CHAPTER XLVIII.

Inactivity soon engendered sedition. Other armies, other corps, which

had not the excuse of being misled by a political combination, had

trampled under foot military discipline. Is it strange that, in the

midst of the general effervescence, my soldiers should for a moment

have forgotten themselves? this episode is painful to me. I ought

neither to write it, nor omit it. I can well bear the blame which

Joubert, Massena, and so many other Generals, whom I do not pretend

to equal, have incurred. The following are the terms in which this

act of disobedience is related by an anonymous writer:—he has not

thought proper to tell every thing, but it is my own conduct that is

concerned; I must imitate his reserve. I submit, moreover, to the

judgment which he has delivered.

“The Austrians, despairing of ever getting possession of Strasburg by

force of arms, endeavoured to form an understanding with a party in

the town. They succeeded by their sagacity in the application of the

two means which act the most powerfully on the heart of men—gold and

terror. They decoyed some by the attraction of riches, they subdued

others by making them dread the vengeance of the government. When they

were in this manner assured of all those whom they thought open to

seduction, they hastened to execute their perfidious designs.

“From the commencement of the campaign our soldiers had been in a

state of irritation, well calculated to promote the secret views

of the enemy: they were acquainted with the disastrous affair of

Waterloo, they knew all the details of it; but they had too much

confidence in the skill of that celebrated man, with whom they had

five times triumphed over all Europe—they had too often seen him, by

sudden inspirations, regain his hold of victory when she was escaping

from him, to believe that his military genius had on the sudden

abandoned him; they were perpetually thinking of this disaster, and

they could never think of it without rage. Persuaded as they were

that our troops had continued the same, and that they had to do with

the same enemies, such a defeat appeared to them inconceivable. Not

knowing the true cause of it, they attributed all our misfortunes to

treason. Traitors had given intelligence of our plans; traitors had

commanded false manœuvres, traitors had raised the cry of _sauve qui

peut!_ There were traitors among the generals, among the officers,

among the soldiers; and who knew whether there were none but in the

army of the north? Who knew whether the corps, of which they were a

part, their regiment, their company, were not infested with them?

Could they reckon on their chiefs, on their comrades? Every one was

suspected, it was necessary to distrust every one!

“Such was the language in which anger found vent, which malevolence

caught up, magnified, envenomed, and which every soldier in the end

repeated and believed. This idea soon became the medium through

which every thing was explained. Accustomed to keep the field, they

saw themselves with pain compelled to retreat before an enemy whom

they despised. It would have been natural to attribute his progress

to an immense numerical superiority. They chose to explain it

otherwise; their chiefs were in correspondence with the Austrians.

Several circumstances, as unfortunate as they were unavoidable,

concurred to give to this opinion an appearance of probability, in

the prejudiced eyes of these soldiers. The first of these was the

order which General Rapp received, to disband the army, and to

dismiss each soldier separately, without money and without arms. The

next was, an injunction sent to him by the government to deliver

to the Russian commissioners ten thousand musquets taken from the

arsenal at Strasburg. These two despatches obliged him to enter

into a correspondence with the Allies. The frequent interchange of

messengers which took place on this occasion produced a bad effect on

their minds. The mystery which the General was obliged to observe,

to conceal from the troops the removal of the firearms, increased

the irritation; malevolence raised it to its height. It was loudly

said that Count Rapp had sold himself, that he had received several

millions of francs from the Austrians to introduce them into the

fortress, and that if he discharged the soldiers individually, and

without arms, it was in consequence of an agreement to deliver them up

to the enemy.

“As soon as these seeds of discontent had been once sown in the

different corps, they were developed of themselves; the instigators

had nothing more to do than to observe their progress, to combine

the incidents calculated to augment the disorders, and to render

inevitable the catastrophe which they were preparing.

“Although General Rapp was far from suspecting such a plot, he had

taken, in some way, all the measures that he could take to frustrate

it. As soon as the ministerial despatch relative to the disbanding

the troops reached him, he had despatched with all speed to Paris one

of his aides-de-camp, the chief of squadron Marnier. This officer saw

the ministers repeatedly, and represented to them into what violence

the army would be led, if the whole amount of the pay due to it was

not discharged; but he could only obtain, notwithstanding the most

earnest solicitations, a bill for 400,000 francs, on the chest of the

war department. His return with this trifling sum, destroyed all the

hopes that had been excited. The General-in-chief, who saw the troops

getting more and more exasperated, left nothing untried to allay the

storm. The want of money was the principal cause of dissatisfaction.

To put an end to this source of discontent, Count Rapp endeavoured

to raise a loan in Strasburg. The inhabitants having demanded of him

a security, he solicited from the minister of Finance authority to

pledge the stores of tobacco in the town: the minister refused it.

Nevertheless, by the interposition of General Semelé, who commanded

the fortress, a sum of 160,000 francs was obtained. Such slight

supplies could not satisfy the soldiers, who were inflamed by false

reports, and among whom the insurrection was not slow in breaking out.

It was sudden and general, and presented a character quite peculiar. I

will enter into all the details of it, because they will serve to make

the spirit of the French soldiery better known.

“On the 2d of September, about eight in the morning, about sixty

subaltern officers of different regiments met in one of the bastions

of the place. They agreed on a plan of obedience to the orders for the

disbanding of the army, but on conditions, from which they resolved

not to swerve. This declaration began in the following manner.

“In the name of the army of the Rhine, the officers,

sub-officers, and soldiers, will obey the orders issued for the

disbanding of the army only on the following conditions:

“Art. I. The officers, sub-officers, and soldiers, will not leave

the army till they have received all the pay that is due to them.

“Art. II. They will set out all on the same day, carrying their

arms, baggage, and fifty cartridges each,” &c. &c.

“As soon as this document was drawn up, they repaired to the

General-in-chief to communicate it to him. The General, who was at the

time unwell, was taking a bath. Astonished at this unexpected visit,

he gave orders that they should be admitted. Five officers immediately

entered the bathing room; they explained the object of their mission,

and declared that the army would not submit to be disbanded till those

conditions should have been fulfilled. At the word conditions the

General in a rage sprang out of the bath, and tearing the paper out of

the hands of the speaker, cried, “What, Sirs, do you wish to impose

conditions on me? you refuse to obey! conditions on me!”

“The tone of his voice, the look of Count Rapp, and perhaps the

attitude in which he presented himself, struck the deputation. It

retired in confusion, and each of the officers returned to give an

account to his regiment of the bad reception they had met with.

“The sub-officers, who were assembled to the number of about 500,

were waiting for the General's answer. They clearly perceived, when

they were made acquainted with it, that such a man was not easily

intimidated, and that they were not likely to be more successful in

such an attempt than their chiefs. But their determination was taken;

they came and ranged themselves in line of battle in the palace-yard,

and demanded to be introduced to the General-in-chief. An aide-de-camp

came down to know the purpose which brought them there; they refused

to enter into any explanation with him. 'Who is the chief of the

troop?' asked the officer.—'No one! Every one!' they all replied

together. He called into the centre of the court the oldest of each

regiment; he remonstrated with them on the act of disobedience that

they were rendering themselves guilty of. A thousand voices at once

interrupted him. 'Money! money!—we will be paid what is due to us; we

know how to get ourselves paid!'

“The chief of the staff Colonel Schneider, whose courage they had so

often admired in the midst of danger, arrived at this conjuncture,

and endeavoured, but with as little success, to quiet them. 'Money!'

they again repeated, 'money!' Wearied with uttering their cries,

and holding out useless threats, and not being able to get at the

General-in-chief, they dispersed, after having fixed on a rendezvous.

