CHAPTER XII

THE TRUCE AND THE PEACE—PRISON EVACUATED, 1802—FINALLY CLEARED,

1814—DEMOLISHED, 1816

Joyous presage of ultimate bliss

For the heart long depressed by vain yearning;

Timely token of pardon—the kiss

That reviveth Faith’s innermost burning;

Peace prevailing o’er War’s artifice,

Love o’er Hate, and delight over Mourning.

NORMAN HILL, _Lingering Winter_.

WITH what feverish anxiety must the occupants of the courts and caserns

of Norman Cross have listened to the garbled accounts of the progress of

the war which reached their ears towards the close of the eighteenth and

the dawn of the nineteenth centuries. How their hopes must have been

raised when they heard of the defeat of the Austrians by Moreau at

Hohenlinden, of the sudden crossing of the Alps by their hero Buonaparte,

his swoop on to another Austrian army and its defeat at Marengo. When

they learned that in 1800 Austria had signed a Treaty of Peace with

France (The Treaty of Lunéville, Feb. 1801) and that England was left to

fight single-handed, they must have thought delivery extremely near. To

cheer them further would come the news of the alliance of Russia,

Denmark, Sweden, and Prussia to constitute “the armed neutrality,” which

though not actually at war with Great Britain, was formed to check her

progress and paralyse her navy. The time when the French Army would have

England under its foot and the prison doors would be thrown open must be

close at hand.

Then would come to discourage them, and to dash their happy anticipations

to the ground, the news of Abercrombie’s victory at Alexandria, and the

defeat and surrender of the French Army of Egypt in March of the same

year. This would be followed rapidly by the report that Nelson had in

April attacked the Danish Fleet at Copenhagen, destroying or capturing

the greater part of it, and thus breaking up the Armed Neutrality. {240}

The more astute of the prisoners may have seen that a pause in the

hostilities must come, but after five years’ confinement within a fence

enclosing two and a half acres of ground, despair must have prevailed and

almost drowned hope. France’s prospect of defeating Britain in the

Mediterranean was slight, and on the other hand England, having taken

almost all the French colonies, and being compelled to hold them,

although supreme on the sea, had no army with which to attack France

itself. Even though the news reached Norman Cross that in October 1801

the preliminaries of a treaty of peace had been signed, the prisoners

could feel no certainty that these would come through the troublesome

negotiations which must follow, and that peace would actually be

concluded.

Therefore when at length the Treaty of Peace was signed at Amiens in

Picardy on 27th March 1802, and the news reached the captives, it was

received with frantic demonstrations of joy. The great uncertain terror

had gone; captivity was at an end; France, Holland, Spain, with parents,

wives, children, sweethearts, and all they loved, were in sight. At once

preparations for departure were made: the prisoners forced the sale of

their manufactures, they drew out their money, and got together their

various belongings ready to leave at the first chance. The prisoners’

joy was unbounded, and left no room for a disturbing thought or feeling;

but great as was the sense of relief to the British nation at large,

there was much dissatisfaction as to the terms of the Treaty, and

naturally the storekeepers and prison officials, suddenly thrown out of

employment, had a dash of bitterness in their cup.

[Picture: Plate XIX.—Facsimile of Order from Board of Transport, 9th

April 1802, to Captain Holditch, Owner and Master of Cartel “Argo”]

After Amiens the Government took instant steps to relieve the country of

the expense and responsibility of the prisoners, the object being to get

the prison empty and the establishment closed at the first possible

moment. Immediately after the signature of peace, cartels to carry 2,600

prisoners were chartered at Norman Cross. The Admiralty allowed 15_s._

6_d._ per man as payment for conveying the prisoners to France. A

facsimile of the order to Captain Holditch, Master of the _Argo_, is, by

the kind permission of his grandson, Mr. Share of Truro, here reproduced,

and it will be seen that it is dated only twelve days later than the

Treaty of Peace. {241}

The number of captives at Norman Cross was at that time very low, about

half the number of those confined at the time of the second clearance,

twelve years later. They left in four detachments, the first 1,000

strong, the second 1,040, the third 600, the last 100. With what joy did

they take that journey, cheered on their way by the good wishes of the

country folk, even if they did shout “Good-bye, Froggies!” This return

of 3,100, as the number of those confined at Norman Cross on 27th March

1802, indicates the difference in the matter of exchange during the first

period of the war, 1793–1802, and the second, 1803–14. In this second

period there was no steady outflow from the prisons to keep down the

numbers, and they were ever filling with the captives sent in by

Wellington and others.

On 29th April 1802 the prison was emptied, and although the Government

had not sufficient confidence in the permanence of the peace entirely to

dismantle the Depot, it was ordered that while all stoves, ranges, and

grates, with the large iron boilers, were to remain until further orders,

the copper boilers were to be sold, lamps and lamp irons were to be

securely locked up, the furniture to be delivered to the barrack master,

the hammocks to be sold at 1_s._ 3_d._ each, the coverlets at the best

price obtainable, and as the barrack master refused to take the soil

carts, these also were to be disposed of for what they would fetch. {242}

All books, letters, papers, etc., were to be sent to the Transport Office

in London.

The net proceeds of the sale amounted to £757 4_s._ 10_d._, to which must

be added £15 for old store at the Port of Lynn. In the _Stamford

Mercury_ of the 17th September 1802 appeared the following advertisement:

“THE LATE DEPOT FOR PRISONERS OF WAR

NORMAN CROSS-BARRACKS TO LET

“Sixteen large buildings, lately occupied as prisons, with sundry

convenient buildings thereto belonging; with square yards, comprising

about an acre of land in each, with good wells in the centre, and a

quantity of land round the prisons fit for grazing sheep, etc. Also

sundry good dwellings, comprising Turnkeys’ lodges, stewards’ rooms,

also two good houses lately occupied by the superintendents, well

calculated for small families—may be viewed by applying to Mr.

Henderson, Auctioneer, New Inn, Norman Cross.”

In their instructions to the auctioneer, the Government made conditions

that the tenants were to keep the buildings in repair, and to deliver

them up on three months’ notice if required. The property does not read

in the advertisement as one that there would be a rush for.

The landlord of the Old Bell Inn, still in the glory of the coaching and

posting days, apparently treated for the wooden building, containing the

two houses occupied one by Captain Woodriff the agent and the other by

the steward and another officer, the rental of Captain Woodriff’s house

to be £12 and that adjoining £10; but even at that rent he did not close.

In January 1803 the whole was let to Mr. Henderson, on condition that he

lived on the premises, the barrack master keeping one key of the great

gate. Mr. Henderson paid an extra sum of £10 for Captain Woodriff’s

house, which he probably wished to fit up either for his own residence or

for the man whom he proposed to leave in charge when he was in London

attending to another business which he had there; he also agreed to level

the huts, which are not represented on any of the plans, and to sow the

ground covered by them with grass seeds.

His tenancy lasted only six months. Hostilities recommenced in May 1803,

and on 3rd July Henderson had to hand over everything to two clerks

appointed by the Admiralty. He pleaded that he had ploughed and sown

crops, and claimed £30 18_s._ compensation; he received £18 13_s._ On

the whole the Government would probably have saved money if they had

locked the gates when Captain Woodriff, their agent, left the empty depot

in June 1802, kept the keys themselves, and unlocked them on the 3rd July

1803.

Between those dates much had taken place to affect the history of the

Depot. The complete supremacy of the British Fleet, the blow given to

the Northern Alliance (the Armed Neutrality) by Nelson in the battle of

Copenhagen, and on the other hand the defeats inflicted on Austria,

England’s continental ally, on whom she relied for her land forces, and

the consequent Treaty of Lunéville, left England and France alike in a

position which made them in 1802 anxious for a cessation of hostilities,

the Treaty of Amiens being the result.

But its conditions were not such as to satisfy the British, who gave up

all their conquests but Trinidad and Ceylon, restored the Cape to

Holland, with the condition that it should be a free port, and agreed

that Malta was to go back to the Knights of St. John, under the guarantee

of one of the Great Powers. France also made sacrifices and withdrew

claims, but to the British nation these did not appear to balance those

made by their own Government. Buonaparte had no intention of allowing

the peace to be more than a truce. Among other objects he had in view,

he recovered his veterans from their confinement in English prisons, and

he never paused in his ambitious schemes. He strove to increase French

influence in Switzerland, Holland, and Italy. Under the name of consuls

he sent agents to England and Ireland, their real object being to make

themselves acquainted with the resources of those countries and the

chance of their successful invasion. Egypt had been restored to the

Porte by the Treaty, but instead of evacuating that country, the First

Consul was utilising his position there to equip a fresh army.

In the face of these proceedings Britain did not withdraw her troops from

Egypt, nor did she evacuate Malta, which she should have done in

fulfilment of the Article which restored that island to the Knights of

St. John. Angry disputes arose over her action, or rather want of

action, in this matter. Commenting on the Treaty of Amiens, Count

Guillaume de Garden {245} writes:

“L’article est le plus important de tout le Traité, mais aucune des

conditions qu’il renferme n’a été exécutée et il est devenu le

prétexte d’une guerre, qui s’est renouvelée en 1803 et a duré sans

interruption jusqu’en 1814.”

The complaint of the First Consul against the English Press, and his

demands that Britain should alter her laws, putting restraints on the

liberty of the Press, and depriving of their freedom those living under

her protection, roused the indignation of the country. The British

Government prosecuted under her own laws a Frenchman, M. Peltier, who in

articles he had written had brought himself within the arm of the law of

the land, but it refused to alter those laws at the bidding of another

power. M. Norvus, Napoleon’s apologist, wrote:

“Napoleon demanded from Great Britain what was nearly the same thing

as proposing the sacrifice of its constitution, and to insist upon

its abandoning the two pillars of its freedom, the liberty of the

press, and the privilege of Habeas Corpus.”

Some months later Buonaparte in a State paper practically challenged

Great Britain to fight him single-handed, as she would be if war broke

out again. After much fruitless negotiation England declared war against

France on the 16th May 1803, and eleven years more were added to the

active existence of Norman Cross, as one factor in the gigantic struggle

between the two nations. Six days after the declaration of war, France,

by the First Consul’s decree, filled her prisons with the 10,000 British

men of all degrees, between the age of eighteen and sixty, whom she found

within her bounds at that date. This step she justified as a fair

reprisal for the action of an English captain who seized two French

merchant vessels before the declaration of war had reached the French

Minister. Buonaparte knew that a bill for a _levée en masse_ had been

presented to Parliament, and that to secure, before they could be

enrolled, 10,000 of the able-bodied men of the nation, (the whole of the

population at that date was only twelve and a half million) was a wise

step.

Our Admiralty, immediately after the renewal of the war, called upon the

Transport Board to find depots for the parole prisoners, whom we were

taking, in merchant vessels and other craft, not ships of war. Bishops

Waltham and Tavistock were suggested, and should the numbers be

considerable, Oldham and Tiverton were to be added, while Stapleton

Prison was to be prepared for prisoners of war. This, it will be

remembered, was the third and last time that Stapleton had been

requisitioned for such a purpose, it having been built originally in 1782

to receive prisoners taken in the war which was ended in the following

year by the Treaty of Versailles. In 1833 it was converted into a

workhouse.

The prisons first suggested, being deemed insufficient, Peterborough was

proposed to the Transport Board, and the Board replied, that on receipt

of an intimation from the Admiralty, they would make the necessary

arrangements for the reception of prisoners at Norman Cross.

