_Period of Political Grandeur--Gustavus II. Adolphus_
Gustavus II. Adolphus is the greatest figure of Swedish history,
revered and beloved as one of the noblest of heroes, a genius in whom
the qualities of the great statesman and warrior were blended with
the faith of a man ready to sacrifice his life for the loftiest of
causes--religious liberty. Gustavus Adolphus was, by his own triumphant
deeds and through his school of discipline, which turned out men
worthy to follow up his work, destined to bring his country up to the
fulfilment of its mission in the history of human progress, and to
open for it an era of glory and political grandeur which its limited
resources made it impossible to preserve, but which was fruitful of
results for its later cultural evolution.
The secret of Sweden’s success in solving the stupendous conflict
between Catholicism and Protestantism, between reaction and progress,
rested in the fact that this little country was eminently ready
to wage a war for religious liberty. It had been more perfectly
rejuvenated by the spirit of Protestantism than had, at the time, any
other country. The mediæval state, completed later in Sweden than on
the continent, also gave way there sooner and more completely than
elsewhere. The yeomanry, never fully suppressed, had preserved its old
spirit of independence, fostered and guided by patriotic leaders of
the nobility, with or without a crown. The population was suffering,
hungering, bleeding, but free, indomitable, and devoted to its once
more hereditary kings of Swedish birth and to their new faith, which
had made strong in them their old individuality of views and life.
When Gustavus Adolphus ascended the throne, the country was in the
greatest peril and distress, and had many a lesson to learn before
entering the universal conflict of the Thirty Years’ War.
Gustavus Adolphus was born, Dec. 9, 1594, at the castle of Stockholm.
When six years old, he followed his father to devastated Finland,
returning through Norrland, for the settlement and future of which
territory great plans were made. At ten, he was ordered to be present
at the deliberations of the state council; at thirteen, he received
petitions and complaints, rectifying wrongs and soothing suffering.
His father said of him, in speaking of the fulfilment of great works,
placing his hand on the curly blond head: “_Ille faciet._” The prince
received a severe and carefully supervised education, led by Johan
Skytte. He acquired knowledge of a considerable number of languages,
probably all in a mechanical way, except the Swedish and German, with
both of which he was made equally and thoroughly familiar, speaking
and writing the latter language with greater ease and perfection than
the emperor Ferdinand, or Maximilian of Bavaria. In the sciences of
economics and war he was well read, himself inaugurating novel theories
in both. In him the best traits of the Vasa dynasty were admirably
blended and enlarged. He possessed an acute intellect, far-reaching
views of almost prophetic discernment, a mastery and patience in
detail, and an indomitable strength of will. To the ceaseless and
painstaking care of the welfare of his subjects, characteristic of
his father and grandfather, were in him added a harmony of endowment
and a gentleness of disposition which made him their superior. In him
the turbulent blood of the Vasas was held in noble self-restraint.
After his rare outbursts of passion, he made good his faults in a most
royal manner. His youth was not without the temptations which beset
all richly endowed natures, but they were vanquished as he grew up to
the importance of his grand mission. He stood in the paternal attitude
to his people so becoming to his grandfather, but lacked the fiery
democratic tendencies and the sympathy for the untitled, unpretentious
and lowly, so strong in his stern father. To his relatives he was as
gentle as to his subjects, treating his resolute and ambitious mother,
Christine of Holstein-Gottorp, with love and respect; on her demand
sacrificing the love of his youth and intended bride, Ebba Brahe,
who became the consort of victorious Jacob de la Gardie. Also to his
brother Charles Philip he stood in an exemplary relation; but firmly
refused to grant him privileges for his duchy of Vermland which could
be injurious to the country at large.
Gustavus Adolphus was a man of commanding presence, tall and of a heavy
frame. The color of his face was clear and light, his eyes blue, his
hair and beard blond. Foreign contemporary authors called him “the
golden king of the North.” He carried his head high, and his open,
frank eye, and the clear voice of manly resonance, gave added charm to
his noble appearance. Gustavus Adolphus possessed a majestic dignity of
bearing coupled with the unfeigned kindness of a noble heart.
Charles IX. had left his son the Danish war as an inheritance. It was
carried on in the provinces of the frontiers, and consisted chiefly
in small conflicts, which caused fatigue and detriment without being
decisive. The Danes entered the interior of Smaland during the first
days of the year 1612. Gustavus Adolphus, in his turn, moved from the
fort of Ryssby into the province of Scania, destroying by fire the town
of Væ and several castles belonging to the wealthy nobility. During
a smaller conflict which then took place, Gustavus Adolphus was in
imminent danger of his life.