The greatest part went to the parade, where they immediately proceeded

to the election of the new chiefs whom they had determined on having.

One of them, called Dalouzi, sergeant in the 7th light regiment,

well known for his ability, his courage, and particularly for a

soldier-like oratory which was peculiar to him, was unanimously

elected. 'You want to be paid,' he said to his comrades, 'and it

is for this that you are here.'—'Yes!' they replied with a common

voice.—'Well then! if you will promise to obey me, and to abstain from

all confusion, to respect property, to protect persons, I swear by my

head that you shall be paid within twenty-four hours.' This speech was

received with cries of joy, and the sergeant was appointed General.

He immediately chose for the chief of the staff the drum-major of the

58th; a second sub-officer was charged with the office of governor of

the fortress; a third with the command of the first division; another

with that of the second, and so on. The regiments had colonels, the

battalions and squadrons chiefs, and the companies captains; in short,

a complete staff was formed.

“The other sub-officers had returned to the barracks, where the

soldiers were waiting with impatience for the result of the step

that had been taken. The drum was immediately beat to arms, and all

the corps, infantry, cavalry, and artillery, marched in order and in

double quick time to the parade. The organization was scarcely ended

when they arrived there. As soon as they appeared, the new chiefs went

and took command, and marched the troops to the points they had orders

to occupy.

“In the mean time General Rapp, astonished to see so serious an

insurrection break out, had dressed himself in haste, in hopes

of ascertaining the motives of these seditious movements, and of

succeeding in quieting them. But the different operations of which we

have just given an account had been effected with such celerity, that

at the moment when he set out, accompanied by his adjutant-general and

a few officers, several columns, followed by a numerous populace, were

already debouching through all the streets leading from the square

of the palace. As soon as they perceived the General, the troops

hastily put themselves in order of battle, and charged bayonets to

hinder him from passing. Immediately furious cries were heard in the

rear ranks. “Fire! he has sold the army.—Fire then!” Some wretches,

scattered among the troops, excited them by their gestures and voices

to massacre this brave man. Rage spread from man to man, and confusion

was soon at its height. The soldiers, enraged, loaded their musquets;

the ranks were doubled, eight pieces of cannon arrived at a gallop,

and were immediately loaded with grape-shot.

“Every time that General Rapp addressed those who menaced him,

vociferations commenced, and irritating cries were uttered with

increased violence. Musquets were repeatedly levelled at him, and the

pieces of cannon were constantly directed against his person, and the

gunners followed all his movements. 'Stand aside!' they exclaimed,

'that we may fire on him.' A howitzer was constantly kept so directly

pointed at the group which surrounded the General, that he perceived

it. He ran to the cannoneer who was holding the match, 'Well! what

would you do, wretched man? (he said to him) do you wish to kill me?

Fire then, here I am at the mouth of your gun.' 'Ah, General,' the

soldier exclaimed, letting the match fall from his hand, 'I was at the

siege of Dantzick with you, I would give you my life; but my comrades

will be paid, and I am obliged to do as they do and he resumed his

match.

“Wearied with senseless questions, with appeals without any object,

deafened by the clamours of the multitude, the mass of which was

continually increasing, the General decided at last on returning to

the palace.

“The troops followed him, and the different avenues were immediately

occupied by eight pieces of cannon, a thousand infantry, and a

squadron of cavalry. This guard called itself the Exterior guard of

the palace. A battalion came and established itself in the court,

and took the name of Interior guard. Nearly sixty sentinels were

placed in pairs at all the gates, and on the stair-case which led to

the apartment of Count Rapp; there were also some for a few moments

at the door of his bed-chamber. The telegraph and the mint were

immediately taken possession of. To shew that they had no bad designs,

a detachment was sent to the hotel of the Austrian General Volkman,

who was in the place, and was put at his disposal. The drawbridges

were raised, and there was no communication with any one out of

the fortress without a permission signed by the new commander. The

drum-major of the 58th repaired with a trumpet to the head-quarters of

the Allies, and signified to them that if they respected the truce,

the garrison would not commit any act of hostility, but that if they

endeavoured to take advantage of the misunderstanding which existed

between the chief and the soldiers, it would know how to oppose a

noble resistance.

“Meanwhile Dalouzi had established his staff at the Parade, and had

appointed two commissions, the one for the provisions, composed of

quarter-master-sergeants, and the other for the finances, composed of

sergeant-majors: they constituted themselves permanent, deliberated on

the measures best calculated to maintain the public tranquillity, and

to put the town in a state of security against surprise. The posts of

the citadel and those of the interior were doubled; guards were even

placed at some old posterns, which, till then, had been neglected; the

outer line was strengthened, the troops bivouacked in the squares,

and in the streets; in fact no precaution was omitted which the most

suspicious prudence could suggest. In order to prevent the excesses to

which malevolence might excite the soldiers, it was forbidden, under

pain of death, to enter any of the places where brandy, wine, or beer,

was sold. The same punishment was denounced against all who should be

guilty of plunder, riot, or insubordination. Lastly, still better to

secure the public tranquillity, it was resolved that the army should

be informed of its situation every six hours.

“These arrangements having been made, the receiver-general, and the

inspector of reviews, were sent for. The latter made a calculation

of the sums necessary for the present year's pay, the other presented

the account of what he had in the chest; after which, Dalouzi convoked

the town council, to whom he declared the motives which had made the

garrison take arms, and requested the mayor to take means to get funds

necessary to pay the arrears.

“He then despatched to Count Rapp a deputation, composed of the new

governor and of five or six general-sergeants: 'Well, what do you

want of me again?' cried the General in a tone of indignation and

contempt.—'You are unworthy to wear the French uniform. I believed

that you were men of honour; I am deceived. You allow yourselves to

be seduced by wretches. What do you wish to do? Why do these guards

surround the palace? Why is this artillery pointed against me? Am I

then so formidable? Is it believed that I wish to escape? Why should

I escape? I fear nothing—I do not fear you. But to the point, what do

you want of me?' He repeated this question. The agitation of Count

Rapp while pronouncing these words was a striking contrast to the

melancholy air of the deputation. These sub-officers, ashamed of

keeping a chief whom they loved, and whose valour and fidelity were

so well known to them, a prisoner, kept a profound silence. They were

on the point of withdrawing, when one of them spoke: 'General', he

said, 'we have learned that the other corps of the army have been

paid; our soldiers also are resolved to be paid; they are in a state

of revolt, but they obey us. We only ask what is due to us, the slight

indemnification for so much blood and so many wounds; we only ask for

what is indispensable to enable us to perform our march and withdraw

to our homes. The troops will not return to order, it is a thing

firmly resolved on, until every one be paid.'—'There is not enough

money in the chest,' replied the General. 'It was my intention to have

you paid, stoppages and all. I despatched an aide-de camp to Paris;

he saw the ministers, but they could only give him 400,000 francs. It

is this sum, together with that in the chest of the paymaster, which

I will order to be divided among the different regiments.'—'The army

will be paid, my General.'—'I have told you all that I have to say

to you; withdraw, and return as soon as possible to order.—If the

enemy unfortunately should be acquainted with what is going on here,

what will become of you?'—'All this has been foreseen, my General:

a regiment of cavalry and twelve pieces of cannon, have set out to

reinforce the division which is at the camp. It is easy for you to get

us paid; and you have every thing to fear on the part of the soldiers,

if in twenty-four hours from this time their request is not complied

with.'—'What is it to me what you and your soldiers may do? I repeat

that you shall only have the funds which are destined for you. Do

not hope that whatever happens, you can compel me to do what my duty

prohibits.—'General, the soldiers can conduct you to the citadel, they

can even shoot you; we answer for them now, but if you do not cause us

to be paid....'—'I have nothing more to say to you, quit my house. If

you shoot me, so be it; I prefer death to shame. You are the enemies

of order, you are the instruments of malevolence and of a conspiracy

which you yourselves are not acquainted with. The enemy perhaps is in

concert; I make you responsible for every thing that may happen. You

have heard me; begone! I am ashamed to converse with rebels!'