On 18th June 1803 the Admiralty appointed, as agents for prisoners of

war, Captain Thesiger at Portsmouth, Captain Baker at Stapleton, Captain

Pressland at Liverpool, Captain Poulden at Norman Cross.

In consequence of Stapleton being used instead of Liverpool, Captain

Pressland, R.N., was sent to Norman Cross, at a salary, in addition to

his full pay, of £200 per annum, and 7_s._ 6_d._ _per diem_ for expenses.

{247} Thus manned for the work, the Norman Cross Depot started on the

eleven years of arduous work which lay before it. The agents were to be

in supreme authority, but were not to interfere with the medical or

surgical treatment of the sick, this being entirely in the hands of the

Board of the Sick and Hurt.

Mr. Hadley of Lynn contracted to convey prisoners to and from Norman

Cross on lighters at 1_s._ 9_d._ each, and to victual them at 7_d._ each,

the military guard being carried on the same terms.

Prisoners soon arrived, the first detachment being 179 Frenchmen on 28th

August. Then came 250 from Portsmouth. They arrived at Portsmouth on

board the _Pegasus_, but deprived of the winged horse and reduced to

Shanks’ pony, their journey from Portsmouth to Norman Cross took them

from the 5th to the 18th September. In October several detachments

arrived, among them one of over 200 French and 5 Dutch.

Between the years 1803 and 1814 no fewer than 122,440 prisoners of war of

various nationalities were brought to Great Britain, most of them during

the years 1805–10; of these 10,341 died in prison, and 17,607 were

exchanged or paroled to France as invalids. {248} Norman Cross had its

full share of this enormous crowd of prisoners, and the discipline of the

prison, the life, and occupation of the prisoners can have differed

little from that of the previous seven years. The greatly diminished

chance of a prisoner obtaining his freedom by exchange, and the longer

duration of each man’s term of durance, must, however, have greatly

aggravated for the worse their mental misery and physical discomfort.

On the other hand, experience had suggested to the authorities various

details in the treatment of their captives, which were adopted with the

object of bettering their lot. In the structure of the prison itself

there were, during this period, several important changes. The outer

stockade fence was replaced by the brick wall, within which ran the dry,

paved ditch. The boys’ separate prison was built in a bricked-in

enclosure, outside the prison wall, through a door in which was the only

entrance into the new enclosure. In 1805 the surgeon’s new brick house

was built in the hospital quadrangle, but beyond these points there is

nothing special to add to the description already given.

There would necessarily be the same anxious watching on the part of the

prisoners of the events of the war; they would probably mock at the

300,000 volunteers, foot and mounted, who came forward and rendered the

_levée en masse_ unnecessary. With what elation they must have heard of

the Grande Armée de Bretagne, ranged opposite the southern shore of

England, separated only by the narrow channel, across which 150,000

French soldiers were to be floated by the 2,000 vessels assembled at

Boulogne, ready to transport them so soon as the weather and the

supporting fleet for which they were waiting combined to favour the

enterprise! That threatened invasion, which hung like a black terror

over England in those early years of the nineteenth century, was for them

within their prison walls the bright light of hopeful expectation; and

when the news of the 21st October reached England, the news which was

communicated to Cadet Hopkinson at Verdun, shorn of its glory and its

fateful significance to the French in the taunting words, “Votre Nelson

est mort,” it would be told to the prisoners at Norman Cross, in words

conveying the whole truth, “Our Nelson has fallen, but not before he had

destroyed your fleet, and your country is now no longer a naval power.”

What despair must have again filled their hearts! If they disbelieved

the fact at first, the arrival of Corporal de la Porte and his comrades,

followed by crew after crew of the captured sailors and soldiers, must

have too surely confirmed the news.

As the years of their captivity dragged on, they would hear of the

conquests and of the King-making by their idol Buonaparte, now the

Emperor Napoleon, and they would look forward in the near future to a

Buonaparte on the throne of George III, and to their triumphal progress

through the conquered country on the way back to their own dear France.

Then their hopes would fade again (as, alas! their bodily comfort would

be decreased) as there came crowding in the prisoners sent from the

Peninsula by Wellington, who although he had been ordered on the 3rd

February 1811 not to send any more prisoners on account of the crowded

state of the prisons, in 1811–12 sent 20,000. {250} Later on would

spread through the courts the story of the disastrous invasion of Russia

and the awful retreat from Moscow. In the next year, 1813, they might

hear that Wellington had crossed the Bidassoa, and thus secured for

England—their hated hostess in their accursed abode at Norman Cross—the

honour of being the first of the European powers to plant its victorious

standard on French soil.

Hurtful as such items of news—which reached them solely through English

sources or through equally unsympathetic French sources, such as the

Bishop of Moulins, whose France was not their France—were to their

patriotic feelings, they were all tending to bring about the day of their

release. In 1814 the Allies invaded France, and successfully advanced

upon Paris. Napoleon abdicated, and was allowed to retire to Elba, and

at length the news reached Norman Cross that on the 30th May the Treaty

of Paris, which meant freedom for all prisoners of war, had been signed.

[Picture: Plate XX.—Model of the Prison of Norman Cross, England, in the

County of, and 4½ Leagues from, Huntingdon (In the Musée de l’Armée,

Hôtel des Invalides, Paris)]

[Picture: Plate XXI.—Key Plan of M. Foulley’s Model of the Prison of

Norman Cross, England]

Deeply as many an old soldier among the 4,617 of the prisoners at Norman

Cross on that date resented the fall of the hero he had worshipped, his

great general, the Emperor, bitterly as the majority resented the sight

of the white flag of the Bourbons which had been mounted in each

quadrangle, the one dominant feeling in the breasts of the prisoners was

wild joy at their imminent freedom and restoration to their own loved

country; they embraced, they danced, they sang, and they cried for joy.

The military barracks had not been an abode of luxury or comfort, and the

garrison caught the infection of exuberant joy; a party of them seized

the Glasgow Mail Coach, on its arrival at Stilton, and drew it to Norman

Cross, whither the coachman, horses, and guard were obliged to follow.

Among the prisoners who witnessed the scenes of rejoicing at this time

was M. Foulley, who had been confined at Norman Cross for five years and

three months. The scene impressed him so strongly, that after his return

to France he made a model of the Depot as it appeared during the

celebration of the departure of the first detachment of liberated

prisoners for France. This model has already been criticised and

described in Chapter II, but the place for the photograph is here, in the

last chapter of this volume. The figures in the quadrangles, the

garrison drawn up in line, with its back to the prison, at attention,

ready to salute the departing prisoners, who only a day before it had to

guard with loaded muskets and fixed bayonets, tell of the buried hatchet,

of the new-born peace between France and England, which has endured for

ninety-eight years, and which is cemented and invigorated by the existing

_entente cordiale_.

The prisoners began to prepare for departure. Some would set to work

with a will to finish articles which had been bespoken, or which they

wished to put in the market before their departure. Some could afford to

take their stock of knick-knacks home, and would have money to draw from

the agent and clerks—money they had realised by their work during the

past eleven years. Undoubtedly, in some instances, the sum earned

amounted to as much as one, two, or three hundred pounds, but without

seeing the banking account, it will hardly be credited that any prisoner

had actually made the rumoured thousand pounds. {252} Others would pack

the articles they were taking home as memorials of their long sojourn in

the land of their enemy. Every one would be in some way preparing for

departure. Some permitted on parole would have to bid farewell to the

friends they had made within their bounds, others would have to write to

friends made in the market or in conversations surreptitiously carried on

through the pales of the stockade fences.

Speedily, detachments began to move off. The Depot had been costing

£300,000 a year, and every day it remained full represented a large sum.

The local newspapers, where formerly they described the prisoners making

their weary way under a strong escort from the coast to Norman Cross were

now filled with reports of parties of released prisoners marching to the

coast in comparative freedom. One paper notes how, of a detachment of

500, some got so drunk (is it much to be wondered at?) that they could

not go on; while, on the contrary on 6th May, according to the _Cambridge

Chronicle_, another detachment of 200, which was to embark from Chatham,

passing through Cambridge on their way to that port, walked about the

town and the University buildings, conducting themselves in an orderly

manner.

So detachment followed detachment, until in the _Times_ of 19th August

1814 appeared a paragraph, “Of all the great body of Prisoners of War,

who were lately at Norman Cross Barracks, at this time only one single

prisoner remains, and he, in consequence of illness preventing his

removal.” What must have been this poor fellow’s feelings when he knew

that all his fellow prisoners had left for their native country. Was he

happily unconscious? We are sure that everything possible would be done

to lighten his sad fate. Probably he was the last of his countrymen to

be laid in the now desolate cemetery. {253a}

One shudders to think that his disappointment may have been as

heartrending as that of the poor prisoner whose fate is narrated by Basil

Thomson.

“On 20th June, when the last draft was being formed, it happened that

one unfortunate man could not produce his bedding; probably it had

been stolen by others to make up their complement. On being refused

at the gate, he rushed frantically back into his prison to look for

it, and then, fearful of being left behind, he ran back to the gate

to plead his cause with the guard. On being again refused he became

frantic with grief, and crying that he had been eleven years in

prison, in an agony of despair he pulled out his knife, and there

before the guards and his own countrymen cut his throat. There is no

more sorrowful incident in the history of Dartmoor.” {253b}

When the gate closed behind that man who had been left in Norman Cross on

the 19th August, it closed for the last time on a prisoner. The campaign

of a hundred days which followed between the escape of Napoleon from Elba

and his final defeat at Waterloo sent no prisoners to the Depot, and in

1816 the buildings were demolished and the site sold. The sale,

including that of the remaining stores, furniture, and fixtures, occupied

thirteen days and realised only £11,060 4_s._ 4_d._ {254}

[Picture: One of the Wells on the Site of the Prison. From a photograph

by the Rev. E. H. Brown, July 1910]

In Peterborough, Stilton, and the neighbouring villages much of the

material sold was re-erected and is still in use; but on the site itself,

the houses of the barrack master, the agent, and the steward, the wells,

the wide fosse which ran round inside the outer wall, and about 60 yards

of the wall itself, alone remain of that Norman Cross Prison which, for

twenty years in the most eventful period in the history of Europe, played

so important a part; over which, and its inmates, the two Governments,

French and English, argued and fought, while the prisoners suffered.

That prison, where these victims of war—our foemen, it is true, but

patriots, and foemen worthy of our steel—pined in prolonged confinement,

surrounded by prison walls, held down by cannon, muskets, and bayonets,

hoping for release which never came, enduring an agonising longing for

freedom—a longing so keen that many of them purchased it by enlisting in

the ranks of Britain, their country’s enemy—and suffering, alas! other

miseries, of which not the least was the moral deterioration and

degradation consequent on their condition and surroundings. Gone are the

prisons and their miseries, gone the barracks and their busy life of

active duties, and gone, also, all personal recollection of the great

events of 1789 to 1816, of which the life here was a part.

But, standing on the great North Road, between the two fields, the one to

the right and the other to the left, nothing to distinguish them from the

thousands of similar fields in every county of England, the reader will,

if this narrative has in a measure aroused in him the interest with which

the writer has hoped to inspire him, be able to call up in his mind’s eye

the Norman Cross of a hundred years ago. The courts, the caserns, and

the various other buildings rise before him; he sees them filled with the

Dutch and French sailors and soldiers who for years lived in the one

field, and of whom nearly two thousand for ever sleep in the other. The

vision fades, and the gazer realises that of it nothing remains but a

name, the beautiful works of art made by the prisoners, some musty

documents, in the Public Record Office or British Museum, and 1,770

skeletons in the undistinguished field on the North Road. Before him

lies the site of Norman Cross Prison, a typical scene of sylvan calm.

