[1] There is no direct reference as to the time in which Chao Ju-kua
lived, but his name is mentioned in the Imperial Catalogue, whence it
appears that he was probably descended from some member of the imperial
family of the Sung dynasty, whose real name was Chao; and that he was
born after the beginning of the second half of the twelfth century. He
was inspector of the salt gabel in the province of Fo-kien, and his
title was probably Shih-po, which means “Superintendent of Sea
Trade.” As this post existed in Fo-kien only during the years
1277–1287, it is probable that those dates fix the period of Chao
Ju-kua. His work is called the Chu-fan-chih, and the greater part of
his notes are copies from older records. His position, however, gave
him opportunity to gather information personally from the traders who
anchored at his port. At that time more foreign traders frequented
Chinese ports than either before or after, and it would be
comparatively easy to gather information. The Chu-fan-chih contains
more geographical information than do the court records. See F.
Hirth’s China and the Roman Orient (Leipsic and Munich; and Shanghai
and Hong-kong, 1885), pp. 21–25.
[2] “Ma-yi,” the ancient name for Luzón, is derived from
“Bahi” or “Bahy,” former names of the lake of Bay. In other
Chinese dialects, the name is given as “Ma-yit,” “Ba-hi,” or
“Ba-yit.” As the chief Tagálogs of Bulakan at the time of the
conquest bore the title of “Gat-maytan,” I infer that the name
“Ma-yi” might very reasonably be derived from the ancient name of
Bulakan, for that province was always the richest district of Luzón.
The whole of the Philippine archipelago was called “Ma-yi” by the
Chinese author. Dr. Hirth says also that the Chinese character
“Ma-hi,” may also be read. “Mo-yat,” “Ba-ek,” “Ma-i,”
“Ma-yek,” etc.—B.
[3] Ancient Chinese name for the island of Borneo.—B.
[4] Probably the river is the Pasig, and the settlement, Manila.—B.
[5] Sarong is the Malay word for skirt.—B.
[6] This confirms the statement that the Philippine Islands were once
under the influence of Buddhism, from India.—B.
It is far more likely that such images were traded by the Chinese to
the superstitious people, and that Buddhism never had any foothold and
was never introduced in the Philippines; notwithstanding P. L.
Stangl’s belief that Buddhism was introduced into the Philippines
from Java.
[7] The Chinese call all foreigners savages except the Japanese,
Koreans, and people of Anam.—B.
[8] San-hsii signifies the “Three Islands” and is attributed to the
Visayan Islands. Pai-pu-yen is perhaps the Babuyanes. Pu-li-lu may be
Mindanao; Li-yin-tung, Lingayen; Lin-hsin sounds like Lin-hsing (called
Lin-sung by Stangl), a Chinese name corresponding to their name for
modern Luzón. However, Lin-hsin appears to be the Chinese name for
Calilaya (modern Tayabas). Li-han is the primitive Chinese name for the
present Malolos, whose princes bore the title of “Gat-Salihan” or
“Gat-Salian.”—B.
[9] Stangl believes that the yellow wax is an aromatic resin resembling
wax, and somewhat like but not exactly the same as white pitch, and
today sold in Mindanao under the name of yellow wax.
[10] i.e., Tortoise-shell.—B.
[11] Yu-ta seems to be the abacá.—B. Stangl prints “yii-ta.”
[12] Coins of Siam and Java? For it appears that such coins circulated
in the country.—B.
Stangl reads the second half of this note “But how did it come to
pass current in the country?” It is probable that the commercial gold
was in the form of gold dust or ornaments of gold. If there were any
Javanese or Siamese gold coins in the country (and it is highly
improbable), they must have been taken there by the Chinese, who were
keen traders who early penetrated to all parts of the eastern
archipelagoes.
[13] Stangl inserts here “iron fixtures” [enseres de hierro].
[14] The following paragraph begins chapter xli in Stangl.
[15] Ka-may-en is Mait or the modern Mindoro; and Pa-lao-yu, Paragua.