“The word conspiracy made a very deep impression upon them: they

remained silent for some time. They began again, however, and one

of them said, that if there were among them any who had secret

intentions, they were ignorant of it; that for themselves they only

wanted their pay; but that paid they would be, and that they were

going to bring to him the civil authorities, in order that he might

give directions for raising the funds: after which they withdrew.

“Whilst the council was consulting on the means of securing public

tranquillity, and of liquidating the pay in arrear, the army had

effected different movements; it had marched and counter-marched,

always at a running pace, without uttering a word, without venting

a threat against the officers whom it had put under arrest. This

silence, rather extraordinary for French soldiers, had something

sinister about it at which the inhabitants were alarmed. Nevertheless

the troops at last became calm, but they held no communication with

the towns-people; they even refused to answer their questions. In the

streets, in the squares, groups were continually seen forming, which

dispersed after they had communicated in a very low tone either orders

or opinions. The whole town was plunged in melancholy disquietude:

fatal epochs were recalled to their recollection—they feared to see

them revive: every one trembled for his property—for his life. Never

was there a more terrifying scene than that which this large city then

presented.

“The General-in-chief having learned that the inhabitants had

consented to raise the necessary funds, and that they yielded to fear

what they had for so long a time refused to his entreaties, despatched

the adjutant-general to the civil authorities to settle with them

about the distribution of the loan. This officer was conducted to the

town-hall by a corporal and six men who did not quit him. He finished

his accounts, and returned to the palace under the same escort.

“In the mean time, the Generals and chiefs of corps, employed in turn

threats and entreaties to bring back the mutineers to their duty.

The men, who loved their superiors, and who would not have dared to

fail in duty before their faces, had recourse to artifice to escape

from the ascendancy and the representations which they dreaded. When

an officer went in one direction, care was taken to oppose to him in

the front rank soldiers of a different corps and description, and

while he harangued these, the others vociferated from behind. If,

in spite of this tactic, he succeeded in getting at one of his own

men, and reproached him: 'Me, my Officer,' the other replied with

hypocritical mildness, 'I am not doing any thing, I am not speaking a

word;' and he immediately buried himself in the crowd. The troops soon

adopted a general measure to free themselves from these importunate

solicitations, and all those who had any important command were

ordered to keep to their homes.

“The alarms of the citizens were soon tranquillized, the retreat

was sounded a long time before night, and from that moment patroles

succeeded one another without interruption. Several orders of the day

were read at each post. They recommended tranquillity and obedience,

and promised that the payments should be made within twenty-four

hours. One of these orders was thus worded:

'Every thing is going on well, the inhabitants are raising the

money, and the payments have begun.

(Signed,) GARRISON.'

“The town was ordered to be illuminated, in order that it might be

more easy to keep up a strict watch.

“The secret instigators of the insurrection did not fail to perceive

that a degree of wisdom presided in all the councils, which rendered

their case desperate, that their end was baffled if they did not

succeed in again inflaming the minds of the soldiery, and in exciting

some commotion in which blood might be spilt.

“With this view, about five o'clock in the afternoon, a horse

chasseur arrived at full gallop on the parade, announcing that three

waggons full of gold had just been stopped belonging to General

Rapp, who was sending them out of the city under the protection of

the Austrians. 'These three waggons,' he added, 'have been taken

to the covered bridge, and here is the receipt I am bearing to our

commander-in-chief;—General Rapp must be shot; he is a traitor, he has

sold us to the enemy.'

“Whatever irritation still remained, this speech produced little

effect. The troops used their chief roughly to compel him to levy

contributions, but they did not entertain any suspicion against him.

His reputation as a man of honour remained unblemished, and his

integrity was no more doubted by them than his courage. Such open

provocations to murder excited distrust, and the soldiers became more

circumspect. Some, however, propagated alarms, and wished that his

person should be secured; but the army had the good sense to repel

suggestions the complete perfidiousness of which it did not perhaps at

first perceive.

“As soon as one expedient failed, the conspirators attempted another,

and left nothing untried to spill blood, persuaded that if it had

once flowed, it would be easy to make it flow again. The General's

coachman was driving from the palace to the stables a cart laden

with straw. The sentinels made some objections to allow it to pass:

it however went on, but scarcely was it out, when some ill-disposed

persons cried, Treason, and pretended that under the pretext of

removing straw the military chest was carried off. Immediately the

multitude rushed on the cart and on its load, in order to search

it the better. Nothing was found; they loaded it again, demanding

nevertheless that it should go back: the horses took fright, set off,

and ran over a child.

“At this sight fury redoubled, the guards were forced, the multitude

rushed tumultuously into the court of the palace, seized the coachman,

and massacred him without pity in the hands of an officer who had

come forth to defend him. The disorder was not meant to stop at the

death of a servant; but groupes of soldiers came up, forced the most

infuriated to restrain themselves, and thus the blow once more failed.

“All the attempts to get General Rapp massacred by the hands of

his troops having failed, recourse was had to extraordinary means

of assassinating him. As soon as night was come, a multitude of

individuals succeeded each other, and used force to introduce

themselves into his bed-chamber. But the aides-de-camp and some

officers defended the door with courage, and preserved their chief

from insult.

“In the midst of this effervescence an event suddenly happened to

cool the soldiery, and contributed to restore them to order. The

enemy's line drew its cantonments closer round the town, at the very

moment the insurrection broke out, and also received considerable

reinforcements. This coincidence of the measures adopted by the

Austrians with an event which they ought not to have been acquainted

with, gave much room for conjecture: thus the outer division

immediately doubled their main guards; fresh troops and artillery came

from the town.

“The enemy, intimidated, durst not make any attempt. Perhaps he

was also awaiting the result of the plots which he had framed in

Strasburg; perhaps he feared to enter into an engagement with an army

so much the more formidable, as it had put itself under the necessity

of conquering; and as it continued, for all that related to the

military arrangements, to receive its orders from General Rottembourg,

whose courage and skill the Austrians had experienced more than once

during this campaign. The enemy, therefore, remained in position, and

appeared to be waiting till the favourable moment should arrive. On

its side, the army was on its guard against the tricks prepared for

it, and pursued, with calmness and firmness, the only end which it had

in view, the discharge of the pay in arrear.

“General _Garrison_ redoubled his vigilance to preserve public

tranquillity, and went forth attended by his staff, all dressed in

their uniform and on horseback, to secure the execution of his orders.

As soon as he appeared the drums beat to arms, the guards were turned

out, and rendered him all the honours due to a Commander-in-chief.

“Thus Strasburg presented the appearance of the most perfect order in

the midst of disorder; and the most severe discipline reigned in an

army in a state of revolt.

