of money, which now or hereafter shall be due or owing
by any person or persons to us, or any of us. And generally for us
and in our names to do, perform, and execute every act and thing
which to our said assigns, or either of them, shall seem proper to
do, as fully and effectually, to all intents and purposes, as if we
or any of us were in person present. And whatsoever our said agents
and factors jointly or severally shall do, or cause to be done, in
or about the premises, we will and do, and each of us does ratify,
allow, and confirm, by these presents. In witness whereof we have
hereunto put our hands and seals.
_Dated November 18th, 1628._
This was accordingly confirmed by the above named, and four more of
the principal members, under their hands and seals, and delivered to
them. Mr. Allerton had formerly received authority under their hands
and seals for transacting their business, raising money, etc., and
this deed he still retained while he was employed on these affairs.
Their complete trust in him and their other friends made them remiss
in cancelling such previous deeds, which was a disadvantage to them
later, as will appear in due course.
Mr. Allerton having settled everything satisfactorily, returned to
the colony in the early spring of the year with their supplies
for trading, the fishermen with whom he came being accustomed to
sail in the winter and get here betimes. He brought a fair stock of
goods for the settlement, not subject to such high interest, and an
account of the beaver sold and of the money expended for goods and
the payment of other debts. He had discharged all engagements, except
to Mr. Sherley, Mr. Beauchamp, and Mr. Andrews; and from them he also
brought an account, which amounted to not above £400, for which he
had given bonds. He had also made the first payment for the purchase,
due this year, viz., £200, and brought them the bond for it, duly
cancelled. So they had now no foreign debts except £400, odd, and the
balance of the yearly purchase money. They had some other debts over
here, but they were without interest, and they were in a position to
discharge them when they were due. To this pass the Lord had brought
things for them.
Mr. Allerton also brought them notice that their friends referred to
above, with some others who wished to join them in the trading and in
the purchase, intended that a reasonable number of the congregation
at Leyden should be sent over next year without fail, if the Lord
pleased to bless their journey. He also brought them a patent
for Kennebec; but it was so inadequate that they were obliged to
endeavour to renew and enlarge it the next year, and also that which
they had at home, at great expense, as will appear. Hitherto Mr.
Allerton had done them good and faithful service: would that he had
so continued, or that they had now ceased employing him any longer in
England. But of this more afterwards.
Having procured a patent for Kennebec, they erected a house in the
most convenient place for trade up the river, and stocked it with
goods for that purpose, both for winter and summer; not only with
corn, but with such other commodities as the fishermen had traded to
them, such as coats, shirts, rugs, blankets, biscuits, peas, prunes,
etc. What they could not procure from England they bought from the
fishing ships and so carried on their business as well as they could.
This year the Dutch visited them again. With kind letters from the
colony they sent a variety of goods, such as sugar, linen, Holland
finer and coarser stuffs, etc. Their secretary de Rasieres came
with them in their bark to Manomet, to the house the settlers had
established there. He brought attendants, and his coming was heralded
by trumpets. He requested them to send a boat to take him on to New
Plymouth, as he could not travel so far overland. So they sent a boat
to Manoanscussett, and brought him to the plantation with most of his
people. After some few days’ entertainment he returned to his bark,
and some of the leading settlers went with him and bought some of his
goods. After this beginning they often sent over to them, and had
intercourse for many years.
Amongst other commodities they sold the Dutch a good deal of tobacco
in exchange for linen, stuffs, etc.; and tobacco was profitably
traded with them by the New Plymouth colony, till the Virginians
learned of the Dutch settlement. But what become most profitable,
in time, was the beginning they then made in the trade for wampum.
They bought £50 worth of it from the Dutch who told them how much
they sold of it at Fort Orange, and assured them they would find it
so at Kennebec. At first they could not sell it—in fact it was two
years before they cleared this small quantity. Afterwards, when the
Indians further inland began to know of it, for many years they could
scarcely get enough for them.
This, with their other sources of supply, reduced their trade with
the fishermen, and in the main also with the scattered settlers.
It was strange to see the great change it wrought in a few years
among the Indians themselves. The natives of these parts and in
Massachusetts hitherto had none or very little of this wampum, except
the Sachems and some of the chiefs who wore a little of it for
ornament. It was, however, largely made and used by the Narragansetts
and Pequots, who grew rich and powerful while the Indians here were
poor and beggarly, and had no use for it. Nor did the English of New
Plymouth or any of the other settlements, until told of it by the
Dutch, so much as know what it was, much less that it was a commodity
of such value. But after it grew to be valuable here, the local
Indians took to it too, and learned how to make it, gathering the
shells from the shores. It has remained a current commodity now for
about twenty years, and it may prove a drug in time. In the meantime
it makes the tribes hereabouts rich and powerful and proud, and
provides them with arms and powder and shot, through the depravity of
some unworthy persons, both English, Dutch, and French, and likely to
be the ruin of many. Hitherto the Indians round here had no guns or
other arms but their bows and arrows, nor for many years after; they
scarcely dared handle guns, they were so afraid of them; and the very
sight of one, though out of kilter, was a terror to them. But the
Indians to the East who had dealings with the French got guns from
them, and in time our English fishermen, with equal covetousness,
followed their example. But upon complaint it pleased the king’s
majesty to prohibit it by a strict proclamation, commanding that
no sort of arms or munition should be traded to the Indians by his
subjects.