We pass; the path that each man trod

Is dim, or will be dim with woods:

What fame is left for human deeds

In endless age? it rests with God.

APPENDICES

Now bear in mind, as thou keep’st jogging,

Each one’s a hole to put a cog in;

So should the work seem awkward doing,

The Appendix wheel sets all a-going.

W. HALL, _of Lynn_.

CONTENTS

PAGE

A. REPORT OF THE SURVEY OF THE DEPOT FOR PRISONERS OF 259

WAR AT NORMAN CROSS, 31ST MAY 1813, BY MR. FEARNALL,

SURVEYOR

B. SHORT BIOGRAPHY OF CAPTAIN WOODRIFF, R.N., AGENT AT 265

THE DEPOT, 1799–1802

C. SPECIMENS OF THE ENTRIES RELATING TO THE PRISONERS OF 268

WAR IN THE REGISTERS PRESERVED IN THE RECORD OFFICE

D. EXTRACTS FROM PARLIAMENTARY REPORT SUPPLEMENT 1801 TO 271

APPENDIX NO. 59, REPORT OF THE TRANSPORT BOARD TO THE

HOUSE OF COMMONS 1798, BEING CORRESPONDENCE WITH

FRENCH GOVERNMENT RELATIVE TO PRISONERS OF WAR

E. RETURN OF NUMBER OF PRISONERS IN HEALTH OR SICK IN 286

THE VARIOUS PRISONS IN GREAT BRITAIN

F. FULL NOMINAL RETURN OF THE HOSPITAL STAFF AT NORMAN 287

CROSS PRISON

G. CORRESPONDENCE REFERRING TO THE BISHOP OF MOULINS, 290

LETTERS OF EARL FITZWILLIAM, SIR RUPERT GEORGE, LORD

MULGRAVE, AND THE BISHOP, THE LATTER ADDING A BRIEF

AUTOBIOGRAPHY

H. PRIVATE REGISTER OF HIS FELLOW PRISONERS AT VERDUN, 312

KEPT, DURING HIS CONFINEMENT THERE, 1804–1814, BY

NAVAL CADET JOHN HOPKINSON, WHO WAS LATER RECTOR OF

ALWALTON, NEAR PETERBOROUGH, WITH, IN THE LAST

COLUMN, NOTES ADDED LATER IN HIS LIFE

APPENDIX A

A REPORT OF THE SURVEY OF THE DEPOT FOR PRISONERS OF WAR AT NORMAN CROSS

31ST MAY 1813

By MR. FEARNALL, Surveyor

THE Prisons, or Barracks, are built of fir quartering, and weather

boarded on the outside, and have no inside lining, except those

appropriated for the hospital, which are plastered. The innumerable

holes cut through all parts of the buildings by the prisoners for the

admission of light have caused them to be extremely weak, by the braces

being cut through and destroyed in many parts, so as to render it

necessary they should be immediately replaced with new, and such

regulations adopted towards the prisoners as to prevent a recurrence of

the same practice. The weather-boarding, stair-cases, hammock rails,

privies and fence are in a general bad state, as particularly stated in

this report, viz.:

_Prison No._ 1.—The ground floor is paved with stone, which is in many

parts broken and very irregular. The story posts, that support the roof

and floor, are so much damaged by being cut by the prisoners, and in

parts decayed, as to require to be new in many places. The upper floor

in the gangway, which has hitherto been laid with elm board, is stated to

require renewing every twenty months; the other parts of the floor very

much decayed. The hammock rails in many parts worn out. The braces and

quarterings of the building are very much cut and destroyed by the

prisoners, and must be new in many places. The stair-case in very bad

condition, quite worn out. As they are now constructed within the

building, they impede a free circulation of air, and occupy a space which

would allow twelve men to be berthed, in addition to the present number,

by having an accommodation ladder against the outside of the building,

with a landing place and door; this plan would stop the communication

between the two prison rooms, facilitate the escape of the prisoners in

case of fire, by having two doors instead of only one. Mr. Walker, the

surgeon, is very desirous that the same alteration should be made at the

Hospital; it would separate the two wards, which in case of infectious

diseases would be attended with beneficial effects, also save the expense

of opening another ward in case of contagion.

The weather-boarding, from the prisoners cutting holes through for the

admission of light, to each berth, as well as from actual decay, is in

such bad condition as to require at least one third to be new.

_Privy_.—The weather-boarding and wood steps in bad condition, and many

pantiles stripped from the roof. The ground under the privies on which

the soil cart stands, from the frequency of its being drawn out, has

occasioned deep ruts, so that when the cart is drawn out, it comes up

with a jerk, and the soil is thrown out, and becomes a dreadful nuisance,

which might be prevented by a few stumps of wood driven into the ground,

on which a piece of oak plank might form a railway, and the intermediate

space be filled up with stone rubbish at a very trifling expense.

_Court between the Buildings_.—Are paved next the Barracks only, and in

wet weather, the part not paved, from the nature of the soil, is in a

miserable condition, and would be very much improved by paving the whole,

leaving a gutter-way in the middle of the court; every shower of rain

would cleanse it, and add very much to the comfort of the prisoners.

_Cook Room_.—Stone floor broken; requires to be relayed and raised.

Weather-boarding, quartering and area gutters require repair. The

dressers are of deal and worn out; recommend they should be made of elm

plank.

_Butchery_.—The floor in bad condition, the sashes decayed, the

weather-boarding and area gutters require repair. The paving of the

cellar under the butchery should be relayed. The effluvia from a

cesspool under the pavement are very offensive in the Stewards’

apartments immediately above it, the floor of which should be plugged to

prevent the smell passing through the open joists of the floor.

_Black Hole_.—The roof breaking through. The fence of the covered walk

is in part decayed and should be new.

_Outside Fence at the End of the Barracks_.—The post rails and paling are

generally decayed, and require considerable repair, and in many parts

must be new.

_Tanks for the purpose of Washing_, _etc._—They are made of wood, and the

greater part decayed.

_Gates and Fence to the Quadrangles_.—Are very much decayed and were

never sufficiently strong and secure for the purpose intended, the gate;

require to be all new, the fence needs considerable repair, and in that

part next the gates, should be entirely new and raised much higher.

_Watch Box_.—Required for the Turnkey at the west gate.

_Pavement within the Quadrangles_.—In indifferent condition, and requires

relaying in many places. A path is paved all round the quadrangles; in

the middle where it is not paved, it is impassable in bad weather, except

through mud. Captain Hanwell is desirous that a path should be paved

across the middle.

_Wells_.—Are in tolerable condition, with the exception of one, the

brick-lining of which within about forty feet of the bottom has fallen

in, and rendered the well useless; the remainder of the brick-work is in

such a dangerous state, that no person will venture down to repair it.

_French Officers’ Apartments in No._ 8.—The floor and staircase in very

bad condition, and the circulation of air too much confined. Might be

remedied by having a lattice instead of a close partition.

_Offices_.—Captain Harwell’s and the other offices in tolerable

condition, require painting and whitewashing; the first clerk’s office

has been papered long since, and it is falling from the wall.

_Storeroom_.—Under the same roof as above, the weather-boarding and

floors require repair, the hammocks and bales of clothing are liable to

injury from being in contact with the inside of the decayed

weather-board. Recommend it should be lined with ¾-inch planed deal, 6

feet above the floor.

_Hospital_.—The buildings appropriated for the hospital are in better

condition than the other, have lath and plaster lining within, and the

weather-boarding, stair-cases, floor, etc., want less repairs.

_Officers’ Accommodation_.—Agent’s house is built of wood and plastered

on the outside, containing a basement, parlour, one pair story, and

attics, two rooms on each story, the largest room measures 16 feet by 13

feet, the small room 11 feet 6 inches by 9 feet 6 inches. The Agent’s

house is said to have been partially painted and papered in the year

1808; the attics, the back parlour, and the kitchen were not done at that

time, and Mr. Todd informed me that they have not been painted since the

house was built. Mr. Todd, the storekeeper, and Mr. Gardiner, the chief

clerk, have their accommodation under the same roof as the Agent and

contain the same number of rooms divided as follows: Mr. Todd occupies

the one pair story and one garret, Mr. Gardiner the ground floor and one

garret, Mr. Todd the back kitchen, Mr. Gardiner the front. The before

mentioned apartments are said to have been painted in the year 1808. The

surgeon has a good brick-built house, the rooms were papered before the

walls were dry, the damp has destroyed the paper of four rooms; this

house is said not to have been painted since built, about eight years

since. The dispenser has three small rooms, and the hospital-mate two.

The stewards have each two very small rooms under the same roof as, and

leading out of the butchery, except the hospital steward, who is not very

properly accommodated in prison No. 8, separated from the French Officers

by a thin deal partition only; the space formerly allotted for the

hospital steward is now the hospital store. This seems to require that

it should return to its original plan for two reasons; first, the

hospital steward is removed from his duty, and secondly, he is placed in

communication with the French Officers, by the deal partition which

separates them being cut through in holes. There is a vacant space at

the end of the building next the dispenser’s and matron’s rooms, on which

an hospital store might be built, which would admit of the steward having

his proper apartments.

The stewards are respectable men, and with their wives and children have

only a common privy, to which all the French cooks have access, and the

path to which is exposed to the whole of the prisoners. Submit that a

small room and privy may be added to the steward’s accommodation, as

desired by Captain Hanwell.

The sempstress who is now with the matron, and the clerk of the small

beer, who is accommodated in communication with the French Officers in

No. 8, being late appointments, have no other accommodation; they might

be provided for, by building a small place at the end of the wash-house.

The matron and sempstress have no access to the drying room without

passing round the whole buildings, which in bad weather would be more

convenient by having an entrance through the tool-house with a door at

the end.

_Boundary Wall_.—From the east gate to the north gate, and from the east

gate towards the south, is from 7 inches to 11 inches within a

perpendicular, and appears to be very indifferently built, and not of the

best materials; and, from the earth outside, being 5 feet higher than

that within, the lateral pressure has forced in the wall, which they have

endeavoured to prevent by introducing land tyes, and there is no doubt if

they had been properly executed, these would have answered the desired

purpose. I sent for the master bricklayer that built the wall, by

contract. He informed me that the piles to the land tyes were at least 7

feet long, but observing that the wall had given way since the tyes were

put in, I had the earth cleared and drew one of the piles, when, instead

of being 7, they were only 3 feet long, and totally insufficient to hold

the wall, and, if not prevented, the wall, land tyes, etc., will all fall

into the ditch. To secure the wall will require that thirty-two new land

tyes, and additional piles of at least 10 feet long, should be driven to

secure the old tyes, and to be placed as described to Captain Hanwell.

The wall being built in such long lengths, being near 400 feet of

straight lines, with a weight of earth against the outside, could not be

expected to stand; there should have been a ditch on the outside, the

same as that within, not only for the security of the wall, but to

prevent the facility now afforded, of communication over the wall, it

being only 9 feet high on the outside. Had it been built with an angle

as marked with a pencil on the plan, it would not only have been

infinitely stronger, but it would admit of the prisoners being better

guarded, by the sentinels, stationed at the angle, flanking the wall each

way. I submit for the Board’s consideration whether the middle of the

wall, that has given way, had not better be taken down and rebuilt with

an angle as described, or whether it shall be secured in its present form

with land tyes.