The Swedes had made a camp for themselves at the cemetery of Vittsjœ,
when suddenly surprised by a force of Danish cavalry. The Swedes fought
with determination, but found it necessary to leave their camp. They
took a firm stand on the frozen waters of the adjoining lake, but were
forced to leave that position also. A tumult ensued, during which the
ice gave way on the spot where the king found himself, for the moment,
alone and without an escort. Per Banér, a son of Gustavus Banér, who
was executed at Linkœping at the command of Charles IX., perceived
the king in the moment of greatest danger, and hastened with Thomas
Larsson, a trooper from Upland, to rescue him. When in safety, the king
at once unbuckled his silver belt, and, handing it to the trooper,
said: “I shall remember thee with a piece of bread, which neither thou
nor thy children shall ever find lacking.” Thomas Larsson received in
the following year a farm in the province of Westmanland, which has
remained in the possession of his descendants to this very day. Per
Banér received in fief the estates which had been in the possession of
his uncle, Sten Banér, also executed at Linkœping, and rose to the
dignity of a state councillor during the minority of Queen Christine.
It was the ambition of Christian IV. of Denmark to cut Sweden off from
any communication with the North Sea. As Bohuslæn and Halland both
were parts of the Danish dominion, there was only the small strip of
territory surrounding the mouth of the Gotha River to conquer. The
island of Hising constituted the larger part of it, and was the site
of the new town of Gothenburg, which was defended by the fortress of
Elfsborg. The town of New Lœdœse was situated on the opposite shore,
some few miles up the river, defended by the fort of Gullberg. The
Danish king approached Gullberg from Bohus, having with him a smaller
force, which he considered sufficient in numbers. Gullberg was only a
poor little nest, but it was valiantly defended by Morten Krakow and
his wife, the stanch Lady Emerentia Pauli. One day the Danes made a
violent attack. The ladders which they placed against the walls were
crushed by heavy beams which the Swedes let fall down on them. In spite
of this, the Danes succeeded in forcing the gates of the place. The
position was a critical one for the Swedes. The commander had met with
an accident and was unable to lead the defence. But Lady Emerentia
resolved to take the command. She gave orders to the wives of the
soldiers to fill up the vaulted passage of the gates with barrels,
washtubs, timber, etc. When the Danes stormed on in a compact body,
they were received by a downfall of scalding-hot lye, which the women
kept pouring down on them from behind their barricade. The daughter
of Lady Emerentia thus graphically describes the effect: “They lay in
the vault and around the gates like scalded hogs.” Lady Emerentia had
placed two pieces of artillery on the top of a small building fronting
the gates. They were loaded with broken horseshoes and the like and
sent out a disastrous fire. The few surviving Danes fled hurriedly for
their lives, leaving Lady Emerentia in proud possession of the fort. A
second attack which was made later on proved as futile as the first.
King Christian then gave command to abandon the plan of taking the
fort. The Danish army collected in a field in front of Gullberg. But
Lady Emerentia was vigilant. From the walls of the fort she espied a
man of prepossessing appearance who rode a white horse. “Shoot that
man!” was her immediate command to the nearest soldier. The shot took
effect, killing the white horse, whose brains and blood spattered the
king. For the man on horseback was King Christian. “That devilish crow
does never sleep!” exclaimed the king, referring to the commander.
King Christian turned on New Lœdœse, killing without mercy all the
male inhabitants of the town. West Gothland was invaded, the province
appearing to be an easy prey because the Swedish army, commanded by
Duke John, had just left it to march into Halland. But the bailiff of
Hœjentorp called on the peasants to rise, which caused the Danes to
recede. The Danes next made an attack on the fortress of Elfsborg,
commanded by Olof Strole. Elfsborg was defended with heroism, but when
fire threatened to destroy the towers, Olof Strole at last surrendered.
On account of their valiant conduct the commander and his men, who were
reduced to 200, were granted free passage with their music and banners.
The able Morten Krakow of Gullberg had been promoted to the fortress of
Vaxholm. His successor surrendered Gullberg to the Danes shortly after
the fall of Elfsborg. King Christian planned a series of invasions in
the year 1612, but, thanks to the vigilance of Gustavus Adolphus, he
failed to accomplish the desired effect.
Gustavus Adolphus wanted peace with Denmark, and such was made at
Knerœd in 1613, after a war of mutual invasions and without any
decisive battles or conquests of territory. The frontiers were to
remain the same as before the war; the Danish king was allowed to
keep the emblem of three crowns, but had to resign his claims upon
the Swedish crown. The fortress of Elfsborg remained in the hands
of the Danes for six years, until $1,000,000, an exorbitant sum in
those days, was paid for it. It cost the people of Sweden very dear
to pay this sum, sacrifices being made by the king and his friends
to contribute to it. But Elfsborg, the only approach to the North
Sea, was indispensable. It was returned in a miserable condition, and
Gothenburg, on the opposite side of Gotha River, destroyed. Gustavus
Adolphus ordered Gothenburg to be moved to its present site, on
the mainland, and endowed it with extensive commercial privileges,
encouraging Dutch merchants to settle there.
The war with Russia began once more in 1614. Gustavus Adolphus not
having been found willing to accept the crown for his brother Charles
Philip, the negotiations were dropped. Count de la Gardie resumed
control of the movements, although the king was present in person. The
Swedes won a great victory at Bronitz and captured the fortress of
Augdof. An attempt to take Pskof was unsuccessful, Evert Horn, the hero
of a hundred battles, losing his life; but the Russians were willing
to make peace. Through the honorable peace of Stolbova, in February,
1617, Russia gave up all claims on Esthonia and Livonia, and ceded to
Sweden Ingermanland and Kexholm. This cut off the Russians from the
Baltic, fixed the Swedish frontier on the lakes Ladoga and Peipus, and
left Sweden in peace with the mightiest of her enemies during almost a
century. The armistice with Poland ended in 1616, but after two years
of insignificant movements it was continued up to 1620.
