EXECUTIVE LEADERSHIP
The election of Martine having been settled and the preferential vote
having been validated through the courageous handling of a delicate
situation, the new Governor was firmly in the saddle. His leadership had
been tested and only the fragments of the Old Guard machine were left. The
road was thus cleared of all obstacles in his own party that might be put
in the way of his programme of constructive legislation.
Having delivered his first message, which contained a full and detailed
discussion of his whole programme, he applied himself with great energy
and industry to the task of preparing bills for introduction in the Senate
and House. Not content with the mere delivery of his message, he put
himself entirely at the disposal of the members of the Legislature and
industriously applied himself to the task of preparation until the
following measures: _Regulation of Public Utilities, Corrupt Practices
Act_, _Direct Primaries Act_, and the _Employers' Liability Act_, were in
shape to be introduced.
While his leadership was vindicated as a result of the Smith-Martine
fight, the contest had undoubtedly left many bitter scars and enmities
which soon manifested themselves in the unfriendly attitude of the Smith
men in the Legislature toward the new Governor and particularly toward his
programme of constructive legislation. For awhile after the election of
Martine they seemed subdued and cheerfully resigned to defeat; but when
the new Governor launched his legislative programme they began eagerly to
attack it in many subtle ways. While there were some members of this group
who honestly opposed the Governor's programme because of their
conservative tendencies, the majority of the opposition were bent upon
"putting it to sleep," because, forsooth, it bore the Wilson label. The
new Governor quickly grasped the full significance of the situation and
openly challenged the opposition. To accomplish his purpose, he did an
unprecedented thing. He invited the Democratic members of the Legislature
to meet him in the Supreme Court Room of the State House and there, face
to face, he laid before them various items of his programme and challenged
the opposition to lay their cards on the table. In the course of this
conference one of the leaders of the Smith-Nugent faction expressed his
dissatisfaction with the whole programme, challenging the new Governor's
right to be present at the conference; even intimating that his presence
was an unconstitutional act which might subject him to impeachment. The
new Governor, undisturbed by this criticism, turned to the gentleman who
had challenged his right to be present at the conference, and said:
You can turn aside from the measure if you choose; you can decline to
follow me; you can deprive me of office and turn away from me, but you
cannot deprive me of power so long as I steadfastly stand for what I
believe to be the interests and legitimate demands of the people
themselves. I beg you to remember, in this which promises to be an
historic conference, you are settling the question of the power or
impotence, the distinction or the ignominy of the party to which the
people with singular generosity have offered the conduct of their
affairs.
Some of the members of the Legislature came to my office after this
conference and told me of the great speech the Governor had just delivered
and how defiantly he had met the attack of his enemies. This caucus gave
an emphatic endorsement of his legislative programme and in a few weeks
the House of Assembly had acted upon it, and the various bills that
constituted his entire programme were on their way to the Republican
Senate. How to induce favourable action at the hands of the Republican
Senate was a problem. There were very few members of the Senate whose
ideals and purposes were in agreement with those of the Governor.
When the bills reached the Senate, the Governor began daily conferences
with the Republican members of that body, discussing with them the items
of his programme and urging speedy action upon them. As a part of the
programme of inducing the Republicans to support him, a friend of mine who
was on the inside of the Republican situation reported to me that it was
the opinion in the Republican ranks that the new Governor was too much a
professor and doctrinaire; that he was lacking in good-fellowship and
companionship; that while the members of the Legislature who had conferred
with him had found him open and frank, they thought there was a coldness
and an austerity about him which held the Governor aloof and prevented
that intimate contact that was so necessary in working out the programme
we had outlined.
