AT KASR-ES-SAID.
Muhamed es Sadek, Bey of Tunis, has two brothers, who, according to the
local law of succession, are one after the other the rightful heirs to
the throne. Ali the elder was born in 1817, and Muhamed Taib, the
younger, four years later. They both live in stucco-fronted palaces at
the Marsa, receive an ample income from the State Treasury as princes of
the blood, are surrounded by a little band of courtiers and dependants,
and appear on public occasions in all the glory of their diamond
decorations. Ali is shrewd and rich, Taib is poor and credulous, and
both of them inwardly hate the French with their whole heart. The heir-
apparent is entitled to a _vizier_ of his own, and in the person of Sy
Tahar Zouch he enjoyed the services of one of the cleverest and most
capable men in the Regency. Both Ali and Taib had physicians-
extraordinary attached to their persons, and I have already explained
the influence which these functionaries are able to acquire. The
stubbornness of Muhamed es Sadek concerning the Protectorate, had, at a
comparatively early stage of the Tunisian question, induced M. Roustan
to see what terms could be made elsewhere in case of necessity.
Overtures were in the first instance made to Ali Bey through Sy Tahar
Zouch, but neither one nor the other would entertain the proposals, and
M. Roustan never forgot or forgave the rebuff. Sy Taib was a happy man
amongst his greenhouses, his orange-trees, and his early lettuces, till
M. Roustan held out to him the prospect of a crown. In his medical
attendant M. Burguet, M. Roustan found a zealous ally, and Taib was soon
persuaded that the throne overshadowed by the Protectorate was better
than nothing at all. In a weak moment he consented to supplant his
brother in the best interests of the mission of civilisation, and a
French passport was given to him for the protection of his person, for
which, M. Roustan says, he procured Burguet a present of 30,000 francs.
Poor Taib’s dream of power was somewhat disturbed, when Madame Musalli
and her brother appeared on the scene, bringing a framed portrait of M.
Roustan as a guarantee of fair play, and asked for his signature to a
bond for a large amount, to place his speedy elevation to the throne
beyond the possibility of a doubt. On the 12th May, Taib Bey was ready
to come to the Bardo under a French escort and accept everything that
could be demanded of him within an hour of his proclamation. During the
whole of that eventful afternoon, Taib Bey sat in a gilt coach before
his palace door, waiting for the detachment of troops which was to
conduct him to his new friends. Darkness came on and they never arrived.
An hour after a short note informed Doctor Burguet that Taib Bey was no
longer wanted. M. Roustan was entirely mistaken in his man; Taib amongst
his hot-houses, orange groves, and vegetables was a very harmless
individual, but Taib Bey, with the _idée fixe_ of ascending the
Hassanite throne, and smarting under the blow of a wholly unexpected
disappointment, became a formidable enemy. From that moment some of the
bitterest opponents of the Minister Resident were to be found within his
own camp, and the result has been disastrous to both parties. M. Roustan
has lost his satrapy at Tunis, and poor Taib Bey, it is true, is at the
Bardo—but half walled up in a prison.[41]
In the early morning of the 12th May, the troops of General Bréart,
followed by those of General Maurand, were seen crossing the low hills
which skirted the further extremity of the Manouba plain, and their
approach could even be perceived from the “Abode of Felicity” itself.
Before eight o’clock the interpreter Sumaripa was already at the palace.
He brought a letter from M. Roustan saying that the President of the
Republic had appointed General Bréart to negotiate a treaty with the
Bey, and requesting that an audience be granted him forthwith. He also
asked that the General be allowed to bring with him some of the French
troops from Jedeida. The Bey ordered a reply to be prepared expressing
his _gratification_ to see General Bréart, but declining energetically
an interview with the troops. Before the letter was ready, the outposts
of the French force reached the villas and gardens of Manouba, hardly
more than a mile from the palace. Two hours later the main body of the
troops with a battery of artillery arrived, and amidst a drenching
downpour of rain occupied the Bey’s cavalry barracks and the old
dwelling-house of Kheir-ed-Din, the latter by especial permission of the
_Société Marseillaise_, under the care of whose agents it had been
cleaned a few days previously.