Gustavus II. Adolphus with untiring energy continued the work of
building up the new state founded by Gustavus I. At the death of
his father, the royal youth had won everybody by his gentleness and
generosity. His first act was perhaps the wisest of all, in selecting
among the councillors the young, highly talented Axel Oxenstierna as
his chancellor. This couple have no peers in history, being united
by the firmest of friendships and rising simultaneously to the
highest ability of statesmanship, the gifts of the one wonderfully
supplementing those of the other. The chancellor was cooler and slower
than his royal friend. He placed supreme the duties to his country,
but was of very aristocratic tendencies, through his influence leading
the king still further away from the democratic principles of his
father. To the nobility were granted the old privileges, with others
in addition, which became menacing to the ancient freedom of the
peasantry. The management of internal affairs and all branches of
the administration were placed under various departments. They were
presided over by the high functionaries and their offices chiefly
filled by noblemen. A permanent supreme court was established in
Stockholm, with the Drotsete as president, in 1614. In 1623, a supreme
court for Finland was established and a governor-general for that
grandduchy appointed, who was also to be president of the court.
In 1630, a supreme court for the Baltic provinces was established
at Dorpat. The Riksdag, governed by the new rules of 1617, was to
convene yearly, and to consist of the four Estates of the kingdom: the
nobility, clergy, bourgeoisie and yeomanry, each divided into various
classes. These latter were as yet not quite distinct or organized,
except those of the nobility, who, in 1625, formed a knightly chapter,
the Riddarhus, which kept a register of the legitimate noble families
of Sweden and Finland and watched over the interests of its members.
The Estate of the nobility was divided in three classes, lords,
knights and squires. To the first belonged the holders of counties
and baronies, to the second those whose ancestors held the rank of
state councillors, and to the third the rest of the nobility. As each
class had one vote in the Riksdag, the supremacy of lords and knights,
called the “higher nobility,” was secure, when standing united, over
the more numerous third class, the “lower nobility.” The king appointed
the speaker of the nobility, the _landtmarskalk_, who also was the
president of their chapter. The Swedish church had its greatest
epoch during the period of political grandeur, being characterized
by a remarkable strength of faith and by a praiseworthy energy and
earnestness. The clergy, high and low, set beautiful examples of
piety, learning and patriotism. It was beloved by the people and spoke
in their behalf with authority and courage. Not able to win Gustavus
Adolphus over to more democratic views, it won his admiration, and he
surnamed the ministers “tribunes of the people.” The burghers, touched
by the patriotic spirit, developed great energy during this period,
trade and commerce having a devoted patron in the king, who, besides
the new Gothenburg, founded twelve other towns in Sweden and Finland.
The miners occupied of old an uncertain position between burghers and
yeomen. They were strengthened and encouraged by the personal interest
which the king took in the mining industry. He visited the mines
repeatedly, descending into the bowels of the earth to inspect the ore
and the new methods introduced from abroad by foreign miners. Among the
latter the immigrated Dutchman, Louis de Geer, exerted a beneficial
influence upon that industry. The factories producing clothing and
weapons for the army were also encouraged. The yeomen occupied a
difficult, almost desperate position between the increasing privileges
of the nobility and the increasing taxes of the crown. Their burdens
were doubled and their rights reduced; yet sustained by the church, and
believing in the lofty ideals of the king, they persevered, fulfilling
their duties with a high degree of patriotism.
No Swedish king has done so much for education as Gustavus Adolphus.
To the University of Upsala he donated 300 of his hereditary estates,
founding its library, improving its courses, banishing misrule, and
appointing his old teacher, John Skytte, its chancellor. He created the
German University of Dorpat in Esthonia, in 1632; later for some time
moved to Pernau. Colleges were established in the larger towns. The
king was, through his thorough studies of Swedish laws and conditions,
in a position to take an active part in the reforms which he
promulgated, never resting long in one place, but travelling from one
point to another, where his presence was most necessary; shaping plans
and reforms by his own judgment, to have them indorsed by the next
Riksdag, and then enforcing them himself. Especially the army passed
through an evolution, thanks to new methods, devised by the king, who
was to win his victories through the introduction of improved tactics
and divisions, by means of which the troops were easier to move and the
co-operation between the various weapons increased.
In 1618 the “Thirty Years’ War” began. The dethroned Frederic of the
Palatinate turned, among others, to Gustavus Adolphus for support,
which the latter was not able to give in a direct way. But he promised
to attack Poland as soon as the armistice was at an end, thereby making
it impossible for Sigismund to support Emperor Ferdinand with troops.