We finally decided that the fault lay in the lack of social intimacy
between the new Governor and the members of the Legislature. In my social
and official contact with Mr. Wilson I always found him most genial and
agreeable. When we were at luncheon or dinner at the old Sterling Hotel in
Trenton he would never burden our little talks by any weighty discussion
of important matters that were pending before him. He entirely forgot all
business and gave himself over to the telling of delightful stories. How
to make the real good-fellowship of the man an asset in dealing with the
members of the Senate was a problem. I very frankly told him one day at
luncheon that many members of both legislative bodies felt that he was too
stiff and academic and that they were anxious to find out for themselves
if there was a more human side to him. In order to give him an opportunity
to overcome this false impression we arranged a delightful dinner at the
Trenton Country Club, to which we invited both Democratic and Republican
members of the Senate. The evening was a delightful one. In the corner of
the little room where the dinner was served sat three darky musicians who
regaled the little group with fine old southern melodies. It was real fun
to watch the new Governor's conduct in this environment. He was like a boy
out of school. He was no longer the college professor or the cold man of
affairs. He delighted the members of the Senate who sat about him with
amusing stories, witty remarks, and delightful bits of sarcasm. At the
close of the dinner, Senator Frelinghuysen walked over and challenged him
to a Virginia Reel. He accepted this invitation and the crowd of men were
soon delighted to see the Somerset senator lead the new Governor out on
the floor and his long legs were soon moving in rhythm with the music.
[Illustration:
Telegram.
The White House
Washington
3 RN JM 75 Govt.
114pm
Windsor, Vermont, July 5, 1915
Hon. Jos. P. Tumulty,
The White House,
Washington, D.C.
---- is down and out in his newspaper work and desperately in need of
employment. Says there is a vacancy as foreign trade adviser in the
State Department and also one in the District Play Grounds department.
Would be very much obliged if you would see if something can be done
for him in either place. His address 221 A. Street, Northeast.
Woodrow Wilson.
* * * * *
Dear Tumulty,
I want to issue this statement to help Mr. Hoover and his Commission
in the splendid work they are doing, and head off mischief-makers (or,
rather, one particular mischief-maker who is a little out of his mind)
on this side the water.
Will you not please read it to Lansing over the phone and, if he has
no objection to offer, give it out?
A glimpse at the President's human side.]
After all, men are just boys, and this bringing together of these
practical men on so happy and free an occasion did much to convince the
members of the Senate that the new Governor after all was like themselves,
a plain, simple man, modestly trying to serve the interests of a great
state.
This affair broke the ice, and after that there was a close intimacy
between the Governor and the members of the Legislature, both Democrats
and Republicans, and this coöperation soon brought about the enactment of
the whole Wilson programme. Never before had so comprehensive a programme
been so expeditiously acted upon by a legislative body. The Legislature
had convened in January and by the middle of April every campaign pledge
that the Governor had made had been kept, although the Senate with which
he had to deal was largely Republican.
As the legislative session progressed it appeared that certain Democratic
senators were reluctant to follow his leadership. Indeed it was also
apparent that the Republicans were alike unwilling to act favourably upon
his legislative suggestions. In this situation he summoned the Democratic
senators and reminded them of the party pledges in the platform and served
notice that if they did not vote for these measures they would have to
explain to their constituents. He then summoned the Republican senators
and said to them, in effect, this: "The legislation proposed was promised
in the Democratic platform. That is not your platform. Therefore, you are
not pledged to this action. But if you obstruct the action I shall have to
trouble you to go with me to your districts and discuss these matters with
your constituents and tell them why you consider this bad legislation and
why you resisted it."
The newspapers of the country soon began to discuss the achievements of
the Wilson administration in New Jersey and immediately the name of the
Governor began to be mentioned in connection with the Presidency.
One of the matters of national importance with which he was called upon to
deal during this legislative session was the passage of railroad grade-
crossing legislation. In response to the agitation that had long existed
in New Jersey for the elimination of grade crossings, the Democrats had
inserted a radical plank in their platform in reference to it, and, acting
upon this, the Legislature had passed a grade-crossing bill, to which the
railroads of the state strenuously objected. It was a matter of the
greatest public interest and importance that for many years had been the
subject of bitter controversies throughout the state. While the bill was
before the Governor for consideration, the railroad attorneys had prepared
long, comprehensive briefs attacking the bill as unjust to the railroads
and as containing many features which in their essence were confiscatory.