“Pa-chi-neng” may also be read “Pa-kat-lung” and
“Ba-ki-lung.” It seems to be the term for the true Visayans, while
under the name San-hsii are understood the Visayans proper, together
with the islands of Mindoro and Palawan.—B.
[16] I believe that the word “tribe” means here village or
settlement; for I think that the author meant to say that the villages
usually had one thousand families.—B.
[17] This phrase needs explanation. The Indians were accustomed to
stain the teeth black, a custom quite general among many Malay nations.
The Negritos, on the contrary, did not stain them.—B
In Chao Ju-kua’s description, Stangl translates “round eyes of a
shining appearance,” instead of “round yellow eyes.”
[18] These “Hay-tan” are the Aetas, Itas, or Negritos of modern
authors. The antiquity of this ethnographical name surprises us. The
description of the Negritos seems to have been written yesterday. The
Chinese author, in speaking of the nests of the Negritos, seems to have
confused them with the houses that are built today in the forking of
the branches of trees by some heathen tribes of Mindanao.—B.
Mr. James A. LeRoy, in a letter dated March 14, 1905, says that it is
at least doubtful that the Negritos were ever tree-dwellers in the true
sense of the word, i.e., building solid, defensible structures like
those of the typical tree-dwellers. The Negritos do indeed spend a
portion of their time in the treetops and often hunt their game in that
way. It is probable that the tree-dwellers of the Philippines are
Malays, although some of them may have a strain of Negrito blood.
[19] This refers to the Indians and not the Negritos.—B.
[20] Of the mouth of the rivers?—B.
[21] By cotton, the author evidently means cotton textiles.—B.
This is not necessarily so. Stangl remarks that the author’s meaning
must be the tree cotton, which is called kapok, basing his assertion
upon the word that is used, presumably in the Chinese. The cotton plant
is called kapas in Java. Apropos of tree cotton, Census of the
Philippines, iv, p. 120, says: “A species of tree cotton (Ceiba
pentandra) is found growing in a wild state in many of the islands; the
cotton is useless for spinning purposes, the staple being very short,
but it is used for making cushions and other articles.”
[22] Foreign cloth: sinamay [a light fabric made from abacá] and other
textiles of the country?—B.
[23] Camotes?—B.
[24] The author accentuates the fact that the Visayan villages had no
common jurisdiction. This appears to imply that several villages in
Luzón were under the jurisdiction of one king or prince.—B. This
does not necessarily follow.
[25] The island of Mindanao was also more populous during the period of
the Spanish conquest than now. The islands of Sarangani which have now
1,500 Bilanes and 100 Moros, were very thickly populated by the latter
in 1548, and they had a large fort on a hill there.—B.
But see VOL. IX, p. 290, where it appears that the early reports of the
population of Mindanao were greatly overstated.
[26] According to the letters from the Jesuit fathers of Filipinas,
there are yet similar coasts near Zamboanga, and such as are described
by the Chinese author.—B.
[27] This reminds us of the dangerous and arduous navigation about the
eastern and southern coasts of Mindanao, especially near Cape San
Agustin.—B.
[28] The disastrous expedition to Florida was undertaken in pursuance
of a royal order to Velasco, although the latter was unwilling to
undertake it. The Spaniards imagining Florida to be overflowing with
riches, eagerly offered themselves for the expedition. The Spanish
force sent comprised six squadrons of cavalry and six companies of
infantry, and was accompanied by one thousand Indian archers. Under the
command of Tristan de Luna y Arellano (also called Acuña), this force
left Vera Cruz in thirteen vessels in June, 1559. On reaching Florida,
they were so harassed by the Indians that they were compelled to send
for aid, which was sent under Angel Villafañe, who was appointed
Luna’s successor. In a short time, however, the attempt was
abandoned, the few survivors reaching Mexico via Havana. See
Bancroft’s Mexico, ii, pp. 593–595.
[29] See VOL. II, p. 208.
[30] See VOL. II, pp. 209–210.
[31] See VOL. II, pp. 210–216.