In 1621, Gustavus Adolphus commenced operations against Poland, taking
the command himself. Riga and Mitau were captured, the former important
commercial centre regaining its privileges, but sending representatives
to the Swedish Riksdag and accepting a Swedish governor. After having
conquered Livonia, Gustavus Adolphus entered Courland the following
year, when an armistice was agreed to. Gustavus followed the events
in Germany with increasing interest, forming the plan of an alliance
between the Protestant powers. Learning that the emperor was willing
to support Sigismund, Gustavus Adolphus offered to invade Silesia.
But as Christian IV. of Denmark was anxious to lead the Protestant
forces, Gustavus Adolphus quietly withdrew, resuming action against
Poland. After a victory at Wallhof, he entered Polish Prussia, where
he was dangerously wounded at Dirschau. The Poles were reinforced by
imperial troops, but suffered a defeat at Gurzo; the Swedish general,
Herman Wrangel, winning the day. When the considerable reinforcements
of 10,000 men joined the Poles, the Swedes receded in good order. A
smaller conflict occurred at Stuhm, famous because Gustavus Adolphus
was twice in danger of his life during the struggle, which otherwise
was of no importance. An imperial trooper caught him by the belt and
tried to drag the king with him. According to the report of Axel
Oxenstierna, the king loosened the belt and let it go. In so doing, he
also lost his hat, which was carried to Vienna and preserved as a token
of the “great victory.” Another trooper, shortly afterward, caught the
king by the arm, aiming at the head with his sword. In the critical
moment, Eric Soop, the colonel of a Swedish cavalry regiment, appeared,
killing the trooper with a pistol-shot. Gustavus Adolphus referred to
this struggle as the “hottest bath” that he was ever in.
In September, 1629, an armistice was agreed to, at Altmark, to
last for six years, during which period Sweden was to keep Livonia
and the Russian towns of Elbing, Braunsberg, Pillau and Memel. The
new acquisition of territory was small, but the revenue from these
commercial towns, and from Dantzic, Libau and Windau, was considerable,
and went to pay for the army expenses of the German campaign. The
new temporary possessions in Prussia were formed into a Swedish
governmental section, over which Axel Oxenstierna was appointed
governor-general.
What follows belongs to one of the most noted chapters of universal
history. The unbroken chain of Swedish victories, the noble character
of the king and the severe discipline upheld among his men, who
commenced and ended their battles with prayers and hymns, astounded
the world. The exalted nobility of Gustavus Adolphus appears to us
all the more striking, contrasted with the faithlessness, vanity and
cowardice of the contemporary reigning princes of Germany and Denmark.
His victories appear all the more remarkable because the greatest
warriors of the age--Tilly, Wallenstein and Pappenheim--were his
adversaries. He was received by the people of Germany as a liberator,
and his memory is blessed by every thinking German, who admits that
the Swedes, Gustavus Adolphus and Axel Oxenstierna, completed the work
which the Germans, Luther and Melanchthon, created. The loftiness of
the ideals which inspired Gustavus Adolphus have been doubted, but
not with justice. He was brought up in a severely Christian home and
the sincerity of his piety is unmistakable. His father’s clairvoyant
views upon the coming religious conflict were familiar to him since his
early youth, while he was, through his mother, related in blood to the
majority of Protestant princes. Thus apparently predestined, as the
greatest statesman and warrior of his age, to take up the cause of his
persecuted brethren, he did not do so before the ambitious Christian
IV. had utterly failed in his attempts and with contumely been forced
to retire. It is not probable that Gustavus Adolphus ever thought of
placing the crown of the Roman empire upon his head, but plausible to
suppose that he had in view the formation of a strong union of the
Protestant countries of Northern Europe.
Before leaving Sweden, Gustavus II. convoked the representatives of
his people, holding on his arm his little daughter Christine, four
years old, for whom he asked their pledge of allegiance. His farewell
speech was touching in its simplicity and the premonition of his tragic
end. Not for worldly glory, but to save his country from peril and his
brethren from distress, he undertook this risky war. “Generally,” he
said, “it happens thus that the vessel hauls water until it goes to
pieces. With me likewise, that I, who in so many perils for the weal
of my country have shed my blood, and yet until this day have been
spared through the grace of God, now at last must lose my life. For
that reason I will this time commend you, the collected Estates of the
realm, to the hand of God, the Supreme One, wishing that we, after this
our miserable and burdensome life, according to the will of God, may
meet again, to dwell in the celestial and infinite.” These words do not
resemble the terse, striking speeches of his grandfather, but they bear
the stamp of sincerity, and by them Gustavus Adolphus, his work and his
purpose, are judged by the Swedish people.
Midsummer Day, 1630, Gustavus Adolphus landed with his troops at the
island of Ruden, on the coast of Pomerania. Two days later he proceeded
to the larger island of Usedom. His troops consisted of 13,000 men.
Gustavus Adolphus was himself the first to land. He knelt on the shore
and prayed to God in a loud voice; his prayer moved those surrounding
him to tears. When the king noticed it he said: “Do not cry, but pray
to God with fervor. The more of prayer, the more of victory; the best
Christian is the best soldier.” Then he took hold of a spade and
commenced to assist personally in the work of building a camp. When
it grew dark, the heavens were illuminated by the fire of burning
villages, giving evidence of the manner in which the enemy conducted
his warfare.