Some three or four years before this there came over one, Captain
Wollaston, a man of fine qualities, with three or four others of
some distinction, who brought with them a great many servants, with
provisions and other necessaries to found a settlement. They pitched
upon a place within Massachusetts, which they called, after their
Captain, Mount Wollaston. Among them was one, Mr. Morton, who, it
seems, had some small share with them in the enterprise, either on
his own account or as an agent; but he was little respected amongst
them and even slighted by the servants. Having remained there some
time, and not finding things answer their expectations, Captain
Wollaston took the majority of the servants to Virginia, where he
hired out their services profitably to other employers. So he wrote
up to Mr. Rasdell, one of the chief partners who was acting as their
merchant, to bring another party of them to Virginia for the same
purpose. With the consent of Rasdell he appointed one, Fitcher, as
his deputy, to govern the remnant of the colony till one of them
should return. But Morton, in the others’ absence, having more
craft than honesty—he had been a kind of pettifogger of Furnival’s
Inn—watched his opportunity when rations were scarce with them,
got some drink and other junkets and made them a feast, and after
they were merry began to tell them he would give them good counsel.
“You see,” says he, “that many of your comrades have been taken to
Virginia; and if you stay till this Rasdell returns you too will
be carried off and sold as slaves with the rest. So I would advise
you to oust this Lieutenant Fitcher; and I, having a share in this
settlement, will take you as partners, and you will be free from
service, and we will trade, plant, and live together as equals, and
support and protect one another”—and so on. This advice was easily
received; so they drove out Lieutenant Fitcher and would not allow
him to come amongst them, forcing him to get food and other relief
from his neighbours, till he could get passage to England. They then
fell to utter licentiousness, and led a dissolute and profane life.
Morton became lord of misrule, and maintained, as it were, a school
of Atheism. As soon as they acquired some means by trading with the
Indians, they spent it in drinking wine and strong drinks to great
excess,—as some reported, £10 worth in a morning! They set up a
Maypole, drinking and dancing about it for several days at a time,
inviting the Indian women for their consorts, dancing and frisking
together like so many fairies,—or furies rather,—to say nothing of
worse practices. It was as if they had revived the celebrated feasts
of the Roman goddess Flora, or the beastly practices of the mad
Bacchanalians. Morton, to show his poetry, composed sundry verses and
rhymes, some tending to lasciviousness and others to the detraction
and scandal of some persons, affixing them to his idle, or idol,
Maypole. They changed the name of the place, and instead of calling
it Mount Wollaston, they called it Merry Mount, as if this jollity
would last forever. But it did not continue long, for, shortly after,
Morton was sent back to England, as will appear. In the meantime
that worthy gentleman, Mr. John Endicott, arrived from England,
bringing over a patent under the broad seal, for the government of
Massachusetts. Visiting this neighbourhood, he had the Maypole cut
down, and reprimanded them for their profaneness, admonishing them to
improve their way of living. In consequence, others changed the name
of their place again, and called it Mount Dagon!
* * * * *
In order to maintain this riotous prodigality and excess, Morton,
hearing what profit the French and the fishermen had made by
trading guns, powder, and shot to the Indians, began to practise it
hereabouts, teaching them how to use them. Having instructed them, he
employed some of them to hunt and fowl for him, until they became
far more able than the English, owing to their swiftness on foot and
nimbleness of body, being quick-sighted, and knowing the haunts of
all sorts of game. With the result that, when they saw what execution
a gun would do and the advantage of it, they were mad for them and
would pay any price for them, thinking their bows and arrows but
baubles in comparison.
And here I must bewail the mischief that this wicked man began in
this district, and which, continued by men that should know better,
has now become prevalent, notwithstanding the laws to the contrary.
The result is that the Indians are stocked with all kinds of
arms,—fowling-pieces, muskets, pistols, etc. They even have moulds
to make shots of all sorts,—musket bullets, pistol bullets, swan
and geese shot and smaller sorts. It is well known that they often
have powder and shot when the English lack it and cannot get it, it
having been bought up and sold to those who trade it to the Indians
at a shilling per pound—for they will buy it at any price. This goes
on while their neighbours are being killed by the Indians every day,
or are only living at their mercy. They have even been told how
gun-powder is made, and all the materials that are in it, and that
they are to be had in their own land; and I am confident that if they
could only get saltpeter they would make gun-powder itself.
Oh, the horror of this villainy! How many Dutch and English have
lately been killed by Indians, thus furnished; and no remedy is
provided,—nay, the evil has increased. The blood of their brothers
has been sold for profit; and in what danger all these colonies
are is too well-known. Oh! that princes and parliaments would take
some timely steps to prevent this mischief and to suppress it, by
exemplary punishment of some of those gain-thirsty murderers,—for
they deserve no better title,—before their colonies in these parts
are wiped out by the barbarous savages, armed with their own weapons
by these traitors to their country. But I have forgotten myself, and
have been too long on this digression; now to return.