[32] Andres de Mirandaola was treacherously killed by a private soldier
while attending to his duties regarding the collection of the tribute,
as appears from a letter to Felipe II from the royal officials, June
18, 1583, the original of which is conserved in Sevilla, with pressmark
“est. 67, caj. 6, leg. 29.” The document states further that the
soldier was not punished but was serving as alcalde-in-ordinary at
Oton, although his case was pending in the royal Audiencia.
[33] See VOL. II, pp. 149, 150; and the following letter.
[34] See VOL. II, for the negotiations between Pereira and Legazpi.
[35] The map does not accompany this letter.
[36] See VOL. II, pp. 143, 144, 148.
[37] See VOL. III, p. 44, note 7.
[38] The Census of the Philippine Islands (Washington, 1905) gives (i,
p. 57) the area of Luzón as 40,969 square miles, and that of Mindanao,
as 36,292 square miles. These figures being later than those of VOL.
XXIII, p. 165, note 29, have probably a better scientific basis, and
are hence more nearly correct.
[39] See Wallace’s Malay Archipelago (pp. 318, 319) for a modern
corroboration of this statement, with regard to the slaves of Ternate.
[40] See VOL. III, p. 52, and VOL. XXIII, pp. 189, 190.
[41] The number of islands and islets in the Philippine Archipelago is,
according to G. R. Putnam, in charge of the U. S. Coast and Geodetic
Survey in the Philippine Islands, 3,141. This number comprises
everything, however small, which at high tide appears as a separate
island. Of them, 1,668 are listed by name, while 1,473 are, so far as
known, without names. More accurate information will doubtless further
increase this number, which, as well as the following, cannot be
regarded as yet as entirely definitive. The total area of the islands,
so far as known, is 115,026 square miles. Two islands have areas
exceeding 10,000 square miles each; nine of more than 1,000 but less
than 10,000 square miles; 20, between 100 and 1,000 square miles; 73,
between 10 and 100 square miles; 262, between one and ten square miles;
and 2,775, less than one square mile each. See Census of Philippine
Islands, i, pp. 56, 57.
[42] Herrera probably confuses the word “kasis” (see VOL. XVI, p.
134, note 161—here also used wrongly) with the American word
“cacique” or “chief”.
[43] See Pigafetta’s statements, VOL. XXXIII, pp. 223–225,
227–231; see also his statement about the introduction of
Mahometanism into the Moluccas, ante, p. 73.
[44] These must be the letters dated July 15 and 23, q.v. VOL. II, PP.
233–239. The error in the month in the present document could easily
arise through carelessness of the royal secretary or clerk.
[45] See VOL. II, pp. 157–160.
[46] By a decree dated at Burgos, February 22, 1512, Fernando orders
that no encomendero may have more than three hundred Indians; for if
they have more than that number, “they cannot be well treated, aided,
maintained, or instructed in the matters of our holy Catholic faith, as
would be proper.” In the Philippines, encomenderos had sometimes as
many as one thousand two hundred natives. See Doc. Ined. Amer. y
Oceania, i, pp. 237–241, and Census of Philippine Islands, i, p. 423.
[47] See Lavezaris’s report on slavery in the Philippines, VOL. III,
pp. 286–288; also the memoranda of Augustinians, post, pp. 273–285;
and Rada’s letter, post, pp. 286–294, where the king’s order is
mentioned.
[48] On the question of the tribute, see VOL. VII, pp. 267–318, and
VOL. VIII, pp. 25–69.
[49] See post, the memoranda of the Augustinians, regarding the various
questions to be discussed in Spain by Diego de Herrera.
[50] See the viceroy’s report to Felipe II, regarding the arrest of
Mirandaola and Moron, VOL. III, p. 210. The viceroy appears to have
formed his judgment regarding the matter from the present letter.
[51] Evidently a reference to Cochinchina, and hence not an island, but
part of the mainland. See VOL. IV, p. 131, note 14.
[52] For sketch of this religious see VOL. IX, p. 95, note 18. See also
his reports on the Philippines in the same volume, pp. 95–119.
[53] The natives of these two rivers were assigned as encomiendas by
Guido de Lavezaris to himself, but he was deprived of them by Dr.