“The loan having been raised, the pay-officers, according to the

numerical order of the regiments, were conducted under a good escort

to the pay-master-general, where they received the sums necessary

for the pay of their corps. But they were enjoined not to make any

individual payments until all the regiments should have received what

was owing to them. Thus passed the first day: there was less agitation

on the second. Still there was an attempt to make the troops believe

some rumours calculated to produce disturbance, but little attention

was paid to them. Towards evening, the orders given to the sentinels

of the palace became less strict; the aides-de-camp had leave to go

out under escort. A file of grenadiers was appointed to escort them

where they wished, and to conduct them back again.

“During the night the posts were all renewed. Individuals, in the

uniform of sub-officers, presented themselves once more to penetrate

into the General's apartments, to satisfy themselves, as they said,

that he had not escaped. The altercations between them and the

officers of the staff were warmer than ever; the latter, nevertheless,

in the end prevailed. In fine, the division of the funds was effected

towards nine o'clock in the morning. Immediately the call to arms was

sounded, the army assembled, withdrew its posts, raised the siege of

the palace, and repaired to the parade. General Garrison, accompanied

by all his staff, drew up the troops in line, and addressed to them

the following proclamation. We give it _verbatim_.

“'Soldiers of the Army of the Rhine,

“'The bold step which has just been taken by your sub-officers

to obtain justice, and the complete discharge of your pay, has

compromised them with the civil and military authorities. It

is in your good conduct, your resignation, and your excellent

discipline that they hope to find safety; that which you have

maintained up to the present time is the best guarantee of it;

and of this they hope for a continuance.

“'Soldiers, the pay-officers have in their possession all that is

owing to you; the garrison will return to its former situation,

the posts will remain till the General-in-chief shall have

given orders in consequence. On their return from the parade,

the sergeant-majors and quarter-masters shall repair to their

pay-officers, and shall take note before paying the troops from

MM. the Colonels, in order to keep back what is not due.

“'The infantry is to be disbanded—it will take superior orders;

and the cavalry, still having no order, will wait its lot, in

order to give up, at least before setting off, the horses, arms,

and all that belongs to the Government, in order that it may be

said they are Frenchmen: they have served with honour, they have

obtained payment of what was due to them, and have submitted to

the orders of the King, under the glorious title of the Army of

the Rhine.

“'By order of the Army of the Rhine.'”

“The Sergeant-General, after having delivered this speech, which

the army heard in silence, made the two divisions of infantry,

the cavalry, and artillery defile before him, and went in great

pomp to display at the offices of the Prefect and Mayor the white

flags that had been made by his orders. The troops then returned to

their barracks, and submitted themselves to the authority of their

respective officers.

“As soon as they were restored to liberty, the Generals, Colonels, and

superior officers were anxious to repair to Count Rapp, to express to

him the pain they had experienced at seeing the army thus unmindful

of the rein of discipline. They even caused a protest against the

seditious movements which the army had given way to, to be printed,

which they all signed, and which contained expressions very flattering

to the General-in-Chief.

“Two days after, they laid down their arms at the arsenal, and all the

corps were disbanded. Dalouzi, as leader of the revolt, had incurred

the penalty of death; but he was pardoned on account of the good order

that he had maintained in the midst of the insurrection.”[3]

[3] Summary of the Operations of the Armies of the Rhine and Jura,

1815.

The army was dissolved; my command having expired, there was nothing

to keep me any longer in Alsace. But the good souls of the Faubourg

Saint-Germain had imagined that we were a source of terror to Europe.

On the field of battle I believe we were, and the Allies did not

disallow it. In other respects this was thinking too highly of us.

With regard to plots and conspiracies, it is not we who deserved the

palm. I, nevertheless, went to meet that which they wished to allot to

me. I wrote to the King, I did not attempt to disguise my sentiments

from him. If I had been able to throw the whole coalition into the

Rhine I would have done it; I did not conceal it. My letter was thus

worded.

“Sire,

“I do not endeavour to justify my conduct. Your Majesty knows

that the bent of my mind and my military education have always

led me to defend the French territory against all foreign

aggression: I could not, above all, hesitate to offer my life in

defence of Alsace, which gave me birth.

“If I have preserved the esteem of your Majesty, I desire to

finish my career in my own country; if it were otherwise, I

should be the first to demand to go and pass my days abroad: I

could not live in my country without the esteem of my sovereign.”

“I only ask this; I have need of nothing more.”

This letter was of use. Marks of regard that had escaped the Monarch

kept malevolence within bounds. I passed some months at Paris without

being disturbed; but the race of emigrants had filled the chambers

and harangued at the tribune. Their vociferations against all the men

distinguished for their talent and courage whom France can boast of,

gave me such a disgust that I withdrew. I went into Switzerland, where

at least aristocracy did not present the scandalous spectacle of the

rage of the present time combined with the meanness of the past. The

ordinance of the 5th of September was issued a short time afterwards:

I returned to Paris, where I live quietly in the bosom of my family,

and where I have experienced happiness which till then was unknown to

me.

* * * * *

Here the Memoirs terminate. We will only add a few words.

Become a member of the House of Peers, the General was called into

the presence of the King. This favour did not make him unfaithful to

old recollections. So many immortal days were too deeply engraved in

his mind! He could not forget our victories, or him who had conducted

them, or those who had obtained them! He had often taken so glorious a

part in them! Courage does not disinherit herself. In like manner the

brave soldiers who were persecuted by men whom they had eclipsed on

the field of battle always found in their General a devoted protector.

His purse, his credit were open to them. Never did he repel the

unfortunate. Those who had none of the privileges which the standard

gives, participated in his benefits; it was sufficient if they were in

distress. Misfortune was something sacred in his eyes.

The state of inactivity into which on a sudden he had fallen, after a

life of alarms and fatigue, hastened to a fatal termination the wounds

with which he was covered. His health was gone; he soon ended the

term assigned him by Nature. He beheld death without emotion, ordered

himself to be put in a position so as to front the enemy, whom he had

always looked in the face, and expired, offering up his prayers for

France and his family.

DOCUMENTS

ILLUSTRATIVE OF THE MEMOIRS.

_Letter from General Rapp to the Duke of Wurtemberg._

_June 14th, 1813._

Colonel Richemont has communicated to me the letter which your

Royal Highness honoured him with, the ... of this month. I learn

with pain that the very conciliatory proposals made, in my name,

by M. Richemont, have not been accepted, and that discussions

have arisen on points which appeared to afford no room for any

debate whatever.

I must observe to your Royal Highness, generally, that the

armistice was not demanded by the Emperor Napoleon, which

supposes that all the articles ought to be construed favourably

to the French army; but since the intentions of the treaty are

disputed, I see no other means of attaining the object of your

Royal Highness, and my own, than by proposing to your Excellency

to leave, as regards the limits, things in their present state,

and to inform the commissioners appointed by articles 9 and 12

of the armistice, of the difficulties which have arisen in the

execution of article 6. I therefore beg your Highness to name,

conjointly with myself, two officers who shall be instructed

to repair to those commissioners, and who can speedily bring a

report of the solution we are to expect.

I also consent that the article relative to supplies be only

settled provisionally, that is to say, that if your Royal

Highness would not take upon yourself to allow us 30,000 rations

of victuals, reckoning from the day of the armistice, which,

according to the returns of the force of the garrison, is

necessary, Colonel Richemont will be able to settle with the

Russian commissioners, the quantities which shall be supplied

to us on account, to be deducted from the amount which shall be

definitively appointed by the commissioners of the armistice, to

whom it will be referred, as well as the article of limits.