The supercilious Wallenstein had been dismissed by the emperor at the
time when Gustavus Adolphus landed in Germany, but his wild hordes were
pillaging Pomerania. Yet Gustavus Adolphus had great difficulty in
persuading the old duke of Pomerania to accept the alliance he offered
him. But when this was done, it took the Swedes only a short time to
clear the duchy of its enemies. The young landgrave of Hesse and the
free city of Magdeburg were glad to accept an alliance with Gustavus
Adolphus. A treaty was made with France, which country promised to pay
subsidies to Sweden as long as the German war lasted. Tilly, who was in
command of the imperial troops, approached Magdeburg. Gustavus Adolphus
sent proper provisions to Magdeburg with an experienced commander, as
he could not go himself, because the elector of Saxony refused to let
him pass with his army through Saxon territory. Magdeburg was captured
by Tilly, who sacked and destroyed it by fire in a most barbarous way.
The discipline and moderation of the Swedish troops formed a great
contrast to the reckless behavior of the imperial army. The Swedes
left the peaceful inhabitants in undisturbed possession of their lives
and property; the strictest order was maintained within the army; each
regiment held morning and evening prayers in the open air; gambling,
carousing and plundering were sternly prohibited. For these reasons the
Swedish king and his army were received by the poor downtrodden people
as saviors and liberators. Gustavus Adolphus deeply mourned the fall of
Magdeburg, whose fate it had not been in his power to prevent. He took
a fortified position at Werben, where the river Havel is joined by the
Ube. Tilly entered Saxony with a hostile demeanor, not satisfied with
the lukewarm friendship of the elector. Burning villages marked the way
of his army. The poor elector, not knowing what to do, in his despair
turned to Gustavus Adolphus, whom he had treated so coldly and begged
him for help. The king at once was ready to forget past differences,
and, joining forces with the elector, he marched toward Leipsic.
Tilly, with 35,000 men, occupied an advantageous position near the
village of Breitenfeld, not far from Leipsic, at the summit of a long
ridge of sandy hills. The infantry and the greater part of the cavalry
were grouped in heavy divisions, forming one single line of battle with
artillery behind at the very top of the hills. Tilly himself commanded
the centre, while his able and fiery sub-commander, Pappenheim, had the
command of the left wing, being in hopes to encounter the Swedish king
personally. The Swedish army consisted of 22,000 men, who were joined
by 11,000 Saxons.
Early in the morning of September 7, 1631, the Swedes started toward
Breitenfeld. Tilly turned pale, it is said, when he saw the order and
firmness with which the Swedes marched up to take their positions on
the narrow slips of ground between the Lober brook and the reach of the
imperial cannon. The Swedes were arranged in a double line of battle,
infantry in the centre and cavalry on the wings. Between the squadrons
of cavalry divisions of musketeers were placed. The regimental
artillery was distributed over a number of places. The king commanded
the right wing in person, with John Banér as sub-commander. Teuffel led
the centre and Gustavus Horn the left wing. The king had no confidence
in the Saxons, for which reason he had arranged them by themselves at
some distance to the left of the Swedish army. When everything was
arranged, the king rode to the front. With his head uncovered, and
his sword pointing to the ground, he prayed: “Almighty God, thou who
holdest victory and defeat in the hollow of thy hand, turn thine eyes
unto us, thy servants, who have come hither from distant dwellings to
fight for liberty and truth, for thy holy Gospel. Give victory unto
us for the glory of thy hallowed name! Amen!” The prayer of the king
could be heard by almost every man of the army, and all were touched
and strengthened by his pious trust in a righteous cause. The Swedes of
the right wing were soon attacked by Pappenheim and his cavalry. But
the horses of the imperialists were frightened by the flashing fire of
the musketeers, and the attack failed to have an effect. It was ended
as quickly as it was begun. Pappenheim concluded to make an attempt
to surprise the Swedes from the left side. But the king divined his
plan. He ordered John Banér with the second line to make a movement by
which to turn at an angle with the first and face the attack from the
side. Pappenheim was surprised to find a new line facing him. A bloody
struggle ensued. Seven times his men made an inroad on the Swedish
line and were seven times repulsed, badly damaged by the fire of the
musketeers. The Swedes, in their turn, made an attack which scattered
Pappenheim’s forces from the field in wild flight.
Tilly had with his light cavalry attacked the left wing of the Swedes.
His men were mostly made up of Croats and other semi-barbarous people.
When repulsed by the Swedes they concentrated their forces to crush
the Saxons. These withstood the first assault, but the second routed
them completely. The imperialists then made a second attack upon the
left Swedish wing, made up of only 2,500 men. Gustavus Horn acted
with coolness and great presence of mind. He let the first line close
in on the second till it was able to take a firm stand against the
heavy force of the attacking enemy. The Swedes never for a moment lost
their position, in spite of the frightful onslaught. The king arrived
and remained for some time with the left wing. He ordered the Scotch
brigade of hired troops to support him. The Scotch had cannon hidden
behind their lines. These had a telling effect upon the attacking
imperialists, who were thrown back, suffering great losses. Everywhere
the battle was fought with frenzy, the clouds of dust and smoke
changing the day into night.