I am of opinion it would require the sum of £5,000 to complete the whole

of the works mentioned in the aforegoing report of the Survey, one half

of which might be expended this year, and the remainder to complete the

whole in the year 1814. Captain Hanwell informs me that he can employ 36

carpenters, 2 pair of sawyers, and 3 masons from among the prisoners; the

carpenters’ work can be done by them, but the principal part of the

masons’ and bricklayers’ work, I submit, should be done by contract as

heretofore, under the direction of the agent; it will also be necessary

to contract for a supply of timber and deals, converted into the

different scantlings required.

APPENDIX B

SHORT BIOGRAPHY OF CAPTAIN WOODRIFF, R.N., AGENT AT THE DEPOT, 1799–1802

CAPTAIN WOODRIFF belonged to a naval family, his father and brothers and

son all being officers of various ranks. He must have been ninety years

old at his death in 1842, as according to the return of his services in

the Admiralty records, filled and signed himself, he entered the navy as

gunner’s mate on the _Ludlow Castle_, 12th August 1762.

He served as midshipman in various parts of the world, becoming

lieutenant in 1782, and commander in 1795, this commission carrying the

brevet rank of captain.

He acted as Agent of Transports at Southampton, being appointed Resident

there as from 2nd September 1796 at a salary of 21_s._ a day, in addition

to his half-pay, and £50 a year for a clerk. This office necessitated

his travelling much to the various ports, and in one of his voyages, the

vessel carrying cash belonging to him was captured by the Dutch, but the

Admiralty reimbursed him.

As we have seen, he was very actively superintending the arrival and

distribution of prisoners of war at Hull, Yarmouth and Lynn in the early

days of Norman Cross, to which Depot he was appointed Agent in 1799; he

filled the post up to the Peace of Amiens, giving every satisfaction to

the Admiralty and Transport Board, though on one occasion he was

reprimanded for striking a French prisoner, even though the blow was

given under great provocation.

His commission as Post Captain was dated 28th April 1802, and he was

appointed to command the _Calcutta_, a ship of 74 guns to convoy convicts

to Botany Bay. He was next ordered to St. Helena, to collect a convoy of

East Indiamen; there were four full ships, a Prussian ship and a Swedish

ship which claimed protection. They sailed on the 3rd August, and on

14th September picked up a leaky ship called _The Brothers_, which had

become separated from another convoy. The bad condition of this vessel

was the cause of all the subsequent trouble. Her bad sailing delayed the

others, and off the Scilly Islands Woodriff was attacked by a French

squadron of ten ships, one being a three-decker of 110 guns, with a crew

of 1,100 men, four 74-gun ships, three 40-gun, and two brigs.

Finding it impossible to save both the convoy and himself, he ordered the

convoy to make all sail to the north and escape, while he stayed and

fought for some hours.

Over fifty minutes he was engaged with the three-decker, and the fight

was under full sail as he steered to the south to enable the convoy to

escape. The superior strength and overwhelming numbers of the French

dismantled the _Calcutta_, so to prevent loss of life he hauled down his

flag and surrendered, and _The Brothers_, which was leaky and could not

escape, was also captured.

The crews were not at once landed in France, but remained on the French

ships for four months. At the end of that time they were landed at

Rochelle, and kept at an hotel for eighteen days at great expense. Then

Captain Woodriff and his officers, an East India colonel and his lady,

and two gentlemen from the East Indies, hired a carriage to take them to

Verdun. They were escorted all the way by troops; the journey lasted

thirty-six days and cost each of the prisoners £40.

In the Admiralty return of his services, there is a modest little note,

“Returned from France, June 1807,” but the circumstances attending his

return are so extraordinary as to demand attention. He had made repeated

applications to Talleyrand for release, but without avail. In June 1807,

he received an order, signed by Buonaparte, in Poland, directing him to

proceed immediately to England, and to take the route of St. Malves, a

town no Englishman was permitted to enter. On his arrival there, he

received from an agent of the French Government the letters which had

been directed to him at Verdun. He proceeded to hire a vessel to take

him to England, for which he was prepared to pay forty or fifty guineas,

but was told that a vessel was provided for him by the French Government,

free of any expense whatever.

Our Government, not to be outdone in this unexpected generosity on the

part of the enemy, immediately released a French officer of equal rank,

who returned to France on terms of equal liberality. On his return to

England Captain Woodriff was tried by court-martial for the loss of his

ship the _Calcutta_, but after evidence, “The Court agreed that the

conduct of Captain Woodriff was that of a brave, cool, and intrepid

officer; and did adjudge him, his officers, and ship’s company to be most

honourably acquitted.”

The owners and underwriters of one of the East Indiamen he had saved from

capture raised a subscription for the officers and crew, which amounted

to about £4,000.

On the 29th July 1808 Captain Woodriff was appointed Agent for Prisoners

of War at Forton.

In December 1813 he was appointed Commissioner of the navy at Jamaica.

He refused flag rank and was admitted to Greenwich Hospital, 9th November

1830, where he died 24th February 1842. {267}

Captain Woodriff was undoubtedly an able and hardworking officer, and he

was fortunate in having to assist him the influence of Sir Evan Nepean,

Secretary of the Admiralty, himself an able administrator and industrious

official, whose correspondence at times exhibits traits of personal

kindness and consideration, as rare as valuable in official letters.

APPENDIX C

SPECIMENS OF ENTRIES IN THE VARIOUS REGISTERS RELATING TO PRISONERS OF

WAR AT NORMAN CROSS, WHICH ARE PRESERVED IN THE PUBLIC RECORD OFFICE

(_a_) GENERAL ENTRY BOOK OF DUTCH SOLDIERS AT NORMAN CROSS

Current By what Time when. Prizes’ Regiment. Company. Prisoners’ Quality. Time when Ex. Time when. How

number. ship or names. names. received disposed

how taken. into D.D. of, and by

custody. what

D. or order.

E. S.

1 _Sirius_ 24th Oct. _Furie_ Bombardier 5th Cmp. Pieter Van Passenger 20th Nov. D. 19th Feb. Board’s

1798 3rd Batn. Dyck 1798 1800 Order

Artily.

89 _Sirius_ 24th Oct. _Furie_ Infantry Lieut. Mr. Lieut. 26th Sept. D. 5th Jan. On parole

1798 Ritmont 1799 to

1800 19th Peterboro’

Feb.

To Holland

Alkmaar

Convention

(_b_) DESCRIPTION OF PERSONS IN DUTCH REGISTER

Current number. No. on Names. Quality. Ship or corps. Age. Stature. Hair. Eyes. Visage or Person. Harks or When

complexion. wounds. discharged.

the G.E.B.

ft. in.

1 2 Hannes Lenor Sailor _Adml. De 18 5 6½ Brown Blue Oval and Fair Middle Size None

Vries_

14 24 B. Atken 2nd Cooper _Adml. De 27 5 7 Dark Brown Brown Oval and Dark Middle Size Pitted with D. 20th

Vries_ Smallpox July 1801

British

Fishery

(_c_) DEATH CERTIFICATES OF DUTCH SAILORS AND SOLDIERS

Current number. No. on the Names. Rank. Ship or Man-of-war, Place of Age. Time of Disorder or

G.E.B. corps. privateer, nativity. death. casualty.

or merchant

vessel.

109 703 Jan Sailor _De Tonge Fishing Holland 47 28th June Fever and

Vanderzwet. Leendert_ vessel 1798 bad wound

in knee

129 674 Corns. De Sailor _De Vries_ M. War Holland 22 12th Decem. Fever, &c.

Baar. 1798

(_d_) REGISTER OF DUTCH PRISONERS OF PAROLE AT PETERBOROUGH

Current number. Prizes’ names. Prisoners’ Quality. Of what Time when From whom or D.D.D. or R. Time when. How disposed

names. country. received. whence of if

discharged.

_Frigate_ A. Reins 3rd Lieut. 19th Nov. 1798 D. 7th February Exchanged

1801

_Waakzaamheyo_ M. Van Meirop Captain 1798 D. 16th Oct. 1801 Permitted to

return to

Holland

(_e_) GENERAL ENTRY-BOOK OF PRISONERS OF WAR AT NORMAN CROSS—FRENCH

Current number. By what ship or how Time when. Prizes’ names. Whether Of what country. Prisoners’ names. Quality. Time when Ex. D.D.D. or Time when. How disposed of,

taken. man-of-war, received into E.S. and by what

privateer, or custody. order.

merchant vessel.

13 _Arethusa_ 21st October 1794 _Révolutionnaire_ Man-of-war Louis Robert Sailor 10th April 1797 Ex. 10th October 1797 Board’s Order

(_f_) GENERAL ENTRY-BOOK OF SOLDIERS, PRISONERS OF WAR, AT NORMAN

CROSS—FRENCH

Current By what Time when. Prizes’ Regiment. Company. Prisoners’ Quality. Time when Ex. Time when. How

number. ship or names. names. received D.D.D. or disposed

how taken. into E.S. of, and by

custody. what

order.

401 _Melampus_ 14th _La Frigate 1 Battn. Edw. André Soldier 11th D. 9th To France

October Résolue_ 81st October January Martha

1798 demi- 1799 from 1800 Cartel

brigade Edinburgh

(_g_) DEATH CERTIFICATES OF FRENCH PRISONERS WHO DIED AT NORMAN CROSS

DURING THE FIRST PERIOD OF THE WAR, 1793–1802

Current number. Number on the Prisoners’ Rank. Ship or Man-of-war, Place of Age. Where Time of Disorder or

G.E.B. names. corps. privateer, nativity. taken. death. casualty.

or merchant

vessel.

41 1411 Vincent Seaman _La France 23 3rd August Killed by a

Lydyer Suffisante_ 1797 blow in

prison by

the

following

black man.

42 2842 Jean Seaman _L’Emilie_ Dominique 40 5th August Hung

Beautemps 1797 himself in

the Black

Hole

(_h_) DEATH CERTIFICATES OF FRENCH SOLDIERS WHO DIED AT NORMAN CROSS

DURING THE SECOND PERIOD OF THE WAR, 1803–1815

Current number. Number on the Prisoners’ Rank. Ship or Man-of-war, Place of Age. Where Time of Disorder or

G.E.B. names. corps. privateer, nativity. taken. death. casualty.

or merchant

vessel.

263 2384 Vincent Soldier _La Sophie_ Transp. Veli 31 Off Port au 23rd March Phthisis

Fontaine (départ, de Prince 1808

L’Aime)

1 809 Jean Sailor _Le Hardi_ Merchant Ganzeville, 48 Off 24th Fever

Benoist vessel near Fécamp Barfleur October

(départ. 1803

dela Seine

Inférieure)

INTRODUCTORY NOTE TO APPENDIX D

Two years ago I received from Mr. W. T. Mellows, Solicitor of

Peterborough, the loan of an imperfect copy of a Parliamentary paper

endorsed, “Supplement 1801 to Appendix No. 59, Report of the Transport

Board to the House of Commons 1798, being correspondence with the French

Government relative to Prisoners of War.” The fragment contained, as far

as I recollect, thirty-eight out of the fifty-eight or fifty-nine letters

enumerated in the index of contents. Those missing were apparently so

important that I went to the British Museum to search through the

Parliamentary Reports for this appendix. Failing to find the document, I

left the imperfect copy with the assistant librarian, who finally

returned it to me, saying that extraordinary as it was, this supplement

was not in the Museum library. A search in the library of the House of

Commons, in which I was assisted by Mr. George Greenwood, M.P., gave the

same result—this supplement was not to be found. I have now to

acknowledge that last year this unique but imperfect copy disappeared

while under my care—my own impression is that it was lost in its travels

through an intermediary from my hands to those of the typist.

