the trade with the Indians; and it is well known that no place in
America furnished such a quantity of furs and skins, not even the
Hudson’s Bay settlements, whose utmost extent of trade is far inferior
to the produce collected here. These furs and skins were procured from
Canada, and brought to Fort Oswego by the Indians, who disposed of them
to the agents sent there by the merchants of Albany. {15} Besides,
Indian goods may be conveyed from Albany to Fort Oswego at a cheaper
rate than from Montreal to the new settlements at Cataraqui and the head
of the Bay of Kenty, and at less risk, because the stream of the Mohawk
River is not so strong as that of the Cataraqui River, between the Lake
and Montreal, and there are not so many falls of water.
Fort Niagara is on the same lake, where there is also a good
garrison.[28] This lake takes its rise from Lake Erie, and after a
course of fifteen leagues, empties itself into Lake Ontario. About four
leagues before it enters the lake, it is intercepted by the great fall
which is mentioned by various authors, who do not agree in opinion
respecting its height; but from the most authentic accounts, joined to
my own observations, I am inclined to coincide with the judgment of
captain Pierie, who made an actual survey, and describes the height to
be one hundred and forty-six feet, and the width one thousand and forty,
which proves that the accounts of Father Hennepin and La Salle were
erroneous, who both agree in calling the perpendicular height six
hundred feet. The distance from Fort Niagara to Fort Stanwix[29] is
about two hundred and eighty miles, through the Jenesee country, which I
travelled with great ease in about eight days. This post therefore is of
the most essential importance to protect the Indians who are in alliance
with Great Britain, and to secure the valuable and undivided advantage
of their trade.
The Détroit is so called from being a strait between Lake Erie, and Lake
Huron, and commands the trade from the Ohio, Illinois, Mississippi, and
the Upper Lakes, which post is resorted to by the Uttawas, {16} Hurons,
Miamis, Ohio, Mississippi, Delaware, and Tuscorora Indians, besides the
Messesawgas.[30]
These five posts are situated at the back of the three states of New
England, New York, and Pennsylvania, and at a very small distance from
the Loyalist settlements.
The last post is Michillimakinac, which is situated between Lake Huron
and Lake Michigan, upon an isthmus, about one hundred and thirty leagues
long, and twenty-two wide, and is the last fortress towards the
northwest. This point of land is on the north of the straits through
which the Lake of the Ilinois, or Michigan, three hundred leagues in
circumference, empties into Lake Huron, which is of equal extent. The
strait is about three leagues long, and one broad, and half a league
distant from the mouth of the Ilinois.[31]
This is perhaps the most material of all the barriers, and of the
greatest importance to the commercial interest of this country, as it
intercepts all the trade of the Indians of the upper country from
Hudson’s Bay to Lake Superior, and affords protection to various tribes
of Savages, who constantly resort to it to receive presents from the
commanding officer, and from whence the traders, who go to the
northwest, take their departure for the grand portage, or grand carrying
place, which is nine miles in length, before they enter on the waters
communicating with the northwest.[32]
Were the English to remain in possession of every part of Canada, except
the posts, numberless doors would be left open for the Americans {17} to
smuggle in their goods, and in process of time the illicit trade would
supersede the necessity of the exportation of British goods from England
to Canada, and the commercial benefits arising from the consumption of
our manufactures would be entirely lost.—In that case, Canada would be
of little service to England in a commercial point of view: How far it
is worth the expence of retaining, politically considered, is not for me
to discuss.[33]
{18} _Indian Scouts, and Manner of Scalping._
Having endeavoured to explain the nature and importance of the Five and
Six Nation Indians, and described the situation of the posts, and the
probable consequences of complying with the treaty, I shall return to my
situation at Montreal.
Having stayed with my employer seven years, and not being willing to
enter into a new agreement, I determined to pursue the bent of my
inclinations; and being naturally of a roving disposition, which was
increased by my frequent associations with the Savages, I entered a
volunteer at the head of a party of Indians, thinking that my country
might at some future period derive advantage from my more intimate
knowledge of the country and its language.
