EXIT THE OLD GUARD
The conferences and meetings in preparation for the great senatorial fight
having been concluded, the scene of activities was transferred to Trenton,
where shortly after the Inauguration plans were laid for the final battle.
Immediately upon the conclusion of the Inaugural ceremonies, the hand-to-
hand contests for the great prize and incidentally the leadership of the
Democrats, was on in full swing. At the beginning of the fight the bosses
counted upon the active support of the influential Democratic leaders
throughout the state, like Robert S. Hudspeth of Hudson County, Johnston
Cornish of Warren County, Edward E. Grosscup of Gloucester County, Barney
Gannon and Peter Daley of Middlesex County, old Doctor Barber of Warren
County, Otto Wittpenn of Hudson County, Billy French and Judge Westcott of
Camden, Dave Crater of Monmouth, and minor bosses or leaders in south and
middle Jersey. But in utter amazement they found that we had captured
these fine pieces of heavy political artillery and that through them we
had acquired and taken over some of the most valuable political salients
in the state.
A little incident in the campaign is worth reciting. In managing the
campaign I found that for some unaccountable reason the so-called Irish
vote of the state was massed solidly behind ex-Senator Smith and in bitter
opposition to Governor Wilson. We were constantly coming in contact with
these currents of opposition, and how to overcome them and bring the Irish
vote into our fold was the task that devolved upon me as the manager of
Martine's campaign. Seated in my office one day I recalled that years
before I had read in the Congressional Record an account of a speech
delivered in the United States Senate by James Smith, upholding in terms
of highest praise the famous Hay-Pauncefote Treaty. The speech in all its
details, particularly the argument it contained calling for closer
relations between the United States and Great Britain, was still fresh in
my memory. Evidently Senator Smith and his Irish friends had forgotten it,
for he was now trying to mobilize the Irish vote of the state in his
favour. On re-reading this speech of the old Senator, I smiled with
satisfaction, realizing the campaign use that could be made of it. After
considering the matter carefully, I sent for a devoted friend of mine, a
fine, clean-cut Irishman, who stood high in the ranks of the Clan-na-Gael
and other Irish societies in our county. After he had read the speech, we
discussed the method of using it, for we felt sure that our Irish friends,
when they became acquainted with this speech upon reading it, would not
find themselves in agreement with Smith's attitude toward England and the
Treaty. My friend consented to write letters to the leading papers,
particularly the Irish papers of the state, setting forth Smith's attitude
toward the Treaty. The effect upon the Irish vote was immediate and soon
resolutions began to be adopted by the various Irish societies throughout
the state, denouncing Smith for having advocated the much-despised "Anglo-
Saxon Alliance."
While I opposed Senator Smith in this contest there was nothing personally
antagonistic in my attitude. We were, I hope, friends throughout the
conflict, and many times since then we have discussed the events leading
up to Martine's election to the United States Senate. It was only a few
months ago, while seated at a table at the Shoreham Hotel in Washington,
that the old Senator, genial and debonair as ever, was discussing the
fights of the old days, and particularly the events leading up to his
defeat for the United States senatorship. In discussing the New Jersey
campaign, he told me of the use that had been made by "someone" in the
Wilson ranks of his Senate speech on the Hay-Pauncefote Treaty. He said
that his reason for making this speech was his sincere desire as an Irish-
American to bring about more amicable relations between the United States
and England, and as I listened to this frank recital I felt that, although
the use I had made of his speech was legitimate in the circumstances,
there was nothing to be proud of in having exploited the Senator's really
fine speech for political purposes.
The State House at Trenton on the night previous to the balloting for the
senatorship was a place of feverish activity. The Essex ex-Chieftain,
Smith, kept "open house" in the then famous Room 100 of the Trenton House.
The Governor-elect, calm and apparently undisturbed, but anxious and ready
for a contest, quietly moved about the Executive offices attending to
official matters.
We felt confident of the result of the vote if the members of the
Legislature were left free, but we were certain that every kind of
pressure would be put upon them to change the votes of the wobblers in our
ranks. All night long and until four or five o'clock in the morning the
Governor-elect and I remained in the Executive office, keeping in close
contact with our friends both by telephone and personal conference.
Senator Smith never knew it, but some of the men close to him and
participating in his own conferences on this fateful night hourly brought
to us information as to what would be the real line-up of his forces on
the day set for balloting. We found a spy in our own ranks--a leading
lawyer and politician from, my own county--who, while pretending to be our
friend, was supplying the enemy with what he thought was useful
information. We, however, were already aware of this gentleman's duplicity
and, although he never suspected it, whenever he left the Executive office
he was followed by a professional detective, who heard and reported to us
every bit of information he had supplied to our political foes.