The king made sure that the left wing of the enemy’s army was engaged
in continued flight. Then he commenced an attack with his own right
wing upon the imperial artillery, which had kept up a steady fire
against the Swedish centre. Tilly’s cannon were captured at the first
attempt and turned on the imperial troops, causing consternation.
Horn opened an attack on his side and the king hastened to support
him with his troops. Tilly tried in vain to lead his troops into the
battle. Pappenheim had returned and gave brilliant proofs of personal
courage. The defeat of the imperial army was unavoidable; it scattered
in helpless confusion. Tilly lost his horse and was near being captured
himself. Four of his best infantry regiments took a stand and tried
to resist the conquering foe. These imperial soldiers, who never had
suffered a defeat, preferred death to surrender. Tilly fled at last,
followed by only 600 men. After five hours of fighting the Swedes had
won a glorious victory. They finished the day with prayer and remained
on the battlefield over night, arranged in order of battle. The
following morning they entered the deserted camp of the enemy where a
rich booty awaited them.
The progress of Gustavus Adolphus along the shores of the river Main to
the towns of Frankfort and Mayence was a march of triumph. In capturing
Mayence, the Swedes fought the Spanish allies of the emperor. The towns
surrendered to violence or by their own consent. Gustavus Adolphus made
their inhabitants pledge their fidelity to him and strengthened his
power with the rich resources of the Frankish country. Then he turned
against Maximilian of Bavaria. Tilly, who was to defend Bavaria, was
again encountered and defeated at Lech. He was carried from the battle
mortally wounded and died soon afterward. Gustavus Adolphus made his
triumphal entry into Munich, with Frederic of the Palatinate at his
side. The danger to the crown lands of the emperor was imminent.
Wallenstein was the most famous of German generals. Reticent and
secretive, he appeared to be unable to feel mercy. He was devoted to
the secret doctrines of astrology, which in him had taken the place
of religion. He cared naught for the cause of religious liberty or
the fall of the German empire, looking only for occasions to satisfy
his own ambition and the means of obtaining power and wealth. He had
served the emperor, who had raised him to the dignity of a duke of
Mecklenburg, but had been dismissed and deprived of his dignities
at the time of the arrival of Gustavus Adolphus on German soil. His
downfall was caused by complaints of his insolence and recklessness,
made by Maximilian of Bavaria and other German princes. Wallenstein
retired to Prague, at the castle of which town he surrounded himself
with princely luxury and comfort, scheming for revenge. His plan was
to join the enemies of the emperor. He approached Gustavus Adolphus
for such purpose, before the battle of Breitenfeld, and was delighted
to hear of the defeat of Tilly. Gustavus Adolphus seemed at first
inclined to take up relations with Wallenstein, but at the point where
an agreement was to be made he suddenly changed his attitude. The
king probably hesitated to accept the services of a man who had no
other aim than to satisfy his own ambition. The emperor was placed
in a bad predicament, at the second defeat of Tilly, for want of an
army to defend his lands and a commander to lead it. There was only
one way out of the difficulty, and that was to pacify the mortally
offended Wallenstein, and to persuade him to re-enter the service of
the emperor. The emperor resigned himself to accept this humiliating
condition, and Wallenstein agreed to resume command, but only at a
high price. The name of Wallenstein was enough to bring thousands
of warriors under the imperial banners, and Wallenstein was soon at
the head of an army of sufficient proportions. His doctrine was that
“the war should support itself,” according to which his soldiers were
allowed to sack and plunder at will the countries through which they
were passing. He cared naught for the recklessness of his subordinates,
if they only showed blind obedience to him.
Wallenstein expelled the Saxons who had invaded Bohemia. But he showed
disinclination to assist the elector of Bavaria, who was compelled to
leave his country. At Eger, Wallenstein was reinforced and marched on
Nuremberg with an army of 60,000, prepared to meet Gustavus Adolphus.
He was confident of his superior force. “Within four days,” he said,
“it shall become evident whether I or the Swedish king is the master of
Germany.” Gustavus Adolphus hastened to relieve Nuremberg, taking his
position in the immediate neighborhood of said town. He had only 18,000
men with him, but he surrounded this army with solid fortifications,
and Wallenstein dared not risk an attack, in spite of his superior
force. Wallenstein took his position at the summit of three steep
hills, surrounded by trenches and ramparts. His intention was to
cut off the Swedes from all sources of supplies and force them to
surrender by starvation. “I shall teach the Swedish king,” he said, “a
new method of warfare.”
For nine weeks the two armies were facing each other. The suffering
became great in both camps. The Swedes suffered most, although the
inhabitants of Nuremberg tried their utmost to supply them with food.