My _entrée_ was in 1775, when a party of about thirty of the Americans,
commanded by the famous Ethan Allen, appeared at Long Point, about two
miles from Montreal, intending to plunder the town; they were however
disappointed in their expectations by the good conduct of captain
Crawford of the twenty-sixth regiment, who with about forty regulars and
some volunteers sallied out and made the enemy retreat to a barn, where
an engagement took place, in which major Carden, Mr. Paterson, a
volunteer, and three privates were killed, and I was wounded in the
foot; but on the arrival of a field piece, the enemy surrendered.[34]
{19} Being beloved by the Indians, and preferring active service with
them to any other mode of life, I accompanied lieutenant Peter Johnson
and lieutenant Walter Butler, with a few Mohawks, to attack the
Americans at Isle au Noix, whom we defeated, taking a great many
prisoners. During the engagement we lost two volunteers and three
privates. In this action I received a wound in the head from the
butt-end of a musket.[35]
I then joined the eighth regiment of foot, commanded by captain Foster,
to attack the Americans at the Cedars, whom we also defeated. The
prisoners were left at Fort St. Vielle, or Prison Island, at the foot of
the Falls, under a proper guard; and the remains of our small army,
consisting of about one hundred and fifty men, went down to La Chine to
engage another body of Americans; but finding them too strongly
entrenched, we retreated to Point Clair, where we stayed till we
received intelligence that general Arnold, with four thousand men were
at Isle au Noix, and that major Gordon was killed in his way to St.
John’s, about two miles from the fort.[36] On this occasion it may not
be amiss to observe, that the custom adopted by the Americans, and with
so much success, of levelling their pieces at the officers, originated
with the Indians, who are possessed with an idea that the men will
naturally be thrown into confusion when their leaders are dead. This
however is not without exceptions: the Mattaugwessawacks, whose country
lies westward of Lake Superior, hold the persons of officers sacred; and
Josepsis, one of their tribe, who was taken prisoner, and sold to the
Penobscot Indians, says that the Savages they were at war with have
adopted the same method.
{20} I was immediately ordered on a scout, at the head of ten
Connecedaga or Rondaxe Indians, with captain La Motte, a Canadian
gentleman,[37] in search of the person who had killed major Gordon, and
to reconnoitre the woods, in hopes of gaining information of the real
force of the Americans at Isle au Noix. To avoid suspicion, we were all
dressed like Savages; and as captain La Motte and myself were well
acquainted with the Iroquois language, it was impossible to distinguish
us from the natives. We were out six days and nights, with very little
provision, living chiefly on the scrapings of the inner bark of trees
and wild roots, particularly onions, which grow in great abundance, and
are not disagreeable to the palate. Hunger reconciles us to every thing
that will support nature, and makes the most indifferent food
acceptable. From my own woful experience I can assert, that what at any
other time would have been unpleasant and even nauseous, under the
pressure of hunger is not only greedily eaten, but relished as a luxury.
Those who are acquainted with the nature of roving in the woods in time
of war, know the necessity of travelling light, and particularly on an
Indian scout, as the Savages seldom take any thing but a small quantity
of Indian corn and Maple sugar, which, after beating the corn between
two stones, they mix with water, and on this they subsist. During this
expedition, as the business was urgent, and the enemy near at hand, we
depended on adventitious food.
On the last day’s march, returning without being able to obtain any
intelligence, one of the Indians heard a noise resembling the breaking
of a stick; the chief of the band sent out a scout, who soon returned
with a prisoner. The man appeared much frightened, imagining himself in
the hands of Savages only. Having bound him to a tree, I {21} being the
only one of the party who understood English, questioned him very
closely respecting the situation and force of the enemy, and interpreted
the conversation. When he heard me talk his own language he was
agreeably surprised, and his fears in some degree giving way to hope, he
begged me to save him from the fury of the Indians, whose general
conduct in war had filled his mind with the most dreadful apprehensions.
I assured him, that if he would faithfully satisfy all my inquiries, his
life should be spared. He cheerfully complied with the requisition, and
directed me to a place from whence we might have a clear view of the
Americans, who were encamped on the opposite shore.