The excitement in the city continued to increase, and nearly all the
shops were closed. The interview on which the fate of Tunis depended was
first fixed for noon and then postponed till four o’clock. Meanwhile the
outposts were judiciously pushed up to within 200 yards of the garden
behind Kasr-es-Said, and the cannons were so arranged as to be plainly
visible from the upper windows. At three o’clock a long cipher telegram
arrived from Constantinople. It commenced with these words:—“On no
account sign any convention with France referring to a proposed
protectorate. Say that you will submit the matter to us. The Porte is
actively negotiating a satisfactory arrangement comprising the
evacuation of your territory. Although it is unnecessary, we shall send
a special commissioner to Tunis with two ships of war.” After reading it
the Bey swore that no power on earth could induce him to disobey the
injunction of the Sultan. A few minutes after this incident M. Roustan,
now accompanied by Elias Musalli, reached the palace. At the door he was
joined by General Bréart, who rode in the rain from the Manouba camp
accompanied by about twenty officers of his staff and an escort of
cavalry. The whole party (excepting of course the escort) immediately
went upstairs into the very room in which I had seen the Bey a fortnight
before. The General and his suite were fully armed, and the usual
compliments were entirely dispensed with. Besides the Bey, the Prime
Minister, M. Roustan, M. Conti, and General Musalli were alone present.
The draft of the treaty was already prepared, and had been copied that
morning in the French _Chancellerie_ at Tunis. General Bréart took the
paper from his pocket and placed it before the Bey. The following is an
exact translation:—
_Draft Treaty._
The Government of the French Republic and that of His Highness the Bey
of Tunis, wishing to prevent for ever the renewal of the disturbances
which have recently occurred on the frontiers of the two states _and on
the coast_ of the Regency, and being desirous of drawing closer their
ancient relations of friendship and good neighbourhood, have determined
to conclude a Convention to this effect, in the interest of the two High
Contracting Parties.
In consequence the President of the French Republic has named as his
Plenipotentiary M. le General Bréart, who has agreed with His Highness
the Bey upon the following stipulations:—
ARTICLE I.
The Treaties of peace, friendship, and commerce, and all other
conventions actually existing between the French Republic and His
Highness the Bey of Tunis, are expressly confirmed and renewed.
ARTICLE II.
With a view of facilitating the accomplishment by the French Republic of
the measures which it will have to take in order to attain the end
proposed by the High Contracting Parties, His Highness the Bey of Tunis
consents that the French military authorities should occupy the points
which they may deem necessary to ensure the re-establishment of order
and the security of the frontiers and of the coast.
This occupation shall cease when the French and Tunisian military
authorities shall have recognised by common consent that the local
administration is capable of guaranteeing the maintenance of order.
ARTICLE III.
The Government of the French Republic undertakes to give constant
support to His Highness the Bey of Tunis against any danger which may
menace the person or dynasty of His Highness, or which may compromise
the tranquillity of his states.
ARTICLE IV.
The Government of the French Republic guarantees the execution of the
Treaties at present existing between the Government of the Regency and
the different European Powers.
ARTICLE V.
The Government of the French Republic shall be represented near His
Highness the Bey of Tunis by a Minister Resident, who will watch over
the execution of the present instrument, and who will be the medium of
communication between the French Government and the Tunisian authorities
for all affairs common to the two countries.
ARTICLE VI.
The diplomatic and consular agents of France in foreign countries will
be charged with the protection of Tunisian interests and of the
nationals of the Regency. In return, His Highness the Bey undertakes to
conclude no act having an international character without having
communicated it to the Government of the French Republic, and without
having previously come to an understanding with them.
ARTICLE VII.
The Government of the French Republic and the Government of His Highness
the Bey of Tunis reserve to themselves the right to fix, by a common
agreement, the bases of a financial organisation of the Regency, which
shall be of a nature to assure the service of the public debt and to
guarantee the rights of the creditors of Tunis.
ARTICLE VIII.
A war contribution will be imposed on the unsubdued tribes on the
frontier and on the coast. A further convention will settle the amount
of it and the method of collecting it, for which the Government of His
Highness the Bey hold themselves responsible.
ARTICLE IX.