When the bill came before the Governor for final action no one considered
for a moment the possibility of a veto, first, because of the traditional
attitude of the Democratic party of New Jersey in the matter of grade
crossings; and, secondly, because of the effect a veto would have upon the
progressive thought of the country. I recall very well my discussion with
him in regard to this most important bill. Realizing that he was at this
time looming up as a national figure, and knowing that the Progressives of
the country were awaiting with keen interest his action on the bill, I
feared the effect upon his political fortunes that a veto of the bill
would undoubtedly have.
The Baltimore Convention was only a few months away and it was clear to me
that no matter how safe and sane were the grounds upon which he would veto
this legislation, his enemies in the Democratic party would charge him
with being influenced by the New Jersey railroad interests who were
engaged in a most vigorous campaign against the passage of this
legislation. In fact, when we came to discuss the matter, I frankly called
this phase of it to his attention. I tried to make him see the effects
such a veto would have upon his political fortunes, but he soon made it
clear to me that he was unmindful of all such consequences. After
thoroughly considering the matter, he finally decided to veto the bill. In
discussing the matter with me, he said: "I realize the unjust and
unfortunate inference that will be drawn by my political enemies from a
veto of this bill, but the bill, as drawn, is unjust and unfair to the
railroads and I ought not to be afraid to say so publicly. I cannot
consider the effect of a veto upon my own political fortunes. If I should
sign this bill it would mean practically a confiscation of railroad
property and I would not be worthy of the trust of a single mail in the
state or in the country were I afraid to do my duty and to protect private
property by my act." His attitude toward the bill was clearly set forth in
the veto, part of which is as follows:
I know the seriousness and great consequence of the question affected
by this important measure. There is a demand, well grounded and
imperative, throughout the state that some practicable legislation
should be adopted whereby the grade crossings of railways which
everywhere threaten life and interfere with the convenience of both
city and rural communities should as rapidly as possible be abolished.
But there is certainly not a demand in New Jersey for legislation
which is unjust and impracticable.
* * * * *
The non-enactment of this bill into law will, of course, be a serious
disappointment to the people of the state, but it will only
concentrate their attention upon the just and equitable way of
accomplishing the end in view. I do not believe that the people of the
state are in such haste as to be willing to work a gross injustice,
either to the railroads or to private owners of property, or to the
several communities affected.
Of course his political enemies made free use of this veto in an effort to
injure him throughout the country in every state campaign where his
fortunes as candidate were involved. As a matter of fact, his veto of this
bill did shock the people of the state, but when they seriously considered
the matter in all its aspects, they felt that their governor had, at
least, done an honourable and a courageous thing in refusing to approve
it.
Discussion of him as a strong Presidential possibility was steadily
growing. I had felt a delicacy about talking of this with him, but in a
walk that we were accustomed to take along the banks of the Delaware and
Raritan Canal between office hours, I, one day, made bold to open, the
subject in this way: "It is evident from the newspapers, Governor, that
you are being considered for the Presidency." I could plainly see from the
way he met the suggestion that he did not resent my boldness in opening
the discussion. I told him that we were receiving letters at the Executive
offices from various parts of the country in praise of the programme he
had just put through the legislature. As we discussed the possibilities of
the Presidential situation, he turned to me in the most solemn way, and
putting his hand to his mouth, as if to whisper something, said: "I do not
know, Tumulty, that I would care to be President during the next four
years." And then looking around as if he were afraid uninvited ears might
be listening, he continued: "For the next President will have a war on his
hands, and I am not sure that I would make a good war President." This
reply greatly excited my curiosity and interest and I said: "With what
nation do you think we will have a war?" Very cautiously he said: "I do
not care to name the nation," and our little talk ended. This statement
was made to me in April, 1911. Was it a prophecy of the war that was to
burst upon the world in August, 1914?