Fortunately I had already included some of the letters in the text of

this work, and Mr. W. T. Mellows, intending to present the document to

the Museum when I had done with it, had made his clerk copy six of the

letters and an extract from the report of Commissioner Serle; these I

reproduce in this appendix, regretting deeply that I am unable to publish

the whole of the thirty-eight letters which were once in my possession,

but are now lost and probably destroyed.—T. J. W.

APPENDIX D

EXTRACTS FROM PARLIAMENTARY REPORT SUPPLEMENT 1801 TO APPENDIX NO. 59,

REPORT OF THE TRANSPORT BOARD TO THE HOUSE OF COMMONS 1798, BEING

CORRESPONDENCE WITH THE FRENCH GOVERNMENT RELATIVE TO PRISONERS OF WAR

AT a former period of the present War it became necessary in order to

vindicate the Character of this Country for good Faith and Humanity, to

render publick the Proceedings and Correspondence of the Governments of

Great Britain and France with respect to Prisoners of War. The whole was

submitted to a Committee of the House of Commons and became the subject

of a Report, followed by certain Resolutions unanimously adopted by the

House. The following Correspondence may be considered as a Supplement to

the Documents which were printed with that Report, and the motives for

rendering it publick are the same as on the former occasion.

DOWNING STREET,

6_th January_ 1801.

DOWNING STREET,

15_th December_ 1799.

MY LORDS,

In the absence of Mr. Secretary Dundas, I lost no time in laying before

the King your Lordship’s Letter to Him of the 12th Instant inclosing the

Communication made to Captain Cotes at Paris, respecting the future

maintenance of the English and French Prisoners of War, now detained in

respective Countries.

It is the less necessary on this Occasion, to recall the Circumstances

which gave rise to the Arrangement under which Two Governments agreed to

provide for the wants of their respective subjects during their Detention

as they have been submitted to Parliament and published to the World, in

Refutation of the false and unwarrantable Assertions brought forward by

the French Government on this Subject; but His Majesty cannot witness the

Termination of an Arrangement, founded on the fairest principles of

Justice and Protection, due by the Powers at War to their respective

Prisoners, and proved by Experience to be the best calculated to provide

for their Comfort, without protesting against this Departure (on the Part

of the French Government) from an Agreement entered into between the Two

Countries, and which tended so materially to mitigate the Calamities of

War.

To prevent the Effect of this Alteration as much as possible with respect

to the British Prisoners not on Parole in this Country, it is His

Majesty’s Command that from the Date of the French Agent, ceasing to

supply them, the Commissioners of Transports and for taking care of

Prisoners of War, should furnish them indiscriminately with the same

Rations of Provisions as were granted before the late Arrangement took

place.

As no mention is made of Clothing, or other necessaries, in Captain

Cotes’ letter, I think it right to add that the Commissioners of

Transports and for taking care of Prisoners of War are on no Account to

furnish any to the French Prisoners, as this Charge has at all times been

supported by the French.

It will be proper that his letter should be communicated to Monsieur Niou

the French Agent in London, and to the Agents at the several Depots of

Prisoners, in order that the real Grounds of the Change which is about to

take place, may not be mistaken or misrepresented.

I am, etc.,

(Signed) PORTLAND.

To the Lords Commissioners of the Admiralty, &c., &c., &c.

* * * * *

SIR,

Having received Directions from the Consuls of the Republic to inform you

of a Measure they have adopted upon an important Deliberation, the

Principles and Bearings of which they are perfectly well known to you, I

have felt it my duty to address myself directly to you in order to guard

against delay.

The Consuls of the Republic having been engaged in an Investigation of

its Interests, both at home and abroad, have turned their attention to

the mode at present observed by France and England with respect to the

Subsistence and Treatment of Prisoners of War in the Hands of these two

belligerent Powers.

They have caused all the papers relative to the Adoption of this system

to be carefully examined and a report having been made to them in this

subject they perceive.

1st. That in your letter to the Lords of the Admiralty of the 6th of

October 1797 after having claimed the Admission of Captain Cotes into

France and the Exchange or at least the Liberation on Parole of Sir

Sidney Smith, you proposed in order to put an end to the Recriminations

relative to the Treatment of Prisoners continually renewed on both sides

that the Prisoners should be furnished in the Country where they were

detained with Clothing, Subsistence, and Medicines at the Expence of the

Government to which they belonged.

2ndly. That the said Arrangement took place in consequence of the

Communications respecting this Proposal made to M. Charretie the French

Commissary by the Commissioners of the Transport Office on the 12th

October and the 13th November following in pursuance of the orders of the

Lords of the Admiralty.

I shall not revert here, Sir, to the circumstances which preceded this

Arrangement, but it is my Duty to declare to you, that the Consuls of the

Republic having remarked that it was not founded upon any authentic

Stipulation, that the Cartel of Exchange signed nearly Ten Months

afterwards took not the least notice of it and that it was an obvious

contradiction of all the usages and Laws of War, were of opinion, that on

the one Hand, the further execution of it was derogatory both to the

Interests and to the Dignity of the Republic, and, on the other that

neither the good Faith the Government wishes to manifest on every

occasion, nor the peculiar solicitude it owes to its Fellow Citizens, did

in any manner call upon it to continue to observe this Arrangement.

Indeed, Sir, you have yourself declared, in your letter of the 6th

October 1797 the one of the Motives which led you to wish for this

Arrangement, was the Difficulty of judging whether the Complaints of the

Prisoners were well or ill founded; that some of these Complaints were

dictated by Passion by Prejudice or Animosity, whilst others arose solely

from the Difference in their Mode of Living, and in the same Letter you

acknowledged that the belligerent Powers in preceding Wars when the

Account of Expences incurred for their respective Prisoners came to be

adjusted admitted only the sums advanced for their Clothing.

The principal Motives alleged by you, Sir, were therefore the necessity

of putting an end to the Complaints of the Prisoners and the Benefit they

would derive from being subsisted and treated in a Manner conformable to

their former Habits.

These motives were undoubtedly sufficient in support of your Proposal and

although you added that War, though giving to the Captors an

incontestable right over the Discipline and the Police of their Prisoners

does not however impose upon them the Obligation of providing for their

Wants you would certainly mean to allude to their secondary Wants only

and in Proof of this the English Government, as you have already

declared, always understood that it must have provided what was

absolutely necessary for the subsistence of the French Prisoners even on

the Supposition that none of the Demands contained in your letter had

been acceded to. The respect paid by all civilized Nations to the

immutable Laws of Humanity and the Empire of those Laws over the English

Nation will not allow me to give any other Construction to your

statement.

The result of this explanation, Sir, is that the mode adopted since

November 1797 for the Subsistence and Treatment of Prisoners of War, had

chiefly in view to ameliorate their Condition; the Consuls of the

Republic in declining to observe this Mode any longer for the reasons

before stated are nevertheless determined to neglect no means in order to

ensure the same effect.

They have, in consequence, ordered me to assure you, that from the 1st of

Nivose next when all remittances of money from England to France and from

France to England for the Subsistence and Treatment of Prisoners of War

are to cease your Countrymen in France shall be treated whether in Health

or Sickness with every attention due to their Rank and Situation and that

with a View to their Food being better adapted to their Mode of Living in

their own Country; they shall receive both ashore and in any other Place

of Detention the Ration fixed by the Fourth Article of the Cartel of

Exchange.

As this Order of things will place France and England with regard to the

Prisoners made by each of the Two Powers on the Footing on which they

have stood previous to the 25th of November 1797 the Consuls of the

French Republic desire that the English Commissary at Paris and the

French Commissary at London may not interfere after the first of Nivose

next in any Details relative to the Prisoners of War except in the cases

specified in the 3rd Article of the Cartel of the 13th September 1798.

They have particularly directed me to assure you that the said Cartel

shall be executed with that strict Attention to good Faith, which will

characterize all the Acts of the French Consuls and that, if they have

felt it their duty under the present Circumstances to re-establish the

former System of Management with respect to Prisoners of War, they at the

same time, understand that the two belligerent Powers may on the Return

of a General Peace bring forward such Claims for Compensation as may then

be deemed necessary.

I have the Honour to be, &c.,

(Signed) NIOU.

* * * * *

TRANSPORT OFFICE,

10_th September_ 1800.

SIR,

We inclose for your Information, a copy of a Letter we have this Day

received from Captain Woodriff, the Superintendent at Norman Cross

Prison, stating the distressed situation to which many of the French

Prisoners confined to that place are reduced, from the want of Clothing

and by disposing of their Provisions and Bedding.

We are, &c.,

(Signed) RUPERT GEORGE.

AMBROSE SERLE.

W. A. OTWAY.

M. OTTO. {276}

* * * * *

NORMAN CROSS,

9_th September_ 1800.

GENTLEMEN,

Inclosed, I transmit a packet for M. Otto from which you will observe,

that notwithstanding all I have done, or can do to prevent the Prisoners

from selling their ration of Provisions for Days to come, and their

Bedding, it has not had, nor is likely to have the desired effect.

Since the commencement of the Wet weather many of them have been taken to

the Hospital in a very weak state, in consequence of having sold their

Provisions and Bedding and One or Two have died.

Several of the French Prisoners are without Clothing and having sold

their Bedding they are destitute of either, and the present wet weather

and the approaching winter will if they be not clothed fill the

Hospitals.

I have, Gentlemen, thought it prudent to mention these circumstances to

you, as I am firmly of opinion, that unless some clothing is issued to

the Prisoners who are now destitute many of them will die should the

Winter be severe.

I have the Honour to be, &c.

(Signed) D. WOODRIFF.

Commissioners for the Transport Service.

* * * * *

_Translation_

LONDON

7_th Brumaire_ 9_th Year of the French Republick_ 29_th October_ 1800

_The Commissary of the French Republick in England_, _To the

Commissioners of the Transport Office_.

GENTLEMEN,

I have had the honour of making various Representations to you relative

to the insufficiency of the Ration allowed by the British Government to

the French Prisoners whom the Fortune of War has thrown into its hands.

The fatal effects of this Diminution of Food are already but too sensibly

felt. I have now before me a list of those who have died and I perceive

that the Number is almost Four times greater than that of last year at

the same period, for during the course of One month only, the number of

deaths has amounted to One Hundred And Ten while they did not exceed

twenty during the same month of the preceding year. But this comparison

however afflicting it may appear is only the first outline of the

Picture, I shall be obliged to lay before you in a few months unless the

most effectual means are speedily adopted in order to prevent the

consequences which must otherwise result from the wretched situation of

the Prisoners. Indeed it is impossible to look at the state of the

different depots without being convinced of the fate which infallibly

awaits them.

“It would be useless to state the misery endured by the Prisoners here

(writes my Correspondent at Norman Cross) many of them hasten by their

own Imprudence or Misconduct the Fate which awaits them all, if things

remain in the state they now are. Hunger compels them to sell everything

they possess and in so doing they only add to their own wretchedness.