On the night before the election the Smith-Nugent leaders had gathered
their forces and, headed by a band, paraded through the streets of
Trenton, passing in review before Senator Smith who stood upon the steps
of the Trenton House and greeted them in most generous fashion. The
purpose of this demonstration was obvious to the Governor-elect and his
friends. It was simply to give to the arriving legislators an impression
of great strength behind the Smith-Nugent forces.
On the morning of the balloting the corridors and lobby of the State House
were crowded with the henchmen of the Essex chieftain. The surface
indications were that Smith had the necessary number of votes, but to
those of us who were able accurately to analyze the situation it was
apparent that the froth would soon pass away. The parade and the
demonstration of the Nugent followers had deeply impressed some of the men
in our ranks, particularly the editor of a Trenton newspaper, who came to
the Executive offices and urged upon the Governor the publication of a
statement which he had prepared, filled with grandiloquent phrase, warning
the people of the state that the members of the Legislature were about to
be coerced and threatened by the strong-arm methods of the Smith-Nugent
organization.
Frankly, the suggestion which this Trenton editor made to the new Governor
impressed him. The Governor made certain changes in the statement and then
sent for me to read it, asking my advice upon it. The first test of my
official connection with the Governor was at hand. Upon reading the
editor's article I saw at once that its issuance would be most unwise, and
I frankly said so. My practical and political objection to it, however,
was that if published it would give to the people of the state the
impression that our forces were in a panic and that we, were in grave fear
of the result. I further argued that it was an attempt at executive
coercion of the Legislature that would meet with bitter resentment. I felt
that we had already won the fight; that the Legislature, which was the
jury in the case, was inclined to favour us if we did not seek to
influence its members by such foolish action as the Trenton editor
advised. The statement was not published.
I found in this little argument with the new Governor that he was open-
minded and anxious for advice and I thereafter felt free to discuss
matters with him in the frankest way.
The first ballot showed Martine leading heavily. In the following ballots
he gained strength at every count. The Legislature adjourned the first day
without reaching a decision. As we surveyed the field after the first
day's balloting it was clear to us that if we hoped to win the fight we
would have to have Hudson County's legislative vote. The Democratic boss,
Bob Davis, had died a few days previous, and had entrusted his affairs to
the hands of a fine, clean-cut, wholesome Irish-American, James Hennessy,
then chairman of the Hudson County Democratic Committee. He was one of the
squarest men I ever met in politics and had been an intimate associate of
my father in the old days in Jersey City. On the day of the final
balloting we were sorely pressed. When it seemed as if we had reached the
limit of our strength, it occurred to me that a final appeal to Hennessy
by the Governor might have some effect. We decided to send for Hennessy to
come to the Executive offices. It was clear from his attitude when he
arrived that, while his sympathies lay with us, he was bound in honour to
carry out the instructions of his chief and deliver the Hudson County vote
to Smith. The Governor, getting very close to him and discussing the
campaign in the most intimate way, told him that if Martine was rejected,
the political effect on our party's fortunes would be disastrous; that we
were sure we had the votes and that the next ballot would give proof of
this, and that it was only a question, to use a campaign phrase, of
"getting on the band wagon" and making Martine's nomination unanimous.
When the Governor concluded his talk, I turned to Hennessy in the most
familiar way, and spoke of the Governor's desire to elect Martine and of
the unselfish purpose he had in mind and how he, Hennessy, was blocking
the way. I said to him: "You have it in your power to do a big thing. You
may never have the chance again." He finally stood up and said to me:
"What do you want me to do?" I told him that we wanted him to go to the
Hudson delegates and give word that the "jig" was up and that they must
throw their support to Martine. Shortly after this meeting the Hudson
delegation met in caucus and agreed to support Martine.
When Smith and Nugent heard of this message they practically surrendered.
The balloting which began at ten o'clock was a mere formal affair for it
was plainly evident from the changes in the early balloting that Martine's
election was assured. Martine's election was a fact; and Woodrow Wilson
was the victor in the first battle for the Presidency.
I have stated that I am not proud of the way I used Senator Smith's speech
on the Hay-Pauncefote Treaty. We were fighting veterans in the political
game, men who knew all the tricks and who did not scruple to play any of
them. In the rough school of practical politics I had been taught that
"you must fight the devil with fire" and that it is as legitimate in
politics as in war to deceive the enemy about your resources. But we
conducted politics on higher levels during the eight years in the White
House, when my chief, no longer an amateur, taught me, by precept and
example, that effective fighting can be conducted without resort to the
tricks and duplicities of those who place political advantage above
principle. Woodrow Wilson made new rules for the game, and they were the
rules which men of honour adopt when conducting their private business on
principles of good faith and truth-telling.