The officer who brought the armistice would have been able to

notify at the Imperial head-quarters the discussions which have

arisen, if his instructions did not oblige him to delay his

departure till after the first distribution which is to be made

to the garrison by the directions of the General commanding the

blockade.

I should have greatly desired that we could have come to an

understanding, on the execution of the treaty, as I have reason

to fear that false inferences may be drawn from the delay of

this officer, as to the good understanding which the armistice

supposes to exist between us; a contingency which I should the

more lament, as it appears to me that your Highness might have

acceded to the proposals of Colonel Richemont, which I should

most certainly have done in your place, without fearing the least

reproach for it from my sovereign.

(Signed,) COUNT RAPP.

ANSWER.

_Sulmin, June 15th, 1813._

I received the letter which your Excellency did me the honour to

write to me, dated the 14th of June, and I must frankly confess

that it is my duty to enter into the fullest explanation of

the cause of the misunderstandings which exist relative to the

literal execution of the articles of the truce.

This treaty having laid down fixed principles, in order to avoid

every subject of dispute, it appears to me, that it would be

infinitely more simple and natural to adhere strictly to it. I

confess to your Excellency that it is with sincere pain that I

agree to depart from it according to your proposition. It appears

to me that by this arrangement, which you wish, both of us, to

a certain degree, exceed the limits of our powers, and that it

would be much better to settle between us the line of neutrality

according to the literal sense of the armistice. Nevertheless,

to avoid all farther discussion, I consent to let things remain

on their present footing: I will even order the commanders

of my advanced posts to come to an understanding with yours

about making some arrangements, which may be agreeable to your

Excellency, in respect to sentinels and piquets, to prevent any

collision between our light troops.

Respecting what concerns the article of provisions, the

commission assembled for that purpose has already commenced its

sittings, and I hope that Colonel Richemont will soon be able to

announce that this article has been definitively settled.

As to what regards the two officers whom your Excellency would

send to the commissioners appointed definitively to settle

all the difficulties which appear to arise respecting the

stipulations of the truce, I must observe, that it is not in

my power to grant them the necessary passports: the article of

provisions, which will be forthwith settled, will allow, in the

course of a few days, Captain Planat to undertake this commission.

Be persuaded, moreover, General, that accustomed, in the course

of twenty-five years' service to fulfil with exactness the orders

of my sovereign, I should have acted in a very different manner,

if I had agreed to the propositions which have been made to me

by Colonel Richemont, and which deviated so essentially from the

articles of a truce, the simple and natural expressions of which

leave no room for the least discussion.

Your Excellency, moreover, will always find me ready to do

whatever may be agreeable to you, and which at the same time may

not be inconsistent with my duty. I shall eagerly seize all the

opportunities that I can to convince you that nothing equals the

high consideration with which I have the honour to be, &c.

(Signed,) ALEXANDER, DUKE OF WURTEMBERG.

_Letter from the Duke of Wurtemberg to his Excellency Count Rapp._

_From my head-quarters, July 12, 1813._

(Received on the 14th, though the Duke was but two leagues from

Dantzic.)

GENERAL,

A messenger, who has just arrived from head-quarters, brings me

an order for suspending the allowances which have been hitherto

made to the garrison of Dantzic. The corps of Volunteers under

the orders of the Prussian Major Lutzow having been attacked,

during the continuance of the truce, without the least cause,

is announced to me as the reason which has caused this

determination, and which is not to be varied from until this

affair shall be definitively settled.

In communicating the orders which I have received to you, I

announce at the same time that this affair, which will probably

soon be settled, does not however change the other articles of

the truce, which are to remain in full force.

I have the honour be, &c.

(Signed,) ALEXANDER, DUKE OF WURTEMBERG,

General of Cavalry.

ANSWER.

_Dantzic, July 14, 1813._

Monsieur le DUC,

From the commencement of the arrangements agreed upon between us,

in consequence of the armistice, I have seen, with much pain,

that your Royal Highness does not fulfil them with that exactness

which such stipulations demand.

I have perceived, in the delay of all the deliveries, a secret

war which was destroying in detail the spirit of the armistice.

In spite of my continual protests, a great part of the provisions

has been left in arrear; you have not even supplied what is due

at present, and it is in this state of things that I receive,

to-day, the 14th, the letter from your Highness, dated the 12th,

which informs me that you have orders to suspend the provisions.

This suspension has actually taken place these four days past,

that is to say, since the 10th; and as our correspondence may

reach each other in two hours, I will not conceal from your

Highness with what sentiments I must look at the difference

between the date and the arrival of your despatch.

The conditions of an armistice, my Lord Duke, are alike binding

on both the parties; and as soon as one of them allows himself

to annul one of the principal and most essential clauses, the

armistice is from that moment broken, and he puts himself in

a state of war against the other. It is in this light, that I

consider from henceforth the declaration you have made; and

although your Highness informs me that the other articles of the

truce shall remain, you must perceive that I cannot accept such

modifications but by the orders of my sovereign. It only remains

to me, then, to beg you to acquaint me whether the six days

which are to precede the recommencement of hostilities are to be

reckoned from the 12th at one o'clock in the morning, or from the

14th at twelve.

I must declare to you, that I account you responsible for

the rupture of an armistice that was concluded between our

sovereigns, and that I cannot listen to any evasive explication

until after the reception of all the provisions which are due to

me.

(Signed,) COUNT RAPP.

_Letter from the Duke of Wurtemberg to General Count Rapp._

_From my head-quarters, July 15, 1813._

I have just received the letter which you have addressed to me,

and I cannot conceal from your Excellency that I have been more

than ordinarily surprised at its contents.

It would be absolutely useless again to repeat to your Excellency

what MM. Generals Borozdin and Jelebtzou have not failed to

observe to you repeatedly, that is to say, that the momentary

delays which the garrison of Dantzic has experienced in being

revictualled have only been occasioned by the sudden change

of the arrangement that was proposed and demanded by your

Excellency, of buying the provisions by your own commissaries,

which has necessarily produced the greatest embarrassment;

the Prussian commissaries having excused themselves on the

state of entire destitution of the provinces contiguous to

Dantzic, which have been already charged for so long a time

with the provisioning of my troops. If, as I have several times

requested, there had been at my head-quarters, conformably to

the stipulations of the truce, a French commissary permanently,

he would have been able to convince himself of the extreme

embarrassment that the Prussian commissaries have felt in

procuring waggons, and the necessary provisions for revictualling

Dantzic, and for the maintenance of my own troops; so that it

is not the army forming the blockade which has thrown obstacles

in the way of revictualling the place. Moreover, it is only my

sovereign, the august Emperor Alexander, to whom I must render an

account of my actions.

* * * * *

I now come to an article of far greater importance, since it may

be attended with the most serious consequences; for it appears,

according to the letter of your Excellency, that you are decided

on recommencing hostilities on your own authority, whilst the

places, Stettin and Custrin, are also temporarily deprived,

as well as Dantzic, of the provisions stipulated for in the

armistice. I hope, however, that you will seriously consider

what you are about to do, and I render you responsible for all

the measures you may take, and which may prevent the belligerent

powers from coming to an adjustment of their differences.

I send you an exact copy of the letter which I received from

the Commander-in-chief of all the armies, Barclay de Tolly; you

will see, that far from there being any thoughts of recommencing

hostilities, I am expressly prohibited from doing so.