When the provisions were diminishing, the bonds of discipline were
loosened. Especially the Germans of the Swedish army made themselves
conspicuous by licentiousness and plunder. Gustavus Adolphus decided
to try an attack on Wallenstein’s camp, in order to put an end to the
critical state of things. He was so much more anxious to risk it, as
his army had been considerably reinforced and was almost equal to
Wallenstein’s in numbers. At noon, August 24, 1632, the Swedish army
made ready for battle. The attack was first made on Burgstall, the most
important one of the three hills occupied by the enemy. The battle was
a fierce and bloody one, the whole mountain being clothed in fire and
smoke. Several of the most distinguished of the Swedish officers were
killed or captured. A bullet passed through the boot of the king; an
officer was killed at his side. The Swedes were thrown back on one
hand, while on the other, Duke Bernhard of Weimar, one of the German
commanders of the king, succeeded in capturing one of the forts built
on the Burgstall. But as the day was over and the army exhausted,
the Swedes were not able to profit by their success. A heavy rain
commenced, continuing through the night. This made it impossible to
haul any cannon up to the captured fort, which was then abandoned. The
Swedish army returned to the camp. This unsuccessful attack cost the
Swedes almost 2,000 men. Gustavus Adolphus wrote in regard to it: “It
was too much to be considered a page’s trick, but too small to be of
real earnest.” Wallenstein wrote of it. “Never in my life have I seen a
more desperate fire, but I hope that the Swedes have lost their horns
in this conflict.”
The king broke camp a fortnight later, arranging his army into a line
of battle. For four hours he waited for Wallenstein to come forward,
but the latter did not risk an attack. Gustavus Adolphus intended
to enter Swabia, to complete the conquest of Southwestern Germany.
But Wallenstein, who soon afterward also broke camp, invaded Saxony.
This caused the king to change his plans. He was obliged to follow
Wallenstein in order to protect his ally and to avoid the danger of
being cut off from the connections with his own empire. Wallenstein
marked his way by cruel devastation, and the appeals of the unhappy
population persuaded the king to take an early decision.
The people of Saxony received Gustavus Adolphus with great enthusiasm,
of which they gave evidence in the most exultant manner. People were
seen kneeling everywhere on his way, imploringly stretching their hands
toward him. The king was not content with their exaggerated devotion.
“I fear that God is offended by their vain demonstrations of joy and
soon shall show them that the one whom they adore as a god is naught
but a weak and mortal man.”
Wallenstein was in the neighborhood of Leipsic, at the little town of
Lutzen. He had sent away Pappenheim, his best sub-commander, to Halle
with a considerable force. Gustavus Adolphus found this circumstance
favorable and decided on an attack.
It was the 6th of November, 1632. A heavy mist covered the spacious
fields around Leipsic. Wallenstein was, with the right wing of his
army, close on Lutzen, the little town being set on fire, in order not
to shield a clandestine attack. The flame of the conflagration appeared
dull but magnified through the mists of the early morning. In front of
the imperial army was the highway. Musketeers were stationed in and
above the ditches, which were made deeper and provided with ramparts.
The musketeers were so arranged that higher lines could shoot over the
heads of the lower ones. Behind them was another chain of musketeers.
The artillery was placed partly behind the musketeers, partly on the
sides of a hill where some windmills were situated. The cavalry was
placed on the wings, the infantry in the centre, both arranged in great
square divisions. A courier had been sent to recall Pappenheim, as the
army without his force counted only 18,000 men. The Swedish army was
20,000 strong and was arranged according to a plan similar to the one
followed at Breitenfeld. It was arranged in two lines. Musketeers were
interspersed among the cavalry. The regimental artillery was placed
before the front. The king commanded the right wing, Nils Brahe the
centre, Kniephausen the second line of the centre, and Duke Bernhard
the left wing.
The king, who for the time being had none of his best officers around
him, spent the night in a wagon, together with Duke Bernhard and
Kniephausen. He rose in the morning, dressed, without armor, in a
blouse and a gray coat, and mounted his usual white charger, without
having tasted food. He conducted in person the morning prayers of the
army, when Luther’s psalm, “Eine feste Burg ist unser Gott,” was sung.
After the song had ceased, the king made a short speech in Swedish,
which he repeated in German. He said: “There you have the enemy. He is
not now at the top of the hill or behind intrenchments, but in the
open field. You know well how eagerly he has sought to avoid a conflict
and that he is forced to fight because he cannot escape us. Fight,
then, my dear countrymen and friends, for God, your country and your
king. I will reward you all. But if you flinch, you know well that not
a man of you will ever see his country again.” Then the psalm, “Versage
nicht du Hæuflein klein,” the words of which were written in German by
Gustavus Adolphus himself, was sung. The king gave the sign of attack
by waving his sword over his head and cried: “Forward in God’s name;
Jesu, Jesu, Jesu, help us to-day to strive to the honor of thy holy
name!”
It was eleven o’clock, and the mists had, to a great extent, scattered.
The Swedish centre, with the battery behind, marched toward the
highway. The left wing made an attempt to penetrate between the burning
Lutzen and the batteries below the windmills. A terrible fire from
muskets and cannon met the attacking Swedes. Whole lines of infantry
were killed. The left wing suffered in particular. But when the Swedes
reached their destination, the centre moved on with great force,
cleaning the ditches of musketeers, capturing seven pieces of artillery
and making two of the great squares of imperial infantry retire from
their position. While fighting the third, the Swedes were surprised by
the reserve and cavalry forces of the enemy, and had to abandon what
they had taken, retiring into the open field.