Francisco de Sande, although they were later restored to him. See VOL.
IV, pp. 74, 80, 81; and VOL. VIII, p. 101, where the natives of these
rivers have again reverted to the king.
[54] No such island appears in the list given in Census of Philippine
Islands (i, pp. 263–308). It may possibly be the island of Simara,
south of Bantón or Guimaras, south of Panay. There is a point called
Guimbal on the south coast of Panay.
[55] See ante, p. 271, note 24.
[56] See VOL. IV, pp. 176, 236, 237.
[57] See this “Opinion” in VOL. III, pp. 253–259; and
Lavezaris’s reply thereto, pp. 260–271.
[58] The original at this point is somewhat blind. The last two
sentences read there: Ay ya muchos xptianos aqui en manila y en tondo y
en lubao y en mindoro y en Octon y en çubu en vahi y en bonbon aunque
tan bien ay Religioso aun no an començado a convertirse.
[59] See this order in the letter written to Legazpi by Felipe II, on
November 16, 1568, ante, p. 237; and the report given by Guido de
Lavezaris, VOL. III, pp. 286–288.
[60] Of the four sons of Felipe II and Anna of Austria, only the third,
Felipe III, lived beyond childhood.
[61] This was the battle of Lepanto, which was fought October 7, 1571.
Cervantes, the author of Don Quixote, took part in this battle, in
which he was wounded.
[62] See ante, p. 236, note 19.
[63] Loarca mentions this village. See VOL. V, p. 85.
[64] See VOL. VI, p. 116, note 28; also Loarca’s Relation, VOL. V,
pp. 34–187.
[65] See VOL. VI, p. 88, note 22.
[66] The preceding document says that Legazpi assigned the villages of
Oton (where the shipyard was established) to Miguel de Loarca, June 1,
1572.
[67] This should be March 15, 1577, for the first Franciscan mission
arrived at Manila June 24, 1577. The date 1578 is also given by
Gonzalez de Mendoza (see VOL. VI, p. 125).
[68] Priapus, the son of Dionysus and Aphrodite, was the god of
fruitfulness of the field and of the herd. Horticulture, vine-growing,
goat and sheep-herding, bee-keeping, and even fishing were under his
protection. His statues (generally cut out of wood, stained with
vermilion) with a club and sickle and a phallic symbol of the creative
and fructifying power of nature were usually placed in gardens.—See
Seyffert’s Dictionary of Classical Antiquities, p. 515.
[69] See account of the Franciscan expedition to China by Gonzalez de
Mendoza in VOL. VI, pp. 125–134.
[70] Pablo de Jesus was born of a noble family in Catalonia in 1533. He
studied at Alcalá de Henares, and at the age of nineteen took the
Dominican habit in Madrid. In 1576 he was enrolled in the first
Dominican mission for the Philippines, where he arrived June 24, 1577.
He labored in the provinces of Camarines, Bataan and Zambales, until
July 1, 1580, when he became custodian. In 1583 he despatched the first
missionaries to Cochinchina. After the completion of his office he was
assigned to the villages of Santa Ana de Sapa and Taytay, and in 1591
was again elected to the head of his province. He sent the first
Franciscans to Japan. In 1600 he was appointed visitor, and on his
return to Manila retired to the convent of Manila. In 1602 he was
elected definitor. He died at the Manila convent in 1610. See
Huerta’s Estado, pp. 442, 443.
[71] See VOL. VI, p. 46, note 2.
[72] See VOL. IX, p. 311, note 46. He was born of a noble family in San
Clemente of the bishopric of Cuenca in 1532 or 1533. As a youth, he
went to England in the service of the duke of Feria. He entered the
Society of Jesus in 1558 or 1559, and studied at Padua, while at Rome
he had charge of the German college. There he was assigned to the
Japanese missions. He was sent to Nueva España in 1572, after his
campaign in Florida in 1568. After going to the Philippines, it is said
that he planned the first real fortifications of Manila. He endeavored
to introduce silk raising into the islands, and planted many mulberry
trees for that purpose; although his efforts failed. He also introduced
many plants into the islands. His death occurred, according to
Sommervogel, September 2, 1595, after having served his order as rector
of Manila and vice-provincial. Colin (p. 197) gives his official
permission for Sanchez’s journey to Spain in 1586. See Colin’s
Labor evangélica, pp. 335–342, and Sommervogel’s Bibliothèque.