If, in spite of all my observations, which I have had formally

certified by my Generals, commanders of corps, you do not think

fit to wait patiently till the affair of the legion of Lutzow,

which has caused the temporary cessation of the revictualling of

Dantzic, (of which the arrears, by the way, are only suspended,)

and of the other fortresses, is amicably settled, and you

attack my forces, I will prove to you that my brave Russians

do not stand in dread of the menaces of any one, and that they

are moreover ready to shed their blood for the cause of all

sovereigns and all nations.

(Signed,) ALEXANDER, DUKE OF WURTEMBERG.

ANSWER.

_Dantzic, July 16, 1813._

I received the letter which your Royal Highness did me the honour

to write to me on the 15th of this month. I will not again touch

on the different observations which you make on the non-execution

of the conditions of the armistice; they have been constantly

brought forward, and always victoriously refuted; and therefore

present nothing new. General Heudelet, whom I sent to the

conference that was demanded by General Borozdin, has made known

on my part the only expedient for a provisional arrangement which

could again take place between us.

In a letter of the 14th instant, I intreated your Royal Highness

to appoint at what precise time the six days between the rupture

and the commencement of hostilities were to begin; to this I have

had no positive answer. I must, therefore, acquaint you, that as

the letter of your Royal Highness, dated the 12th, only reached

me on the 14th at noon, and I can consider your positive and

official refusal to continue the supplies as nothing else than

a rupture of the armistice, hostilities will recommence on the

20th; I owe this determination to the Emperor and to my corps

d'armée. Six guns fired from the different forts of Dantzic, at

noon, shall leave no doubt on this subject. I beg your Royal

Highness not to consider as a threat the obligation which I am

under to interpret the violation of one of the articles of the

treaty as a formal declaration, annulling the armistice; I know

the brave Russian troops, whom I have often fought with, and I

know that they are worthy to be opposed to our own.

Here, my Lord, my letter would close, were I not compelled to

make a remark to your Royal Highness on some expressions of

your letter of the 15th, that I also am only accountable to my

sovereign for my determinations; that, as for what your Highness

calls the cause of all sovereigns and all nations, these are

very extraordinary phrases in the letter of a prince, who knows

better than any one that the Emperor Alexander, his sovereign,

was engaged during five years, in our alliance against the

despotism of a maritime power, which would make all the Continent

tributary to it; and that his august brother, the King of

Wurtemberg, has been for a long time past one of the most staunch

supporters of this same cause.

(Signed,) COUNT RAPP.

_Letter from the Duke of Wurtemberg to General Rapp._

_From my head-quarters, July 17, 1813._

GENERAL,

I should have nothing more to add to the letter which I wrote

to your Excellency, dated the 15th of July, if the formal

declaration of war which you make to me, as from one power to

another, did not oblige me still to make a few important remarks,

before the commencement of hostilities which you axe about to

undertake.

I will observe to you, then, (although it is absolutely

impossible for me, officially, to accept the declaration, that

you are about to begin hostilities, and though I must declare

you, once more, responsible for all the consequences that this

event may produce) that if, in spite of my observations, you,

nevertheless, persist in a determination which, as I believe,

will not even be approved by the Emperor Napoleon, the period

for the rupture which you fix for the 20th of July at mid-day,

is contrary to the 2d and 3d articles of the armistice; since,

after the 20th of July, the term of the expiration of the truce,

hostilities should not take place, according to article 9th,

till six days after the 20th of July, which will bring us to the

26th of the month; and it would be really singular for us to be

the only two chiefs of corps on the theatre of war to recommence

hostilities.

I am convinced, that with a little patience we shall soon hear

that the affairs of the Cabinets are taking a different turn.

What would be then the regret of your Excellency if, by too much

precipitation, you should once more create difficulties between

the two Courts, of which my own has nothing to reproach itself

with, since it was very natural that it should for the time take

measures of retaliation, after it had learnt the destruction of

the corps of Lutzow in the midst of the armistice;—as it is not

possible to bring to life the men so destroyed, while it will,

on the other hand, be very possible to furnish the garrison of

Dantzic with the provisions in arrear.

I now close my letter, General, compelled to make an observation

or two on the last phrases in yours, which have appeared to me

extremely strange. All Europe, and, I dare say, France also, is

perfectly acquainted with the reasons which caused the rupture

of the peace that was signed at Tilsit. It also knows the

dictatorial tone which the ambassador Count Lauriston assumed in

the heart of the capital of Peter the Great. The august Emperor

Alexander was compelled, by such an excess of audacity, to appeal

to his sword; he was obliged to surround himself with his valiant

soldiers to open the churches, and to confide himself to a

generous and faithful people, who have proved to him what may be

done by a nation happy in its own territory, but who have not

hesitated a moment to arm themselves in defence of their honour

and of their sovereign.

As to what concerns my brother, the King of Wurtemberg, whom your

Excellency calls one of the most staunch supporters of the cause

which you defend, I can assure your Excellency that a Russian

General-in-chief does not think himself inferior in any respect

to a King of the Confederation, since it only depends on the

Emperor Alexander to elevate me to that dignity, if he thinks

fit; and then I shall be king like any other; I should, however,

premise one small condition, that is, that it should not be at

the expense of any power, or any person.

(Signed,) ALEXANDER, DUKE OF WURTEMBERG.

CAPITULATION OF DANTZIC.

Capitulation of the fortress of Dantzic under special conditions,

concluded between their Excellencies Lieutenant-general Borozdin,

Major-general Welljaminoff, in quality of chief of the staff,

and the Colonels of Engineers, Manfredi and Pullet, intrusted

with full powers by his Royal Highness the Duke of Wurtemberg,

Commander-in-chief of the troops besieging Dantzic, on one part;

And their Excellencies Count Heudelet, general of division, the

General of Brigade d'Hericourt, Adjutant-general; and

Colonel Richemont intrusted with full powers from his Excellency

Count Rapp, aide-de-camp of the Emperor, Commander-in-chief of

the 10th corps d'armée, on the other part.

ARTICLE I. The troops forming the garrison of Dantzic, and of

the forts and redoubts thereunto belonging, shall leave the town

with their arms and baggage on the 1st of January, 1814, at ten

o'clock in the morning, by the gate of Oliwa, and shall lay down

their arms before the battery of Gottes-Engel, if by that period

the blockade of the garrison of Dantzic is not raised by a corps

d'armée, equivalent in force to the besieging army, or if a

treaty concluded between the belligerent powers shall not by that

time have fixed the fate of the city of Dantzic. The officers

shall retain their swords, in consideration of the vigorous

defence and distinguished conduct of the garrison. The company

of the Imperial guard, and a battalion of six hundred men, shall

retain their arms, and shall take with them two six-pounders,

with the ammunition waggons belonging to them. Twenty-five

horsemen shall also preserve their arms and their horses.

ART. II. The forts of Weichselmunde, the Holm, and the

intermediate works shall, together with the keys of the outer

gate of Oliwa, be given up to the combined army, on the morning

of the 24th Dec. 1813.

ART. III. Immediately on the signature of the present

capitulation, the fort La Corte, that of Neufahrwasser, with its

dependencies, and the left bank of the Vistula, as far as the

height of the redoubt Gudin, and the line of redoubts extending

from this last-mentioned work on the Zigangenberg, as well as the

Mowenkrugschantz shall be surrendered in their present condition,

without any deterioration, into the hands of the besieging army.