Having left him bound, we proceeded about two miles through swamps, till
we came in sight of the enemy. The Indians immediately panted for
action, but captain La Motte thought it prudent to restrain their
ardour, and ordered them to retreat into the woods, still keeping our
object in view. Soon after, a boat full of men crossed the river, and
landed without perceiving us. The Indians instantly kindled a fire, and
each man filled his blanket with rotten wood and leaves, till it was
extended to the size of a man; then placing them near the fire, to
appear like Indians asleep, they retired to a small distance, to give
the Americans an opportunity of coming up unmolested, not doubting but
they would immediately fire at the blankets. The manœuvre succeeded to
our expectation; for the Americans discovering the smoke advanced
towards the fire, and perceiving the blankets, discharged their muskets.
The Savages immediately rushed from their ambush, and setting up the
war-hoop, fell upon the enemy, scalped seven of them, and took five
prisoners, whom we painted like ourselves. We then returned, released
the prisoner from the tree, and conducted them all to St. John’s, {22}
where they were examined by colonel England, who ordered me to take them
to Sir Guy Carleton without delay.
Having executed this commission to the satisfaction of the commander in
chief, I remained some time with my old friends, till I received a
message from Sir Guy Carleton to attend him; when he ordered me to join
brigadier general Nesbit, with the twenty-ninth and forty-seventh
regiments; in the latter of which I served as a volunteer a considerable
time; but finding no vacancy, and having no allowance for my services,
to enable me to live and appear as I wished, I quitted the regiment to
enjoy my favourite Indian life; and as I knew their manner of living,
and could accommodate myself to their diet, I thought I might probably
continue serviceable to my country in scouting parties, and accordingly
accompanied a party of Savages to the Lake of the two Mountains, fifteen
leagues above Montreal, a village belonging to the Connecedagas,
carrying a scalp as a trophy of my services.[38]
Scalping is a mode of torture peculiar to the Indians. If a blow is
given with the tomahawk previous to the scalp being taken off, it is
followed by instant death; but where scalping only is inflicted, it puts
the person to excruciating pain, though death does not always ensue.
There are instances of persons of both sexes, now living in America, and
no doubt in other countries, who, after having been scalped, by wearing
a plate of silver or tin on the crown of the head, to keep it from cold,
enjoy a good state of health, and are seldom afflicted with pains.
When an Indian strikes a person on the temple with a tomahawk, the
victim instantly drops; he then seizes his hair with one hand, {23}
twisting it very tight together, to separate the skin from the head, and
placing his knee on the breast, with the other he draws the scalping
knife from the sheath, and cuts the skin round the forehead, pulling it
off with his teeth. As he is very dexterous, the operation is generally
performed in two minutes. The scalp is then extended on three hoops,
dried in the sun, and rubbed over with vermilion. Some of the Indians in
time of war, when scalps are well paid for, divide one into five or six
parts, and carry them to the nearest post, in hopes of receiving a
reward proportionate to the number.
When the scalp is taken from the head of one of their own people, they
frequently make the dead body of advantage to them, by dressing it up
and painting it with vermilion; they then place it against a tree, with
weapons in its hand, to induce the Indians to suppose it an enemy on the
watch; and round the body they set spears in the ground, so as scarcely
to be discernible. The Indians, on seeing the person against the tree,
and anxious to make him a prisoner, in the eagerness of running fall on
the points of the spears, and being disabled from proceeding, are easily
made prisoners.
Before I close this subject I shall relate an anecdote of two Savages of
different nations, in the time of Sir William Johnson.
A Mohawk, of the name of Scunnionsa, or The Elk, and a Chippeway Indian
of the name of Cark Cark, or the crow, having met at a council of war
near Crown Point, in the year 1757, were extolling their own merits, and
boasting of their superiority in taking scalps. The Mohawk contended
that he could take a larger scalp than the Chippeway warrior; {24} who
was very highly offended, and desired that the experiment might be made.