The king had, in the meantime, with the cavalry of the right wing,
forced the ditches. When notified of the danger in which the centre
was placed, he hurried to assist his infantry. At the head of his
Smaland cavalry he moved on so quickly that he was separated from the
rest of his forces. The king was near-sighted and the mist once more
thickening. For these reasons he happened to ride close up to the
lines of the imperial cuirassiers. His horse was wounded, and the king
himself received a pistol shot in the arm. He turned to one of his
companions, Duke Frantz Albrecht, of Sachsen-Lauenburg, with a request
to be escorted out of the battle, but was at that instant wounded in
the back, immediately falling off his horse. Duke Frantz Albrecht, only
thinking of saving his own life, fled from the spot. But a German page,
eighteen years of age, who accompanied the king, jumped from his horse
and tried to assist the king in mounting it. Some imperial cavalrymen
passed by. They inquired for the name of the wounded lord. The page
tried to hide his identity, but Gustavus Adolphus answered: “I was once
the king of Sweden.” One of the imperialists attempted to drag the king
with him, but seeing some Swedish soldiers approaching, he sent in
leaving a bullet through the wounded hero’s brain.
The Swedes had been thrown back from the highway all over the line.
The white horse of the king, with empty saddle and stained with blood,
was seen galloping before the front. The message of mourning spread
with lightning rapidity through the army, causing universal sorrow
and anger. The ambition to avenge the death of the beloved king was
kindled in every breast. Duke Bernhard at once assumed supreme command
when notified of the catastrophe. The sagacious Kniephausen thought
the battle lost and considered it best to retire in good order. The
duke answered: “Here is not the question of retreat, but of revenge in
victory or death.” The Swedish line of battle soon moved forward once
more and with redoubled strength. The right wing, commanded by the
valiant Stolhandske, threw back the imperial troops who had caused
the fall of the king. Nils Brahe once more carried the troops of the
centre across the highway and captured for a second time the seven
pieces of artillery. The left wing, commanded by Duke Bernhard, also
moved forward victoriously, capturing the batteries at the windmill
and pointing the cannon toward the enemy. When simultaneously some
wagons loaded with powder for the imperial artillery exploded with a
tremendous roar, the whole army of Wallenstein was thrown into a state
of confusion. It was thought that the Swedes had made an attack from
the rear. The cavalry fled in great numbers with the cries: “We know
the king of Sweden! He is worst toward the end of the day.”
But now another cry was heard: “Pappenheim is coming! Pappenheim is
coming!” And so it was. Pappenheim arrived with his valiant cavalry at
this important juncture. “Where is the king of Sweden to be found?”
was his first question. When told that Gustavus Adolphus had been
seen leading the right wing, he hurried thither, not knowing the fate
that had befallen his royal enemy, and desirous of fighting him face
to face. The imperialists recommenced the battle with renewed vigor.
The scattered forces of cavalry and infantry were collected once more
and were joined by the fresh troops of Pappenheim. The attacking
Swedes met a stanch resistance. The latter were almost tired out, but
preserved their courage. A contemporary writer says that a battle was
never fought in a better way by troops who had for such a long stretch
been in the fire. The Swedish losses were exceedingly heavy. The royal
standard and several other banners were taken. The able Nils Brahe was
killed, and the division of which he was the head fell to the very last
man. But Pappenheim, who rushed forward blindly, in his eagerness to
meet the king of Sweden, was also killed, according to tradition, by a
bullet from Stolhandske. “Pappenheim has fallen! All is lost!” shouted
his men, and drew back discouraged. Wallenstein still thought there was
a chance to hold the field against the exhausted enemy.
Kniephausen had preserved the second line of battle in good order,
resolved to cover the retreat he thought unavoidable. He had sent
away smaller divisions to support the first line, but not in numbers
enough to disturb the order of his own troops. Now he commanded his
men to the front, to fill all the gaps of the first lines. When this
was done, the Swedes made a third attack. The evening sun pierced
through the mists for a moment, and Wallenstein in this light saw the
Swedish army approach in a mighty solid line as at the opening of the
battle. He was greatly surprised. This time the Swedes were resolved
to conquer or die. Soldiers were heard to promise each other to stand
by that resolution. For a third time the Swedes passed the highway and
recaptured, after a bloody struggle, the disputed cannon. The wings of
Wallenstein’s army were both in a state of dissolution. But his centre
preserved two divisions which offered a stubborn resistance until
sunset, when they were ordered to retreat. The Swedes had won the day,
but were too tired to pursue the enemy. Following their custom, they
rested over the night on the battlefield they had bought by their blood.
The loss of troops had been heavy on either side, amounting to about
6,000 men altogether, or about one-third of the whole number of men
engaged in the battle. The excitement was so great on both sides that
no prisoners were made. The corpse of Gustavus Adolphus, bruised and
mangled, was found during the night under a heap of dead soldiers. A
large monumental stone, with inscription, now marks the spot where the
hero king lost his life. The Gustavus Adolphus Society of Germany is a
living monument to his memory.