[73] See VOL. XXIII, p. 226, note 79.
[74] See VOL. XXIII, p. 224, note 76.
[75] See VOL. VII, p. 137, note 9. He was born at Mondejar in 1547, and
entered the Jesuit novitiate at Alcalá, June 18, 1565. He went to
Mexico in 1579, going thence immediately to the Philippines. He was
twice in China. On his memorable journey to Spain in 1586, he also went
to Rome. He died at Alcalá, May 27 1593. See Colin’s Labor
evangélica, pp. 167–317 (a portion of which consists of documents by
Sanchez), and Sommervogel’s Bibliothèque.
[76] Cristóbal de Salvatierra was a native of Salvatierra in
Extremadura, and professed in the Dominican convent at Salamanca,
August 27, 1571. He accompanied Bishop Salazar to the Philippines. He
became provisor, and was inexorable in his denunciations of all
immorality; but notwithstanding his duties in that office had time to
minister to the natives. He died early in 1595, deeply regretted. See
Reseña biog., i, pp. 50–52.
[77] See VOL. VII, p. 185, note 21.
[78] Alonso de Castro was born in Mejialburgis, and took the
Augustinian habit at Salamanca in 1559. He went to the Philippines in
1577, where he became proficient in the Tagálog and Visayan languages.
In 1578 he labored in Calumpit; in 1581 in Tigbauan; in Tondo in 1583,
and in Otón in 1587. He was elected prior of Manila in 1589, and
presided at the provincial chapter of 1593 as senior definitor. Felipe
II proposed him as bishop of Nueva Cáceres but he died (1597) before
he could assume the office. He wrote three volumes of certain “moral
happenings” that occurred during his stay in the Visayas. See
Pérez’s Catálogo, p. 18.
[79] Juan Pimentel was born at Alba de Tormes, and professed at the
Valiadolid convent. He reached the Philippines, by way of Mexico, with
a mission of twenty religious in 1581. Having accompanied Father
Andrés Aguirre to Spain on an important mission in 1582, he died at
the Burgos convent in 1586. See Pérez’s Catálogo, p. 22.
[80] See the bull for the erection of the Manila cathedral in VOL. IV,
pp. 119–124.
[81] The citations from Isaias represent passages from three distinct
places, viz.: xli, 5; lx, 4–5; and liv, 2.—T. C. Middleton, O.S.A.
[82] The terms “portiones” and “dimidiæ portiones” (farther
on) correspond to the “raciones” and “medios raciones” of
Spanish church language.—T. C. Middleton, O.S.A.
[83] Feasts in the Catholic Church are divided according to their rank
into doubles, semi-doubles, simples, etc. It was the custom till late
in the middle ages to recite the office of the feria in spite of any
feast which might occur on it. Hence on greater solemnities, clerics
were obliged to recite a double office—one of the feria, another of
the feast. These double offices were few in number; even the office for
the feast of the Apostles was not double. On lesser feasts the office
was simple—i.e., the feast was merely commemorated—and in a third
class of feasts the office of the feria and feast were welded into one.
These last offices were called semi-doubles. Later on the ferial gave
way more and more to the festal offices, and before the end of the
thirteenth century the classification is used in a new sense. The word
“double” is applied, not to the two offices recited in one day, but
to the single office of a feast on which the antiphons were
doubled—i.e., repeated fully at the beginning and end of a psalm. On
semi-doubles, half of the antiphon was repeated before, the whole after
the psalm: in other words it was half doubled. The office for simple
feasts differed little from that of the feria. In modern office-books
the doubles are further subdivided into doubles of the first class, of
the second class, and greater and ordinary. The object of this division
is to determine which of the two feasts must give way to the other,
should both fall on the same day. See Addis and Arnold’s Catholic
Dictionary, p. 344.