Many are literally naked. Amongst those who by their Fortitude and good

Conduct have avoided these excesses are to be perceived the melancholy

and slow, but certain Effects of a ruined constitution, and if an

immediate remedy is not applied, a cruel death must soon terminate their

sufferings.”

These details, Gentlemen, are accompanied by bitter Reflections which I

forbear to repeat. I shall also pass over in Silence the Accounts

received from the other Depots which would only be an afflicting

repetition of what you have just read. The Ration issued to the

Prisoners proved insufficient even during the fine weather. On this

Point I appeal to Persons who have seen the Prisons and experience is a

sufficient Proof of it. Urged by the most pressing wants, the Prisoners

have employed their small Resources in making up the Deficiency of the

Ration. Those who were without pecuniary means Sold even their Clothing.

They are now naked and enfeebled by Privations of every kind. The keen

air of Winter will sharpen the cravings of Hunger and they must soon

experience the Severity of cold Weather without possessing the means of

defending themselves against it.

Such is the situation of French Prisoners in England. In France, on the

contrary, the English, the Russians, and the Austrians, who have fallen

into our hands, not only receive a wholesome and plentiful Subsistence,

but are clothed at the expense of the Republic and enjoy a Degree of

Liberty which the French Prisoners are not allowed in this Country. At

every Period of the War, a great Number of Prisoners have had permission

to leave the depots to carry on different trades and to earn by the

Fruits of their Labour even more than would have provided them with a

comfortable support.

Whatever may be the intentions of the British Government with respect to

the Frenchmen now groaning in Irons I request, in the name of Humanity,

and the sacred Law of Nations that you will lay before that Government

this Picture of their Situation. It cannot fail to affect every feeling

mind. It has already made an impression upon you, Gentlemen, and you

have ordered a great number of Invalids to be sent home. The Agents

entrusted with the charge of selecting the Prisoners falling under this

description have discharged their duty in the most humane manner and I

owe to you as well as to them my grateful Thanks for their Conduct on

this Occasion.

I cannot conclude this letter without replying to two Objections which

may appear at first sight to palliate the Difference of Treatment

experienced by the Prisoners of the Two Nations “The Republic (it has

been said) may easily provide for the subsistence of English Prisoners

because there are very few in France.” But if the Chance of War has

thrown a greater number of Prisoners into the Power of Great Britain the

Duties of Humanity ought certainly to plead more forcibly in their favour

in proportion as their numbers Increase at the respective Depots. And on

the other Hand, ought not the Russians, the Austrians, the Neapolitans

and the Bavarians now Prisoners in France to be taken into the account?

Their number is at least equal to that of the French confined in England.

Are they not subsisted at the expence of the Republic? And do not the

Subsidies paid to their respective Sovereigns appear to assimilate them

to British Subjects?

I have also been told “That the People here are not better fed than the

Prisoners.” If the scarcity of Provisions is so notorious that

Government notwithstanding its Solicitude cannot relieve the wants of the

people, why should Government unnecessarily increase the Consumption by

feeding more than 22,000 individuals? I have already had the Honour of

laying before you two Proposals on this subject, namely that of ransoming

the Prisoners, or that of sending them back to France on Parole. Either

of these alternatives would afford an effectual remedy for the Evil in

question; the Plan of Parole has already been adopted with respect to

French Fishermen. No complaint of want of punctuality in this

Arrangement has hitherto arisen. A measure of the same nature for all

the other Prisoners would be held equally sacred, for no Government

unquestionably would allow itself to break an Engagement of this

description.

If neither of these proposals is acceded to by the British Government,

there still remains another resource hitherto solicited in vain by the

Prisoners themselves, but which however has never before been denied by

any Government, to the Greatest Criminals. The resource of their own

Industry. The ingenious but frivolous Articles manufactured by these

unfortunate Persons from the Bones which are left of their Rations are

admired. What advantage might they not derive from their Industry, if

they were allowed to employ it upon Objects of Trade! Labour would

beguile the Hours of tedious Captivity and even the Nation at whose

expence they are subsisted would be benefited by their exertions.

I have the Honour to be, &c.,

(Signed) OTTO.

* * * * *

SIR,

We have received your Letter of the 29th of last month relative to the

present state of the French Prisoners of War in this Country and have

agreeably to your Desire, transmitted it to the Lords Commissioners of

the Admiralty, for their consideration; but, at the same time, we cannot

help observing that the distressed situation which you represent the

Prisoners to be in is entirely owing either to their being totally

destitute of clothing or to their own Imprudence in disposing of their

Provisions by Gaming and not as you assert, to an Insufficiency of the

Rations of Provisions issued to them which is fully enough to keep men

living without labour, in a general state of good health and certainly

affords more subsistence than a great part of the labouring People of

this Country is able to procure, a full pound of bread, eight ounces of

fresh beef, and above a quart of soup compounded of Vegetables or Pease

for each Man per diem.

We reiterated to you in our several letters of the 21st March, 24th of

May, 28th of August, 11th of September, and 17th of last month the

miserable situation of the Prisoners at all the Depots from the Want of

Clothing and the melancholy consequences that were to be expected to

ensue if the French Government did not cause them to be supplied with

that necessary article previous to the commencement of the cold weather.

In giving you such timely premonition we certainly did all that was

incumbent on us to do, or that Humanity dictated, and we have no

hesitation in saying that if the French Government had expended a few

thousand pounds in providing clothing for their People in this Country in

proper time the greater part of the evils of which you now complain would

not have existed.

As it is certainly the Duty of every State to provide for the support of

its people while in Captivity, so whatever may have been its arrangements

with respect to victualling it has been the custom in all former wars

between Great Britain and France for each Country to provide Clothing for

its own Subjects and agreeably to this Custom all the British Prisoners

in France as well as the Russian Prisoners taken in Holland, are now

actually supplied with clothing by our Agent Captain Cotes at the expence

of this Country although you state as a reason for the French Government

not clothing their people here that the British Prisoners in France are

clothed at the expence of your Government.

Whatever may latterly have been the effects of the prisoners wanting

clothing it cannot be denied, that until very lately, the prisoners at

all the depots were generally in as good a state of health as at any

former period even when victualled by their own Country. Some indeed had

fallen victims to an incurable spirit of Gaming, by sporting away their

allowance of Provisions as well as their clothing and the Bedding with

which they had been amply supplied by us, but we believe that the number

that has suffered has hitherto not been very considerable. In our letter

of the 22nd April and 20th of May last we represented to you fully the

effects of this pernicuous Practise, which had become so prevalent in the

Prisons and we proposed to you a measure which if adopted we doubt not

would have greatly tended to put a stop to it, but for what reason we

know not, you have not hitherto taken any notice to us of our

communications on that subject and from the want of your concurrence the

utmost exertions of our Agents in pursuance of our orders for prohibiting

Gaming have as yet proved ineffectual. While this practise continues it

is evident that if the Ration of the Prisoners were tenfold what it is

they would still sport it away, and the circumstance of their now

disposing of the Rations issued to them is a proof that it is not on

Account of the Insufficiency of those Rations, but merely from the

Gambling spirit above mentioned, that they also dispose of their bedding

and clothing. Indeed, so far from their being obliged to part with their

clothing to purchase provisions it appears even from your own Statement

respecting the Prisoners at Liverpool that they actually dispose of a

part of their Subsistence to procure clothes.

With respect to your observation of the Prisoners not being permitted to

increase their means of Subsistence by Labour which you say “the most

severe Administration would not refuse to the greatest criminals” we

think it proper to acquaint you that the prisoners at all the depots in

this Country are at full liberty to exercise their Industry within the

Prisons in manufacturing and selling any articles they may think proper

excepting hats which would effect the Revenue in opposition to the Laws;

Obscene Toys, and drawings, and articles made either from their clothing

or the Prison Stores and by means of this privilege some of them have

been known to earn and to carry off upon their release, more than 100

guineas each.

Upon this occasion it has become highly expedient for us once more

solemnly to impress upon your mind the necessity of a speedy relief being

afforded to your people with respect to the article of Clothing a supply

of which would materially if not entirely remove the principal causes of

their present distress.

If you or rather your Government delay to furnish this supply whatever

evils may ensue and these may justly be apprehended, cannot, after such

repeated notices as we have for a long time, given you, be imputed to

this Country but to the state which in this instance has so entirely

neglected its own people.

We are, etc.,

(Signed) RUPERT GEORGE.

AMBROSE SERLE.

JOHN SCHANK.

M. OTTO.

* * * * *

_Extract from a Report made by Commissioner Serle to the Transport Board

dated_ 25_th July_, 1800.

The Prisoners complained of the smallness of the Ration but not of the

Quality supplied. They wished for more bread and for beer instead of

water. I found however that the ration by their mode of Cookery which is

left to themselves is not quite so insufficient and destitute as some of

them chose to represent it.

The French are generally great devourers of Bread and therefore what

would be a very competent allowance to an Englishman appears a contracted

one to them, while the meat which an Englishman would scarcely think

enough is to them a reasonable allowance. The Ration of a pound of bread

with half a pound of meat Vegetables etc. digested into a Broth or soup

yielding seven quarts per diem to every six men affords a support which

our labouring poor rarely have at any time, but certainly not during the

present scarcity, and which to men living without labour seems enough to

maintain them in a general state of good health. And I have been

informed by some who are most qualified to know, that the French Prisons

had never had so few sick as at the present time. {283} Some indeed who

had sported away their allowance in Gambling to prevent which the Agents

have taken every precaution in their Power are in fact destitute enough

and so they might have been if their Ration had been ten times as great.

But this is their own fault entirely and it cannot be expected that if a

Prisoner be pleased to throw away his food by vice, that Government must

be at the expence of supplying him again. However wherever this has been

discovered particularly as it may be in the Article of Bread the whole

has been seized by the agent of Officers of the Prison, from the Winners

or Purchasers and distributed amongst the Prisoners at large.

Many of the Prisoners have stalls in a kind of Market within the walls in

which among other articles they sell Provisions and vegetables and I am

told acquire considerable sums of money. This interior market is

supplied by another without where there is a free access of the Country

People with all sorts of provisions Beer and Produce which they are not

allowed to sell but at the fair Market Price so that Destitution is only

to be found among those few who have been weak or wicked enough to lose

their allowance by Gambling. I am also informed that many Thousand

pounds have been already remitted, and that sums of money are now

continually remitting from France, by the Friends of the Prisoners for

additional comforts in their situation. This affords a considerable

supply to many of their requirements.

Their clothing in general for which the French Government has ceased to

provide (as well as for the victualling) is getting very bad, and to meet

the winter fairly must by some means or other be supplied.

Besides the remittances from France, the Prisoners are allowed to sell

any kinds of their own manufactures; Straw Hats (which would interfere

with the Revenue) and Articles made from Stores excepted, by which means

some have been known to earn and to carry off on their Release more than

a Hundred Guineas each. This with an open Market as above mentioned

operates much to their advantage and Comfort and they show their

satisfaction in the Habits of Cheerfulness peculiar to themselves. The

Prisoners have free access to the several Apartments from the opening of

the Prison in the morning until they are shut up on the approach of night

with the exception only of the times when they are fumigating or

cleansing for the preservation of Health. Six Prisoners chosen by the

body at large have access to the Cook rooms every morning when the

Provisions are brought in that they may witness to their full weight and

object to any deficiency.

In case of sickness the patients are immediately removed under the

direction of the Medical people, to the Hospital and supplied with the

necessary assistance.

Nothing can exceed the cleanliness and decency of the Hospitals.