The bridge which at present connects the _tête-du-pont_ of

Fahrwasser with the fort of Weichselmunde, shall be removed and

placed at the mouth of the Vistula, between Neufahrwasser and the

Nowenkrugschantz.

ART. IV. The garrison of Dantzic shall be prisoners of war, and

shall be escorted to France. The governor, Count Rapp, formally

engages that neither officers nor soldiers shall serve again,

until their perfect exchange, against any of the powers now at

war with France. There shall be drawn up an exact muster-roll of

the names of the generals, officers, and soldiers composing the

garrison of Dantzic, without any exception. There shall be two

copies of this roll. Each of the generals and officers shall sign

a promise and give his word of honour not to serve against Russia

or her allies till his perfect exchange. An exact muster-roll

shall be also made of all the soldiers who are actually under

arms, and another of those who are sick or wounded.

ART. V. The governor, Count Rapp, engages to accelerate as

much as possible the exchange of the individuals forming the

garrison of Dantzic, rank for rank, for an equal number of

prisoners belonging to the allied powers. But if, contrary to all

expectation, this exchange should not take place for want of the

necessary number of Russians, Austrians, Prussians, or other

prisoners belonging to the courts allied against France, or if

the said courts should throw obstacles in the way of it, then at

the end of a year and a day, dating from Jan. 1, 1814, new style,

the individuals forming the garrison of Dantzic shall be released

from the formal obligation contracted in Art. IV. of the present

capitulation, and may be again employed by their government.

ART. VI. The Polish troops and others belonging to the garrison

shall be at full liberty to follow the lot of the French army,

and in that case shall be treated in the same manner, excepting

those troops whose sovereigns may be in alliance with the

coalition against his Majesty the Emperor Napoleon, who shall

be forwarded to the states or armies of their sovereigns,

according to the orders which they shall receive from them, and

which orders they shall send officers or messengers to request,

immediately after the signature of the present capitulation. The

Polish and other officers shall give each his word of honour in

writing not to serve against the allied powers till his perfect

exchange, conformably to the explanation given by Art. V.

ART. VII. All prisoners, of whatever nation they may be, who

belong to the powers at war with France, and who are at present

in Dantzic, shall be set at liberty without exchange, and sent

to the Russian advanced posts by the gate Peters-Hagen, on the

morning of the 12th of December, 1813.

ART VIII. The sick and wounded belonging to the garrison shall

be treated in the same manner, and with the same care as those of

the allied powers; they shall be sent back to France after their

perfect recovery, under the same conditions as the rest of the

troops forming the garrison of Dantzic. A commissary of war, and

medical officers shall be left with these invalids to attend to

them and to claim their removal.

ART. IX. As soon as a certain number of individuals belonging to

the troops of the allied powers shall have been exchanged for an

equal number of individuals belonging to the garrison of Dantzic,

then the latter may consider themselves free from their preceding

engagement, contracted formally in Art. IV. of the present

capitulation.

ART. X. The troops of the garrison of Dantzic, with the exception

of those who, according to the terms of Art. VI. are to receive

orders from their sovereigns, shall proceed by ordinary marches

in four columns, at two days march distance one from the other,

and according to the route annexed, and shall be escorted to the

advanced posts of the French army. The garrison of Dantzic shall

be supplied on its march according to the statement annexed. The

1st column shall begin its march the 2d Jan. 1814; the 2d on the

4th Jan. and so on.

ART. XI. All Frenchmen being non-combatants, and not in the

service of the army, may follow, if they think fit, the troops

of the garrison; but they cannot claim the rations fixed for

the soldiery: they are, moreover, at liberty to dispose of the

property which may be recognized as belonging to them.

ART. XII. On the 12th December, 1813, shall be delivered up

to the commissioner appointed by the besieging army, all the

cannon, mortars, &c. &c., arms, military stores, plans, drawings,

sketches, the military chests, all the magazines of every

description, the pontoons, all effects belonging to the engineer

corps, to the marine, to the artillery, to the train, to the

waggon department, &c. &c. without any exception; and a duplicate

inventory shall be made of them, which shall be forwarded to the

chief of the staff of the combined army.

ART. XIII. The generals, officers of the staff, and other

officers, shall retain their baggage, and the horses they are

entitled to under the regulations of the French army, and shall

receive the necessary forage during their march.

ART. XIV. All details respecting the means of conveyance to be

furnished, whether for the sick and wounded, or for the corps and

officers, shall be regulated by the heads of the staff of the two

armies.

ART. XV. There shall be reserved to the senate of Dantzic, the

right of urging on the Emperor Napoleon all its rights to the

liquidation of such debts as may exist on any part, and his

Excellency the governor engages to give those to whom the debts

have been contracted, acknowledgments certifying the justice of

their claims, but under no pretext shall hostages be retained on

account of these debts.

ART. XVI. Hostilities of all kinds shall cease on both sides from

the signature of the present treaty.

ART. XVII. Every article on which a doubt may arise shall always

be interpreted in favour of the garrison.

ART. XVIII. Four exact copies of the present capitulation shall

be made, two in the Russian, and two in the French language, to

be transmitted in duplicate to the two Generals-in-chief.

ART. XIX. After the signature of these official documents the

governor, General Count Rapp, shall be at liberty to send a

courier to his government; he shall be accompanied to the

advanced posts of the French army by a Russian officer.

Done and agreed to at Langfuhr, this 29th of November, 1813.

(Signed,)

The General of Division Count HEUDELET, General d'HERICOURT,

Colonel RICHEMONT, Lieutenant-General Chevalier BOROZDIN,

Major-General WELLJAMINOFF, in quality of Head of the Staff, the

Colonel of Engineers MANFREDI, Colonel of Engineers PULLET.

Seen and approved,

COUNT RAPP.

_Letter from the Duke of Wurtemberg to General Rapp._

_From my head-quarters at Pelouken, December 23, 1813._

_11 o'clock at night._

GENERAL,

I am bound to inform you that I have just received a despatch

from his Imperial Majesty, which acquaints me, that the

capitulation concluded between your Excellency and myself has

been approved by the Emperor; excepting the part which concerns

the return of the garrison to France. Although it does not belong

to me to examine whether an apprehension lest the garrison of

Dantzic might be forced, like that of Thorn, to resume active

service before it should be perfectly exchanged, and after it

should have passed the Rhine, may have had its weight, I am

nevertheless obliged to acquaint your Excellency with the precise

will of his Majesty, being at the same time persuaded that none

of the Generals or Officers, forming part of the brave garrison

of Dantzic, would permit themselves in any case to be wanting

to their engagements, of which I myself would be willingly the

guarantee. His Majesty has also formally authorized me to declare

to you, General, that the garrison shall not be sent into the

distant provinces of Russia, if your Excellency gives up the

fortress without further injury, according to the terms of the

capitulation. You may choose for your particular abode and for

that of the Generals and Officers, any one of the towns of Revel,

Pleskow, Zaliega and Orel, to remain there till the garrison is

exchanged. Besides, it is understood of itself, that the Generals

and Officers will preserve all the advantages which have been

secured to them under the capitulation. As to what concerns the

Polish troops who are at present in Dantzic, the pleasure of his

Majesty is, that they be sent quietly to their homes on quitting

the fortress, and in like manner the German troops.