[84] A reference to the history of the passion of Jesus Christ as read
in the four gospels.—T. C. Middleton, O.S.A.
[85] A reference to I Corinthians, ix, 13.—T. C. Middleton, O.S.A.
[86] i.e., “The see being vacant.”
[87] In the transcript the phrase is ista tua, perhaps an error for
ista dua.—T. C. Middleton, O.S.A.
[88] Feria is a name given to all the days of the week except Sunday
and Saturday in the ecclesiastical calendar. It seems strange that the
title of feria or feast should be given to days that are not feasts, or
at least are not considered as such, so far as they are called feriæ.
The explanation given in the breviary, that clerics are to be free from
worldly cares and keep a perpetual feast to God, scarcely suffices, and
perhaps is not intended, to account for the actual origin of the name.
The true explanation is probably this. The Jews were accustomed to name
the days of the week from the Sabbath, and thus such expressions as
“the first day from the Sabbath,” or, in other words “the first
day of the week” are found in the gospels. The early Christians
reckoned the days in Easter week in the same fashion: only as all the
days in that week were holy days, they called Easter Monday, not the
first day after Easter Sunday, but the second feria or feast-day; and
as every Sunday is a lesser Easter, the practice prevailed of calling
each Monday “feria secunda,” each Tuesday “feria tertia,” etc.
Feriæ are divided into greater and lesser.—The latter give place to
any feast-day within an octave or vigil, without even being
commemorated. The former are the week-days of Advent and Lent, the
Ember-days, and Monday (not Tuesday) in Rogation Week. If a simple
feast falls on such a feria, the ferial office and mass are said, the
feast being only commemorated, and if a double, semi-double, or day
within an octave coincides with the feria, the festal office is,
indeed, said, but the feria is commemorated. The privilege granted by
apostolic indult of reciting a votive office on certain days of the
week or month cannot be made use of on these greater feriæ. Some of
the greater feriæ are privileged (the days of Holy, Easter, and
Whitson Weeks, and Ash Wednesday). These days exclude any feast of
however high a rank, and cause it to be transferred to another day.
This must be understood of the celebration in choir, for the obligation
of resting from servile work and hearing mass on holidays usually
remains, even if the holiday falls on a greater feria. See Addis and
Arnold’s Catholic Dictionary, pp. 346, 347.
[89] Terms signifying the stipends falling to those bound to choir
office who were present at the recitation of Tierce and Sext.—T. C.
Middleton, O.S.A.
[90] Among some of the monastic orders and friars, the tonsure leaves
only a circle of hair round the head; the tonsure of the secular clerks
on the other hand, is small. The first tonsure is made by the bishop in
a form prescribed by the Pontifical, and the person receiving it is
thereby admitted to the state and privilege of a cleric. The bishop may
confer it at any place or time. Mitred abbots may give it to their own
subjects; cardinal priests to the clergy of their titles; and it may
also be conferred by other priests with special privileges. There have
been at various times different forms and degrees of the tonsure. It
was only gradually that the right to tonsure was limited to bishops,
abbots, etc. Till the tenth century it was given by simple priests, or
even by laymen to one another. See Addis and Arnold’s Catholic
Dictionary, p. 798.
[91] The “Ordo Romanus” arc certain ancient collections of ritual
prescriptions, or rubrics, as observed in the Roman Catholic Church.
They are represented at the present day by the “Ceremoniale” and
the “Pontificale Romanum.” The first of these collections to appear
in print was the “Ordo Vulgatus” (1559) of Melchior Hittorp. The
rubrics and directions contained in these collections relate to both
ordinary and extraordinary matters. Of the former class are the papal
mass, the episcopal mass, the celebration of baptism and extreme
unction, ordinations, the communion of the sick, the ceremonial of the
last three days of Holy Week, papal and cardinalitial functions during
the functions of the whole year, sacerdotal functions on all ferias,
benedictions, etc. Of the second class are the election and
consecration of a pope, the coronation of the emperor and of kings, the
creation of cardinals, the nomination of the legates, canonization,
etc. See Addis and Arnold’s Catholic Dictionary, p. 630.