* * * * *

_Translation_

LONDON

_Brumaire_ 9_th Year of the French Republic_, 4_th November_ 1800

_The Commissary of the French Republic in England_, _to the Commissioners

of the Transport Office_.

GENTLEMEN,

I have just received the honour of your letter of the 1st of November in

answer to mine of the 29th October. I shall immediately communicate it

to my Government.

In making mention of the deplorable situation to which the Prisoners are

reduced you appear to think that I have given no answer to the

Communications you made to me respecting the very censurable practise of

such of them as risk the loss of their Rations in Gambling. I request

that you will refer to my letter of the 2nd of May in which you will find

the following Paragraph. “I entirely approve of the Punishment you

propose to inflict upon those who according to the information you have

sent me, deal in Provisions; and I beg that you will communicate to me a

list of the Persons guilty of this conduct. It even appears necessary in

order that the Punishment may be the more felt, to separate them from

their comrades and to collect them in a Depot for this purpose.” I have

written to the Secretaries at the different Depots to the above effect,

and I Have procured authority from the Minister to treat with the utmost

severity those who made a traffic of the Rations of their comrades. I

have done in this respect every thing my situation will admit of my

doing, but until I shall know, who are the guilty it will be impossible

for me to punish them.

I have the honour to be, &c.,

(Signed) OTTO.

APPENDIX E

TRANSPORT OFFICE,

14_th June_ 1811.

RETURN OF NUMBER OF PRISONERS IN HEALTH OR SICK IN THE VARIOUS PRISONS IN

GREAT BRITAIN

DISTINGUISHING—THE PRISONS IN WHICH THEY WERE CONFINED IN THE MONTH OF

APRIL 1810, AND, ACCORDING TO THE LATEST RETURNS, DISTINGUISHING THOSE IN

HEALTH, FROM THE SICK AND CONVALESCENTS

In prison. 30th April 1810. 11th June 1811.

Total No. In health. Sick. {286a} Total No. In health. Sick. Convalescent. Cases of

wounds and

accidents.

Chatham 5,109 4,970 139 3,863 3,803 38 15 7

Dartmoor 5,354 5,269 85 6,329 6,280 27 9 13

Edinburgh — — — 288 282 4 2 —

Greenham 17 17 — 4 4 — — —

Norman Cross 6,272 6,236 36 5,951 5,925 11 15 —

Porchester — — — 5,850 5,772 42 22 14

Forton Prison and prison 12,381 11,799 582 9,760 9,582 64 68 48

ships at Portsmouth

Plymouth and prison ships 7,907 7,725 182 6,918 6,775 104 23 16

Stapleton 4,797 4,705 92 4,546 4,422 80 20 24 {286b}

Valleyfield — — — 2,425 2,384 10 29 2

Yarmouth 36 18 18 3 — 1 1 1

41,873 40,739 1,134 45,938 45,229 381 204 125

On Parole 2,710 2,538 172 3,193 3,028 165 — —

44,583 43,277 1,306 49,132 48,257 546 204 125

(Signed) R. GEORGE.

J. DOUGLAS.

J. HARNERS.

APPENDIX F

FULL NOMINAL RETURN OF THE HOSPITAL STAFF AT NORMAN CROSS PRISON

THE Hospital accounts seem to commence in 1806; there are none extant

before. The first document in the bundle of papers is a report from

Captain Pressland, the Agent, to the Board, enumerating the staff and the

date of appointment of each member.

George Walker, Surgeon, allowed for stationery by letter from the _Sick

and Hurt Board_, 12th August 1803, and by warrant from the Transport

Board, 11th February 1806, 15_s._ per diem and three guineas per annum

for stationery.

Samuel Waight, Dispenser, S. & H.B. warrant, 4th July 1803, and order for

stationery 24th August 1803.

Orbell Fairclough, Hospital Mate, S. & H.B. letter, 21st September 1805.

John Waller, Hospital Mate, S. & H.B. letter, 25th February 1805.

A. Munro, Clerk, 16th September 1803.

John Prethenan, Steward of Bedding, 6th July 1803, order for lodging 22nd

September 1803.

Thos. Giffard, Steward of Victualling, 7th October 1803, order for

lodging 15th October 1804.

Robert Hobart, Turnkey, S. & H.B. warrant, 22nd December 1803, Supert.

Carpenter, order, 30th April 1804.

Thos. Allan, Turnkey, warrant, 1st January 1806.

Ann Key, Matron, warrant, 14th March 1804.

Eliza Munro, Seamstress, letter, 22nd December 1803 (N. B.). She was

formerly Eliza Key, and is the daughter of Mrs. Key.

Abraham Sevan, letter, 27th October 1804, to discharge the messenger

Collins, when Sevan was entered in his place, 3rd November 1804. This

was the only member of the staff who made his mark on the pay-sheet.

Pierre Larfeuil, Asst.-Surgeon, S. & H.B. order, 18th May 1804.

Anty. Howard, ditto, order, 17th September 1804 and 18th April 1805.

Pierre Glize, Asst.-Dispenser, order, 6th March 1805.

P. E. Breand, Taylor.

P. Vanheekhoet, Interpreter.

Yves Gueonet, 26th October 1804.

Pierre Landean, to carry medicines, 26th October 1804.

Pierre Douvre, Washerman, order, 28th January 1805.

Pierre Avey, Carpenter, first employed to make cradles for keeping the

bedclothes off injured limbs, etc., and afterwards on odd jobs, then

Washerman.

Pierre Gradel, Asst.-Lamplighter, S. & H.B. order, 14th December 1804.

J. B. Anjou, Serving in Dispensary, order, 21st November 1804.

Louis Clairet, to refill beds, etc., employed by Dr. Gillespie.

Pierre Drissan, Asst. to Bedding-Steward, order 11th December 1805.

Pierre Jansen, Shoemender, order, 21st August 1805.

P. A. Daird, Stocking Mender, employed by Dr. Gillespie.

Francis Dening, ditto, 11th December 1805.

Louis Le Besse, Labourer, to clean drains, yards, etc., order, 15th

October 1804.

Pierre Andierne, ditto.

Pierre Vennin, Barber to infirm and itchy men, order 29th April and 29th

October 1805.

P. M. Langlais, Nurse to ditto.

John Rivet, ditto.

Jean Taste, ditto. This man was appointed at the request of Mr. Walker,

on account of the increased number of patients with Fits and Mania.

The Surgeon, William Walker, quitted the Hospital in February 1806, and

was succeeded by George Walker, Surgeon, by warrant, dated 11th February

1806, and entered 21st February 1806. On 1st October had an allowance of

£10 10_s._ per annum for coals and candles. On 6th July 1809 his pay was

increased to 21_s._ per diem.

Orbell Fairclough resigned 20th September 1809.

Daird Povle appointed in his place.

Up to 1811 each had to sign the pay-sheet; this was discontinued, and the

payments certified by the Agent and two of the staff. In the absence of

the Agent, the Surgeon and the Clerk certified.

SALARIES AND ALLOWANCES

George Walker, Surgeon, entered 21st February 1806 as Surgeon at £1 1_s._

per day, £3 3_s._ per annum for stationery, and £10 10_s._ per annum for

coals and candles. Had an abatement of 3_d._ in the £ for Widows’

Pension Fund.

John Watkins, Dispenser, entered 7th May 1810, at 10_s._ per day, £1

1_s._ per annum for stationery, and £10 10_s._ for coals and candles.

Alexr. Gordon, 5th June 1812, Hospital Mate, 6_s._ 6_d._ per day.

John Wilkinson, Clerk, 25th December 1810 at 30_s._ 6_d._ per week.

Barnard Smith, Victualling Steward, 1st November 1806, 3_s._ 6_d._ per

day.

A. E. Key, Matron, 1st March 1804, £25 per annum, 10_s._ 6_d._ per annum

for stationery, 1_s._ 3_d._ per day rations.

H. Key, Seamstress, 25th April 1804, at 4_s._ 6_d._ per week, and 1_s._

3_d._ per day rations.

After the prison was emptied in 1814 there were still sick in the

Hospital, and the pay-sheets show that it was not until the 31st July in

that year that the payments of the staff entirely ceased.

The Hospital Mate, Victualling Steward, Matron and Seamstress, were only

paid twenty days in July 1814, the Dispenser twenty-three and the Surgeon

the complete thirty-one days.

APPENDIX G

CORRESPONDENCE REFERRING TO THE BISHOP OF MOULINS, LORD FITZWILLIAM, SIR

RUPERT GEORGE, LORD MULGRAVE, AND THE BISHOP, THE LATTER ADDING A BRIEF

AUTOBIOGRAPHY

CONTENTS

PAGE

I. BISHOP OF MOULINS TO EARL FITZWILLIAM, 21ST MARCH 291

1808

TRANSLATION 292

II. THE NOTE ENCLOSED IN THE BISHOP’S LETTER, BEING A 293

NARRATIVE OF HIS EXPERIENCES, FROM THE DATE OF

NOMINATION TO THE SEE OF MOULINS TO THAT OF HIS

TAKING UP HIS RESIDENCE AT STILTON

TRANSLATION 295

III. DRAFT OF PORTION OF LORD FITZWILLIAM’S REPLY TO 297

THE BISHOP

TRANSLATION 298

IV. BISHOP OF MOULINS TO EARL FITZWILLIAM, 27TH MARCH 298

1808

TRANSLATION 300

V. MR. COMMISSIONER RUPERT GEORGE TO CAPTAIN MOORSOM, 302

SECRETARY TO LORD MULGRAVE, 19TH MARCH 1808

VI. LORD MULGRAVE (ADMIRALTY) TO LORD FITZWILLIAM, 303

21ST MARCH 1808

VII. BISHOP OF MOULINS TO EARL FITZWILLIAM, 3RD APRIL 304

1808

TRANSLATION 306

VIII. LORD MULGRAVE TO EARL FITZWILLIAM, 6TH APRIL 1808 308

IX. BISHOP OF MOULINS TO EARL FITZWILLIAM, 7TH APRIL 309

1808

TRANSLATION 310

X. PASSPORT OF JEAN BAPTISTE DAVID I REFERRED TO IN 310

THE BISHOP’S LETTERS

I

_The Rt. Rev. Stephen John Baptist de Galois de la Tour_,

_Bishop-designate of Moulins_, _to the Rt. Hon. William_, 4_th Earl

Fitzwilliam_.