They parted, each pursuing a different route, after having first agreed
to meet at a certain place, on a particular day, when a council was to
be held. At the time appointed they returned, and appeared at the
council. The Mohawk laid down his scalp, which was the skin of the head
and neck of a man stuffed with fine moss, and sewed up with deers’
sinews, and the eyes fastened in. The chiefs expressed their
approbation, and pronounced him to be a great and brave warrior. The
Chippeway then rose, and looking earnestly at the Mohawk, desired the
interpreter to tell him that it was an old woman’s scalp, which is
considered as a term of great reproach, and called to one of his sons to
bring forward his scalp; when instantly he exhibited to their view the
complete skin of a man, stuffed with down feathers, and sewed very close
with deers’ sinews. The chiefs loaded him with praise, and unanimously
acknowledged his superiority. The Mohawk warrior, fired with resentment,
withdrew from the council meditating revenge; and as soon as he saw the
Chippeway come forth, he followed him, and watching a convenient
opportunity, dispatched him with his tomahawk, rejoicing that he had,
even in this dastardly manner, got rid of a victorious rival.
{25} _Some Account of the Character and Disposition of the_ CONNECEDAGA,
_or_ RONDAXE INDIANS; _with Remarks on the_ IROQUOIS _and_ CHEROKEE
_Nations_.
The Savages of this nation are of the Chippeway tribe, and speak a
mixture of the Iroquois and Chippeway tongues: they were driven from the
upper country at the time of the great Indian war, about the year 1720,
and settled on the Lake of the two Mountains. There are about two
hundred inhabitants, who are very industrious, and cultivate the land in
the manner of the Cahnuagas; they also breed cattle, and live in a
degree of civilization unknown to most of the Chippeway tribes. There is
also a town near Lake Erie, in the limits of the United States, which is
inhabited by about fifteen hundred of this nation, of whom the Reverend
Mr. Charles Beattie gives a very favourable account.
Since the settlement of the Connecedagas they have intermarried with the
Cahnuaga, St. Regis, and Mohawk Indians, which is the reason why their
language is less pure, though some of them speak the original tongue,
which in my frequent communications with the Chippeways beyond
Michillimakinac, I found in every respect perfectly understood. It was
among these Indians that I first acquired the rudiments of a language
which, from long habit, is become more familiar to me than my own; and I
hope I shall not be accused of vanity, in asserting that the vocabulary
and familiar phrases, subjoined to this {26} work, are more copious than
will be found in any former publication. In spelling them I have been
particularly careful in using such letters and accents as best express
the Indian words, according to our pronunciation. To lay down general
rules for the orthography of a language which has never been reduced to
a system, I do not pretend: my endeavours may perhaps assist those who
are better informed in the principles of universal grammar.
The Connecedagas are esteemed brave warriors; and my opinion, founded on
long experience of their conduct and bravery, coincides with that which
the English, from report only, entertain of them. No nation of Savages
were ever more true to the British interest, not even the Mohawks, whose
fidelity is become almost proverbial. During the continuance of the
American war, they neglected their families and domestic concerns to
fight for the English, which the Cahnuagas (though descendants of the
Mohawks and Munseys, or Mawhiccon Indians, commonly called River
Indians) did not with so much cheerfulness; perhaps the relationship of
the latter to the Delawares before their defection, whom the Indians by
way of derision used to call old women, might occasion this temporary
reluctance; but if that was the cause, it was but of very short
duration; for to do them justice, when they took up the tomahawk they
behaved with great intrepidity, and proved that the blood of the ancient
Mohawks still ran in their veins. Some have, though I think without much
candour, imputed their services to the fear of our government, and the
resentment of the Savages in our interest on the one hand, and the hopes
of considerable rewards on the other; but as such reflections may be far
from the truth, it cannot answer any purpose to comment severely on
their conduct: {27} it is sufficient to know they were our allies, and
in all probability will continue friendly to the British nation. Great
praise is due on this account to major Carlton, a brave and experienced
officer, whom they loved with a Roman friendship; they flew to his
standard with alacrity, obeyed him with cheerfulness, and never deserted
him: no instance of friendship or attachment, either ancient or modern,
could surpass it.