[92] Proverbs xxii, 28—T. C. Middleton, O.S.A.
[93] See Colin’s Labor evangélica, pp. 170–192 for an account of
Sanchez’s trips to China and Macao. His second trip to Macao occurred
near the end of this same year 1583.
[94] See letter from this official in VOL. V, pp. 192–195, and post,
pp. 392–402. From a royal decree dated Madrid, March 27, 1591, it
appears that Roman had died in the Philippines while still exercising
his duties as treasurer.
[95] This founder was Captain Esteban Rodriguez de Figueroa, a native
of the Spanish African possessions, a Portuguese by birth, who had
accompanied Legazpi to the Philippines. By his will (1596) he gave two
thousand pesos to the Jesuit college of Manila, and signified that all
his property was to be given to the college of San José (whose
foundation was decreed) in case of the death of his daughters. See
Montero y Vidal’s Hist. de Filipinas, i, pp. 109, 110.
[96] See the excellent “History of the population” of the
Philippine Islands, by Dr. David P. Barrows, in Census of Philippine
Islands, pp. 411–491; and the succeeding articles on population, pp.
492–585.
[97] Possibly the state of Achen in Sumatra is meant.
[98] Cf. Loarca’s account of the beliefs of the Visayas Islands, VOL.
V, pp. 121–141, 163, 165, of the Tagálogs, pp. 171–175;
Plasencia’s account of the worship of the Tagálogs, VOL. VII, pp.
185–196.
[99] That is Franciscans, who first went to the islands in 1577.
Salazar in his relation (VOL. VII, p. 39), says also that there were
twelve religious houses in the province of La Laguna—ten Franciscan,
one Augustinian, and one secular. This would indicate that Salazar’s
relation is the later, for the tendency would be for the Franciscans to
increase.
[100] Loarca (VOL. V, pp. 87, 88) mentions the names of the ten
encomiendas about the lake of Bay. Salazar (ut supra) allows but eight
encomenderos to this district.
[101] The production of cotton in the Philippines has been almost
entirely confined to the island of Luzón, and was formerly much more
important than now. Ilocos (Norte and Sur) produced in 1902, 64.2 per
cent of the cotton grown in the archipelago (the cotton area in the two
provinces constituting 73.2 per cent of all the cotton area of the
island). The cotton area of Ilocos Norte for that year was 1,591
hectares, and the crop, 605,021 kilograms; and the cotton land of
Ilocos Sur, 645 hectares, and the crop, 244,140 kilograms. The greatest
rice-producing province in the Philippines is Pangasinán, which
produced 1,454,601 hectoliters in 1902, while Ilocos Norte is fifth in
order with 483,520 hectoliters, and Ilocos Sur eighth with 425,231
hectoliters. The archipelago does not raise enough rice to meet
domestic wants, as it is more profitable to raise other crops,
especially abacá. See Census of Philippine Islands, iv, pp. 209, 218,
219.
[102] Cf. Loarca’s account of the province of Ilocos, VOL. V, p. 103,
and Salazar’s, VOL. VII, p. 37.
[103] The cotton area of Cagayan did not reach 100 hectares in 1902,
and the rice crop for that year was only 89,285 hectoliters. In 1902
Cagayan was the third province in the production of corn (11,598
hectoliters) and sweet potatoes (5,415,626 kilograms). The total area
of that province is 1,308,468 hectares, of which 138,166 hectares or
10.6 per cent is agricultural. Of this 35,430 hectares or 25.6 per cent
are cultivated and 102,736 hectares uncultivated. See Census of
Philippine Islands, iv.
[104] Montero y Vidal (Hist. de Filipinas, i, p. 84) says of this
incident: “A Japanese pirate, called Tayfusa or Taizufa, having made
himself master of Cagayán, was committing many depredations among its
natives. Ronquillo sent Juan Pablo Carrión to oppose him, who
succeeded, although not without difficulty, in driving him from the
province. Then Carrión pacified the whole territory after defeating
the native chiefs. He founded the city of Nueva Segovia in Lal-lo. He
was accompanied in that expedition by the Dominican father Fray
Cristóbal de Salvatierra and the Augustinian Francisco Rodríguez.”