I must believe, General, that your Excellency certainly will not

hesitate to consent to these arrangements, since it is to be

believed that the war will not last a year, and then every one

will immediately return to his own country; and I am so much the

more persuaded that your Excellency will take this determination,

because in the opposite case I should not be able to spare you,

or your garrison, any of the inevitable rigours which a perfectly

useless resistance would carry in its train, the infallible

consequence of which would be transportation of the garrison

to the most distant provinces of the Russian empire, without

the possibility of their enjoying the least of those advantages

which are now perfectly secured to them; together with all the

conveniences necessary for the route stipulated for in the

capitulation.

If, however, your Excellency, contrary to all expectation,

should take a determination as unexpected as prejudicial to

the interests of the garrison, I will then restore to you, the

day after to-morrow, Saturday, at noon, all the works which

have been surrendered to the besieging army, except the fort of

Neufahrwasser, since the supreme will of his Majesty is that your

Excellency should previously send out of the fortress all the

German troops at present in Dantzic with their arms and baggage,

as the Confederation of the Rhine exists no longer, and all the

states which composed it have become our allies; and in this

case Neufahrwasser also shall be given up to you immediately and

without the smallest difficulty. I will send also to Dantzic

by the gate of Oliwa, all the stragglers as soon as they shall

have returned; and in the event in question, hostilities shall

recommence the day after they are given up, at nine o'clock in

the morning.

(Signed) The Duke of WURTEMBERG.

P. S. I beg your Excellency to be so good as to let me have your

answer to-morrow morning. If General Heudelet or any other of

the Generals were sent to my head-quarters, it would infinitely

facilitate the conclusion of an affair which may terminate to

your satisfaction.

I have written on this subject to his Majesty by a Courier.

ANSWER.

MY LORD,

I made a capitulation with your Royal Highness:—to-day you

announce to me that, without having any respect for it, the

Emperor Alexander orders that the garrison of Dantzic shall be

sent into Russia as prisoners of war, instead of returning to

France.

The 10th Corps d'Armée leaves it to Europe, to history, to

posterity, to decide on so extraordinary an infraction of the

faith of treaties, against which I solemnly protest.

In consequence of these sacred principles, I have the honour to

inform your Royal Highness that, holding strictly to the text of

a capitulation, which I must not consider as annihilated because

it is violated, I will execute it punctually; and that I am ready

this very day to give up to the troops of your Highness, the

forts of Weichselmunde, Napoleon, and the Holm, as well as all

the magazines, and to leave the fortress with my garrison on the

1st of January next.

At that period, force, and the abuse of power, may drag us to

Russia, to Siberia, or wherever they please. We shall submit to

suffer, to die even if it be necessary, victims of our confidence

in a solemn treaty. The Emperor Napoleon and France are powerful

enough, sooner or later, to avenge us.

In this state of things, my Lord, there remains no arrangement

for me to make with your Royal Highness; referring myself

entirely to the capitulation of the 29th of November, which, I

repeat, may be infringed, but cannot be annihilated.

(Signed,) COUNT RAPP.

_Dantzic, December 23, 1813._

_Letter from Count Rapp to the Duke of Wurtemberg._

MY LORD,

My aide-de-camp delivered to me yesterday the letter which your

Royal Highness has done me the honour to address to me.

By your return of the letter which you received from me, I

imagine your Royal Highness imputes to me exasperated feelings.

Your Highness does not render me justice: I have been a soldier

twenty-two years; I am habituated to good and to evil fortune.

Your Highness does me the honour to say, that it was quite to

be expected that the Emperor Alexander should have the power

of ratifying, or not ratifying, the capitulation. Either your

Highness was furnished with full powers or you were not; under

the last supposition my conduct would have been very different

from what it has been.

Marshal Kalkreuth, after a very short defence, obtained a very

honourable capitulation. I even recollect that the Emperor

Napoleon, who was not twenty leagues from the fortress, was

dissatisfied with it, but he would not put his commander-in-chief

in an unpleasant position by annulling the capitulation. It was

impossible to perform it with more fidelity and delicacy than

it was executed with, by Marshal Lefebvre and myself. Marshal

Kalkreuth is still living, and has preserved the remembrance

of our proceedings. There are Prussian officers at your

head-quarters who can also bear witness to them.

Your Highness does me the honour to say that his Majesty orders

that all things shall be put upon their previous footing, if I

wish to recommence hostilities. Your Highness knows perfectly

well that the advantages were at the time of entering on the

capitulation on our side, for you had constantly made us offers

which you pretended to be favourable; you know that now it is

quite the contrary: this assertion stands in no need of proofs.

Besides, my Lord, it is you who have always proposed to me

to enter into an arrangement to stop the effusion of blood;

offering, as the fundamental condition, our return to France. The

correspondence of your Highness attests this fact.

Your Highness knows well in what situation we are placed, and

that it is altogether impossible, in all respects, to prolong our

defence. The choice which you leave me becomes perfectly illusory.

I pray your Highness to cause to be occupied to-day

Weichselmunde, the Holm, and the intermediate works. I have only

left in them small detachments to prevent waste. I desire also

that your Highness will send commissaries to receive inventories

of our magazines of all kinds. I attach importance to this, that

there may be no complaints, and that we may not be reproached

with having deteriorated any thing; not in the fear of going to

Russia with fewer conveniences, which your Highness insists on

in your letter, but through the desire of religiously fulfilling

all my engagements.

I have the honour again to declare to your Highness, that

the garrison of Dantzic will leave the fortress on the 1st

of January, in the morning, in execution of Art. I. of the

capitulation of November 29; to which I entirely adhere, and

to which it is quite useless to add any other arrangement.

Circumstances will, after the evacuation, place us entirely at

the disposal of your Highness.

I have the honour, &c.

COUNT RAPP.

TO THE SAME.

_December 26, 1813._

MY LORD,

General Manfredi has delivered to me your Royal Highness's letter

of yesterday, the 25th instant. Having had already the honour to

treat with you on the first articles of this letter, the last is

the only one that seems to require an answer. Your Royal Highness

declares to me that you cannot allow me to leave Dantzic without

a previous arrangement. On my part, thinking it impossible to

open again the capitulation of November 29, approved of by your

Royal Highness and by me, I have the honour to declare that,

having no means of prolonging my defence, I put myself from the

31st of December at your disposal, together with the troops under

my orders. This arrangement, my Lord, is very simple: it is for

your Royal Highness to regulate the fate of the garrison.

I content myself with recommending to your generosity, the

soldiers, especially those who, by their infirmities and wounds,

more particularly claim my solicitude.

I recommend to you also the non-combatants, the women, the

children, and the Frenchmen, resident in Dantzic.

(Signed,) COUNT RAPP.

THE END.

LONDON:

PRINTED BY S. AND R. BENTLEY, DORSET STREET.

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│ Transcriber's Note: │

│ │

│ The original spelling, hyphenation, and punctuation have been │

│ retained, with the exception of apparent typographical errors │

│ which have been corrected. │

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│ Ambiguous hyphens at the ends of lines were retained. │

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│ Italicized words are surrounded by underline characters, │

│ _like this_. │

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│ Errors corrected: │

│ Charlottemberg (p. iii) and Charlottemburgh (pp. 96, 98) │

│ changed to Charlottenburg. │

│ Wittemberg (p. 90) changed to Wittenberg. │

│ Cremen (p. 102) changed to Bremen. │

│ Konigsberg (pp. iv, 162, 168, 218) changed to Kœnigsberg. │

│ Saint-Albretch (p. 324) changed to Saint-Albrecht │

│ Weljaminoff (p. 423) changed to Welljaminoff. │

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Memoirs of General Count Rapp, first aide-de-camp to Napoleon · 第 48 / 48 章