It requires good natural sense, and a thorough knowledge of the
dispositions of the Indians, to persuade them to place unlimited
confidence in their European or American leaders; to which must always
be added, a seeming approbation of their advice, and an endeavour to
conform to their wishes, never obstinately pursuing a design either
offensive or defensive, contrary to their opinion. How fatal a different
line of conduct may prove, the destruction of general Braddock is a
melancholy instance: by his haughty demeanour, and strict adherence to
his own plan, in direct opposition to the counsel of experienced chiefs,
he lost their friendship, and died unlamented, confirming them in an
opinion they had before often hinted, “that he wanted both skill and
prudence in war.” Even the great Washington incurred their censure by
his conduct, and gave occasion to an Indian chief, of the name of
Thanachrishon, of the Seneka tribes, judging him by their own rules, to
say, “that he was a good natured man, but had no experience.”
An impartial mind will require but little to be persuaded that the
Indians are superior to us in the woods: it is their natural element (if
I may be allowed the expression), and a tree or river, of which their
{28} recollection never fails, guide them to the secret recesses of a
deep wood, either for safety, or the purpose of ambush. As they pay
little attention to the rising or setting sun, it at first surprised me,
by what method they traveled from place to place, without any material
aberration; but this they soon explained, by assuring me, that they had
not the least difficulty in going from one spot to another, being
governed by the moss on the trees, which always remains on the north
side, but on the south it wastes and decays: they remark also, that the
branches are larger, and the leaves more luxuriant on the south than on
the north side of the tree. The most enlightened part of mankind, I am
persuaded, cannot be more exact in their mode of judging, nor more
attentive to the works of nature.
To prove further, if there are any who doubt it, that the Indians
possess strong natural abilities, and are even capable of receiving
improvement from the pursuits of learning, I shall relate a story from
Kalm’s Travels.[39]
“An old American Savage being at an inn at New York, met with a
gentleman who gave him some liquor, and being rather lively, boasted he
could read and write English. The gentleman, willing to indulge him in
displaying his knowledge, begged leave to propose a question, to which
the old man consented. He was then asked, who was the first circumcised?
the Indian immediately replied, father Abraham:—and directly asked the
gentleman, who was the first quaker? He said it was very uncertain, that
people differed in their sentiments exceedingly. The Indian perceiving
the gentleman unable to resolve the question, put his fingers into his
mouth, to express his surprize, and looking {29} stedfastly, told him,
that Mordecai was the first quaker, for he would not pull off his hat to
Haman.”
Mr. Adair[40] says, the Cherokees are very apt at giving people
nicknames. A dull stalking fellow, they call a turkey buzzard; an ill
tempered man, a wasp; a talkative person, a grasshopper; a hoarse voice,
they say resembles a bull; and an interpreter whose manners and
conversation are obscene, they call a smock interpreter.
The disposition of the Indians is naturally proud and self-sufficient:
they think themselves the wisest of the sons of men, and are extremely
offended when their advice is rejected. The feats of valour of their
ancestors, continually repeated and impressed upon their minds, inspire
them with the most exalted notions of their own prowess and bravery;
hence arises the firmest reliance on their own courage and power; and
though but a handful of men, comparatively speaking, they are vain
enough to think they can overthrow both French and English whenever they
please. They say, the latter are fools, for they hold their guns half
man high, and let them snap; but that they themselves take sight, and
seldom fail of doing execution, which, they add, is the true intention
of going to war.
These exalted notions of self-consequence are more peculiar to the Five
Nations, and for which they are more eminently distinguished than other
tribes of Savages, although none of them are deficient in this respect.
Such sentiments as these have made the Iroquois dreaded and revered by
others, for their superior understanding and valour, and likewise has a
tendency to increase their fame. Although they {30} decrease in numbers
daily, the thirst of glory will never be extinguished among them, whilst
there is a breast to nourish it: they will never shrink from danger when
honour is at stake.
The Iroquois laugh when you talk to them of obedience to kings; for they
cannot reconcile the idea of submission with the dignity of man. Each
individual is a sovereign in his own mind; and as he conceives he
derives his freedom from the great Spirit alone, he cannot be induced to
acknowledge any other power.