[105] Francisco Cabral was born at Covilham Portugal, in 1528, and
entered his novitiate in the Society of Jesus at Goa in 1554. He
professed philosophy and theology, and later became master of novices,
and rector of the colleges of Goa, Baçaim, and Cochim. Later he went
to Japan, where he was vice-provincial for some years. Going thence to
China, he returned later to the Indies, where he was visitor,
provincial, and an official in the professed house at Goa, where he
died April 16, 1609. Many of his letters have been published. See
Sommervogel’s Bibliothèque.
[106] The author probably includes in the term Camarines the modern
provinces of Ambos Camarines, Albay, and Sorsogón, and possibly
Tayabas. In 1902 Ambos Camarines was fourth in the production of
abacá, the provinces of Leyte, Albay, and Sorsogón, preceding it. Its
total area is 849,261 hectares, of which 106,371 hectares or 12.5 per
cent are agricultural. Of this 59,683 hectares or 56.1 per cent are
cultivated. Cf. the above account with that of Loarca, VOL. V, pp.
93–101. See Census of Philippine Islands, iv.
[107] This is the Bucaygan of Loarca (see VOL. V, p. 99), and must be
the point on the southeastern extremity of Sorsogón.
[108] See Pigafetta’s description of the city of Brunei, ante, VOL.
XXXIII, p. 221; see also VOL. IV, p. 160 ff.
[109] Literally: “Notwithstanding that our men were four cats.”
[110] See the account of Candish’s expedition in VOL. XV, pp.
291–299.
[111] Pesos de Tipusque: Pedro Gutiérrez de Santa Clara says (i, p.
171) in his Historia de las guerras civiles del Perú—called also
Quinquenarios—(Madrid, 1904; published for the first time from the
original MS.): “and it was all gold de minas, ten pesos of which are
worth sixteen and one-half pesos and four granos, of the money called
common gold or gold of Tepuzque in Nueva España.” See also VOL. II,
p. 221, and VOL. XII, p. 46, note 6.
[112] Fernando Alvarez de Toledo, Duke of Alva, the “hangman of the
Netherlands” (1508–82 or 83) was specially trained by his
grandfather for war and politics. He served under both Charles V and
Felipe II; and will always be remembered by his cruelty and atrocities
in the Netherlands. Motley’s estimate of him is interesting: “Such
an amount of stealth and ferocity, of patient vindictiveness, and
universal blood thirstiness has never been found in a savage beast of
the forest, and but rarely in a human being.” See New International
Encyclopedia.
[113] The following royal decree taken from a MS. book of decrees
entitled “Cedulas reales dirigidas à estas Yslas Filipinas, Copiadas
fielmente de las originales ò authenticas que se guardan en el archivo
de la real Audiencia de Manila” (a copy of the seventeenth or
eighteenth century) and kindly loaned by Mr. E. E. Ayer of Chicago, is
interesting. “The King. Leonardo Furriano, my engineer. Inasmuch as
it is desirable for my service that you go to the Philipinas Islands
with Gomez Perez Dasmariñas, knight of the Order of Santiago, whom I
have appointed as my governor and captain-general of them, so that
forts may be built according to your advice and design, which, in
accordance with the contents of the instructions of the said Gomez
Perez are to be built in the said islands: I order you to go with him,
and that you embark very speedily in order not to tarry an instant for
the sake of our cause. For that purpose, Don Luis de la Cueva, my
governor and captain-general of those islands of Canaria shall aid you.
Thus have I ordered him; and the officials of my royal treasury of the
said Philipinas Islands shall give and pay you at the rate of one
thousand ducados per year from the date when you shall show by signed
notarial testimony that you have set sail from any port of the said
islands of Canaria, and for so long as you are busied and engaged in
the construction of the said forts. When the forts are completed, you
shall return to these kingdoms with the design and plan of said forts.
Given at San Lorenzo, September twelve, one thousand five hundred and
eighty-nine.