Morton having taught them the use of guns, sold them all he could
spare, and he and his associates determined to send for large
supplies from England, having already sent for over a score by some
of the ships. This being known, several members of the scattered
settlements hereabouts agreed to solicit the settlers at New
Plymouth, who then outnumbered them all, to join with them to prevent
the further growth of this mischief, and to suppress Morton and
his associates. Those who joined in this action, and afterwards
contributed to the expense of sending him to England, were from
Piscataqua, Naumkeag, Winnisimmett, Weesagascusett, Nantasket,
and other places where the English had settled. The New Plymouth
colonists thus addressed by their messengers and letters, and
weighing their reasons and the common danger, were willing to help,
though they themselves had least cause for fear.
So, to be short, they first decided to write to Morton jointly,
in a friendly and neighbourly way, requesting him to desist, and
sent a messenger with the letter to bring his answer. But he was so
overbearing that he scorned all advice; he asked what it had to do
with them; he would trade guns to the Indians in spite of them all,
with many other scurrilous remarks, full of disdain. So they sent to
him again and bade him be better advised and more temperate in his
terms; that the country would not bear the injury he was doing; it
was against their common safety and against the king’s proclamation.
He answered as haughtily as before, that the king’s proclamation
was no law, and asking what was the penalty! They replied: more
than he could bear,—his majesty’s displeasure. But he persisted, and
insolently said that the king was dead, and his displeasure with him;
that if they came to molest him, let them look to themselves; he
would be prepared for them.
So they saw there was no way but to take him by force. They resolved
to proceed, and unanimously requested the Governor of New Plymouth
to send Captain Standish and sufficient men to seize Morton. This
was accordingly done; but he defended himself stiffly, closed his
doors, armed his associates, and had dishes of powder and bullets
ready on the table; and if they had not been overarmed with drink,
more harm might have been done. They summoned him to yield, but they
got nothing but scoffs from him. At length fearing they would wreck
the house, some of his crew came out,—intending not to yield, but
to shoot; but they were so drunk that their guns were too heavy for
them. He himself, with a carbine, overcharged and almost half filled
with powder and shot, tried to shoot Captain Standish; but he stepped
up to him and put aside his gun and took him. No harm was done on
either side, except that one of his men was so drunk that he ran his
nose upon the point of a sword that some one held in front of him on
entering the house; but all he lost was a little of his hot blood.
Morton they took to New Plymouth, where he was kept till a ship went
from the Isle of Shoals to England. In this he was dispatched to
the Council of New England, with letters giving information of his
behaviour, entrusted to a representative sent at their common expense
to inform their honours more particularly, and to prosecute him. But
Morton fooled this man after he had left here, and though he went to
England, nothing was done to him,—he was not so much as rebuked, so
far as was heard,—and he returned the following year. Some of the
worst of the party were dispersed, and some of the more decent were
permitted to live in the house till he was heard from. But I have
been too long about so unworthy a person and so bad a cause.
This year Mr. Allerton brought over a young man as minister to the
colony, whether upon his own initiative or at the instance of some
friends there, I do not know; but he was not sent by the orders of
the church, for they had been so bitten by Mr. Lyford that they
wished to know well whom they were inviting, beforehand. His name was
Mr. Rogers; but they discovered that he was crazed in the brain; so
they were obliged to go to the expense of sending him back again the
next year; besides the cost of bringing him out, which was not small
by Mr. Allerton’s account, for provisions, clothing, bedding, etc.
Mr. Allerton was much blamed for bringing such a man over, for they
had expenses enough already.
In previous years Mr. Allerton had brought over some small quantities
of goods upon his own account, and sold them for his private benefit,
which was more than any one had hitherto ventured to do. But as he
had done them good service otherwise, and as he sold them among the
people of the colony and their wants were thereby supplied, it was
passed over. But this year he brought over a greater quantity, and
they were intermixed with the goods of the colony, and all packed
together, so that it could not be said which were theirs and which
were his; so if any mischance had happened at sea, he could have laid
the whole loss on them, if he had wished. And it seemed to result
that what was most saleable and could be sold promptly, he claimed
was his! He also began to sell to others outside the settlement,
which, considering their agreement, they disliked. But love thinks
no evil, nor is suspicious; so they took his fair words for excuse,
and decided to send him to England again this year, considering how
well he had done formerly and how well he stood with their friends
there; and particularly as some of their friends from Leyden were to
be sent for, the arrangements for which he could, or might, assist
in. It was also thought that, as the patent for Kennebec must be
extended, as well as the one here, he would best be able to effect
it, having begun it. So they gave him instructions and sent him to
England once more. His instructions were to bring over no goods on
their account, except £50 worth of hose, shoes, and linen, according
to the conditions,—besides some trading goods to a certain value; and
in no case was he to exceed his instructions or run them into further
expense. He was to arrange that their trading goods came over early,
and whatever was sent on their account should be packed by itself,
and marked with their mark; and no other goods were to be mixed with
them. In fact he requested them to give him such instructions as they
thought fit, and he would follow them, to prevent any jealousy or
further trouble. So they thought they had provided satisfactory for
everything.