In order to protect the Algerian possessions of the French Republic
against the smuggling of arms and munitions of war, the Government of
His Highness the Bey of Tunis undertakes to prohibit any introduction of
arms or of munitions of war by the Island of Djerba, the Port of Gabes,
or the other ports of the south of Tunis.
ARTICLE X.
The present treaty will be submitted for the ratification of the
Government of the French Republic, and the instrument of ratification
will be returned to His Highness the Bey with as little delay as
possible.
The Bey for some minutes even declined to look at the paper, and
repeated several times that he did not understand French. At last it was
handed to M. Conti, who made a running translation into Arabic. The
following dialogue then ensued through the interpreter:—
“_Bey._—Will you give me a written translation in Arabic?
“_General Bréart._—What you have heard is enough.
“_Bey._—At any rate you will grant me twenty-four hours for
consideration?
“_General Bréart._—Certainly not. I expect an answer before eight
o’clock to-night, and shall remain here till I get one.
“_Bey._—May I lay the treaty before my Council?
“_General Bréart._—Do as you like between this and eight o’clock.”
The General and his _suite_ left the room. M. Roustan turned to the Bey
and said that all he had told him was now verified. He added, “Your
Highness has nothing to do but to sign, and if you decline to do so it
does not matter, for there is another who will.” Musalli took the
minister aside and whispered to him that his further resistance would be
punished as high treason. “When you were last in France,” he said, “you
became a French citizen, you are therefore amenable to the French
military code, and unless the Bey signs to-night you will be _tried by
court-martial and shot_.” M. Roustan and his friend then joined General
Bréart. All that had happened was already known to the frightened
councillors. One after another they voted for accepting the treaty; the
president of the municipality alone told the Bey that his death was of
no consequence compared with such a disgrace, and implored him to hold
out at all costs. The Prime Minister, under the influence of Musalli’s
communication, sided with the timorous majority. Even now the Bey
hesitated, and his decision wavered in the balance. The chief eunuch
approached him with a message. The ladies of the harem had seen the
cannon and the soldiers from behind the lattice work of their windows,
and implored him “_to sign and save their lives_.” Five minutes later he
sent to inform M. Roustan that he accepted the inevitable. For the first
time in his life he affixed in trembling characters the words Muhamed es
Sadek Bey to a document written in a European language. Turning to the
General, he said, “_Now_ at any rate you need not go to Tunis?”
“Highness,” answered General Bréart, “I only receive commands from my
own superiors,” and turning on his heel, quitted the room. As soon as he
was alone the Bey could no longer control his feelings, and gave way to
the wildest despair. He resolved even then, to make one more appeal to
the suzerain whose allegiance he had an hour before cast off for ever.
He ordered M. Conti to prepare a telegram explaining what had occurred
and send it to Constantinople _viâ_ Sicily by the Palermo mail on the
next day. The message was accordingly despatched:—
_Bey of Tunis to Grand Vizier._
The French forces, of which I had announced the arrival at Jedeida,
approached on Thursday evening the central seat of my authority, and
their commander, accompanied by a detachment of cavalry, came to my
residence, and proposed to me to sign a treaty of peace imposed by
France. He gave me four hours to consider, and declared that he would
not withdraw till he had received an answer. Seeing myself under the
pressure of an army near the centre of my authority, I was obliged to
sign the treaty without having examined or discussed it, in order to
save my honour and avert bloodshed. I notified at the same time to the
commander that I acted under pressure and compulsion.
On the following morning the Bey inaugurated the new régime by investing
General Bréart with the grand cordon of the Nichán. The sullen
dissatisfaction of the townspeople could not be mistaken, and while
General Bréart was still at the Bardo, a deputation came there to ask
for some authentic information as to what had really been done. Mustapha
and General Musalli received it. “Is it true,” asked an old scent-seller
at the head of it, “that Tunis has been sold to France?” “Nothing could
be further from the fact,” answered Mustapha, “the Khamírs having beaten
the French, the latter have taken refuge under the shadow of the palace
walls, and we are giving them bread until they go back to their own
country.” Two days later M. Roustan was named Minister Plenipotentiary
of the First Class and Minister Resident at Tunis, and Signor Cairoli’s
cabinet was a second time overturned at Rome as a censure on his
conspicuous diplomatic defeat.