MYLORD,

Vous exprimer combien j’ai été touché de vos bontés et de l’accueil que

vous avez daigné me faire me seroit impossible. Permettés moi de vous

offrir le juste hommage de ma reconnoissance. Depuis vingt ans bientôt

que tous les genres de malheurs n’ont cessé de m’accabler, j’ose dire que

c’est à vous seul que je suis redevable d’avoir pu les oublier un

instant, et depuis ces vingt années les heures que j’ai passées à Milton

sont bien les plus heureuses que je puisse compter, ce n’est point ici ni

compliment ni phrase, le cœur seul parle dans ce moment et c’est le seul

hommage qui puisse vous plaire et qui soit digne de vous, je n’ai point

osé vous parler, Mylord, de tous les sentiments qui m’ont fait éprouver

la bienfaisance et la noblesse avec lesquelles vous avez daigné venir à

mon secours sur ma première demande et sans que j’eusse l’honneur d’être

connu de vous j’aurois craint de blesser votre délicatesse—j’ai encore

moins osé vous faire connoître tout le malheur de ma position actuelle,

mais je vous l’avoue, Mylord, en vous voyant, j’ai tout à la fois été

pénétré de respect et de confiance. Je ne puis vous dire ce que j’ai

éprouvé, il n’appartient qu’à un cœur tel que le vôtre de pouvoir le

juger: j’ai tout perdu—fortune—amis—famille. Il ne me reste que

l’honneur, en vous j’ai cru tout retrouver. Pardonnés, Mylord, cet excès

de franchise et de liberté, je joins ici une note dont je vous supplie de

faire lecture; daignés y donner quelqu’ attention; elle est tout à la

fois importune et indiscrette, mais elle ne sauroit vous blesser. Le

malheur a des droits sur une âme aussi grande et aussi élevée que la

vôtre, et elle pardonne l’importunité et l’indiscrétion. La grâce que

j’implore de vous par dessus toutes les autres, Mylord, c’est que cette

note ne me fasse point tort auprès de vous; soit que vous daigniés y

avoir quelqu’ égard, soit que vous la rejettiés ne me privés pas de vos

bontés quoique je n’aye aucun titre pour y prétendre; permettés moi

d’espérer que l’excès de liberté que j’ose prendre ne m’en privera pas.

Tout chés vous et dans vous m’a persuadé que je trouvois un père, un

bienfaiteur.

J’ai l’honneur d’être avec respect,

Mylord,

Votre très humble et très obéissant serviteur,

L’EVÊQUE DE MOULINS.

BELL INN, STILTON,

_ce_ 21 _Mars_ 1808.

* * * * *

[TRANSLATION]

MY LORD,

To express to you how much I have been touched by your goodness, and by

the reception you have given me, would be impossible. Permit me to offer

you the just homage of my acknowledgement. For almost twenty years all

sorts of misfortune have not ceased to overwhelm me, and I venture to

say, that it is to you alone that I am indebted for having been able to

forget them for an instant, and during these twenty years, the hours that

I have passed at Milton are the happiest that I am able to count up.

This is neither a compliment nor phrase, the heart alone speaks in this

moment, and it is the only homage which can please you, and which is

worthy of you. I have never dared to speak to you, my lord, of all the

sentiments that have made me feel the goodness and the nobleness with

which you have deigned to come to my help on my first request, and if I

had not had the honour of being known to you I should have feared to

wound your delicacy; I have dared still less to acquaint you with all the

misfortune of my actual position, but I confess to you, my lord, that on

seeing you I was at once filled with respect and with confidence. I

cannot tell you what I have felt, it only belongs to a nature such as

yours to be able to judge; I have lost all, fortune, friends, family—my

honour only remains. In you I have believed to find all again—pardon, my

lord, this excess of frankness and freedom. I enclose a note which I beg

you to read, please give it some attention. It is both importunate and

indiscreet—but I am sure it will not hurt your feelings. Misfortune has

claims upon a soul as great and as noble as yours, and it will pardon the

importunity and indiscretion. The favour which I implore of you, above

all others, my lord, is, that this note may not be taken amiss by you;

whether you deign to have any regard for it, or whether you reject it,

pray do not deprive me of your goodness; although I have no right to lay

claim to it, permit me to hope that the excess of liberty that I dare to

take will not deprive me of it. Everything with you and in you has

convinced me that I have found a father and a benefactor.

I have the honour to be, with respect, my lord,

Your very humble and very obedient servant,

THE BISHOP OF MOULINS.

BELL INN, STILTON,

21_st March_ 1808.

II

_The Memoir in the handwriting of the Bishop_, _inclosed in his letter of

the_ 21_st March_ 1808, _addressed to the Earl Fitzwilliam_.

L’EVÊQUE de Moulins parti de France en 1791, avec très peu de moyens, a

passé en Italie. Assés heureux pour obtenir la place de premier Aumônier

de Mde. Victoire de France, c’est aux bontés de cette auguste Princesse

qu’il a dû son existence. A sa mort arrivée en 1799, il s’est vu privé

de toutes ressources. A cette époque, il a passé en Angleterre, où il a

obtenu le traitement fixé pour les Evêques, qui était alors de £10 par

mois. Il s’est établi à Londres chés M. de Pontcarré, ancien Premier

Président du Parlement de Rouen, qui avoit épousé sa sœur en premières

noces, dont il a en deux enfans; il ne connoissoit point le malheureux

état des affaires de cette famille. Son cœur et le désir de l’obliger,

l’ont entraíné fort au delà de ce que ses moyens lui permettoient de

faire. Il ne eraint pas sur cela d’avouer ses torts, et de dire que pour

soutenir cette malheureuse famille, il a été jusqu’à se mettre en avant

pour plus de £1600, d’après les promesses qui lui étoient faites d’un

remboursement prochain. Son père vivoit alors, et il avoit lieu de

croire qu’il pourroit en espérer quelques ressources. Son neveu et sa

nièce étoient en France, et il avoit quelque droit d’espérer qu’ils

auroient égard à ce qu’il faisoit pour aider leur père et sa famille. Il

ne prétend point diminuer ses torts, mais sur ces espérances, il s’est

laissé aller à la facilité de son caraetère, et n’ayant par lui-même

aucuns moyens, a contracté divers engagements dont il est aujourd’hui la

victime. Son père est mort en 1802 sans avoir fait aucunes dispositions;

on l’a frustré de tout ce qu’il pouvoit prétendre, et un frère qu’il a

encore en France, ainsi que son neveu et sa nièce se sont emparés de la

succession sans lui en rendre aucun compte. M. d’Aligre, son cousin

germain, à qui il a rendu le service de contribuer à lui conserver trois

millions qu’il avoit sur la banque d’Angleterre, est venu à Londres pour

recueillir cette somme, et lui a promis alors de lui prêter 12,000f. de

France sous le cautionnement de son neveu et de sa nièce, et lui en a

même donné parole. La caution a été promise, et de retour en France, M.

d’Aligre ainsi que les autres n’ont tenu nul compte de leurs promesses.

Il peut dire avoir éprouvé sous tous les rapports tous les genres de

procédés les plus injustes et les moins délicats. On a été jusqu’à lui

faire entrevoir qu’on ne penseroit à le secourir, qu’autant qu’il

retournerait en France, et qu’il se soumettroit au gouvernement qui y

domine, ce qu’il ne fera jamais, quelque malheureux qu’il puisse être.

Il y a donc bientôt 9 ans que l’évêque de Moulins gémit sous le poids du

malheur, et que ses jours ne sont comptés que par ses peines; ce n’est

que par des engagemens nouveaux qu’il a pu satisfaire aux plus anciens,

et ses embarras, par conséquent, loin de diminuer, n’ont fait

qu’augmenter. Il ose avouer que dans le nombre de ses dettes, il y a une

de £200 pour laquelle il paye £60 d’intérêt par an. Il a tout perdu:

rien ne lui reste en France, puisque d’une part le gouvernement, et de

l’autre, sa famille lui ont tout enlevé il ne lui reste uniquement pour

vivre que les £20 qu’il reçoit par mois de la générosité du gouvernement

Britannique. Il commence à avancer en âge; il est affreux pour lui de

penser à l’avenir. Il ne connoit personne en Angleterre, n’y a ni appui,

ni soutien. Sa seule ressource étoit pour s’assurer une existence

tranquille de trouver une somme de £1000 sterlings à emprunter, et

n’ayant point d’autre assurance à donner, il a offert de faire assurer sa

vie pour cette somme, et de donner les sûretés nécessaires pour le

pavement des intérêts, et pour l’intérêt de l’assurance. Par ce moyen on

seroit sûr à sa mort de ne rien perdre. Il y a plus de deux ans qu’il

cherche ce moyen de se libérer sans avoir pu y réussir. La somme de £200

pour laquelle il paye £60 d’intérêt par an est assurée au bureau

d’assurance. Telle est la position exacte dans laquelle se trouve

l’Evêque de Moulins, sans cesse exposé à des embarras, à des inquiétudes,

et menant par conséquent la vie la plus pénible et la plus malheureuse.

Tels sont les faits dans la plus exacte vérité, qu’il ose exposer à

Milord Fitzwilliam. C’est dans ces circonstances, qu’il vient se jeter

entre ses bras, et implorer, il ne craint pas de se servir de ce terme

vis-à-vis d’un homme tel que lui, non pas seulement ses bontés, mais sa

pitié,—si Mylord par quelques moyens peut alléger sa malheureuse

situation, il rendra en quelque manière la vie et l’existence à un homme

qui ne se croit pas indigne de son estime.

[TRANSLATION]

THE Bishop of Moulins, who left France in 1791, with very small means,

went into Italy and was fortunate enough to obtain the post of first

Chaplain to Madame Victoire of France. It is to the bounty of this

august princess that he owed his existence. At her death, which took

place in 1799, he found himself deprived of all his resources. At this

period he went to England, where he got the salary fixed for Bishops,

which was then £10 a month. He settled down in London in the house of M.

Pontcarré, the former First President of the Parliament of Rouen, whose

first wife was the Bishop’s sister; by her M. Pontcarré had two children.

He had no idea of the unhappy state of affairs in this family. His

kindness of heart and his wish to help them involved him far beyond what

his means allowed him to do. He is not afraid of confessing that in that

he did wrong, and of saying that to support that unhappy family he went

so far as to advance £1,600 on the strength of the promises which had

been made to him of an early repayment. His father was still living, and

he had cause to believe that he might hope for some resources from him.

His nephew and niece were in France, and he had some right to hope that

they would be mindful of what he was doing to help their father and his

family. He did not attempt to minimise his fault, but because of this

hope he gave way to the weakness of his character, and, not having any

means himself, contracted various bonds of which he is now the victim.

His father died in 1802 without having made any provision; he was

defrauded of all to which he could lay a claim, and a brother who was

still in France, as well as his nephew and his niece, took possession of

the inheritance without taking him into consideration. M. d’Aligre, his

first cousin, to whom he had done a service by contributing to keep for

him three million which he had in the Bank of England, came to London to

collect that sum, and promised him then to lend him 12,000 francs (of

France) on the security of his nephew and niece, and even gave his word

for it. The security was promised. On his return to France neither M.

d’Aligre nor the others kept their promise. He may be said to have had

to endure during this time the most unjust and indelicate behaviour.

They even went so far as to hint to him that they could not help him,

unless he returned to France and submitted himself to her government that

was then ruling, a thing which he would never do, however unfortunate he

might be. It is now nearly nine years that the Bishop of Moulins has

groaned under the load of his misfortune. His days could only be counted

by his struggles, and it was only by fresh bonds that he was able to

satisfy the older ones, and his embarrassments consequently, far from

diminishing, only increased. He dares to confess that amongst his debts

there is one of £200 for which he pays £60 interest per annum. He has

lost everything, nothing remains to him in France, as the government on

one side and his family on the other have taken everything from him.

There only remains for him to live on the £20 which he receives every

month through the generosity of the British Government. He is beginning

to advance in age, and it is terrible for him to think of the future. He

knows no one in England who can help or support him. His only resource

was, to make sure of a quiet existence, to find the sum of £1,000

sterling to borrow, and having no other assurance to give, he offered to

have his life insured for that sum, and to give the sureties necessary

for the payment of the interests and for the interest of the insurance.

By these means they would be sure of losing nothing at his death. For

more than two years he has been trying to get himself out of debt by this

means, but has not succeeded. The sum of £200, for which he pays £60

interest per annum, is insured at the Insurance Office. This is the

position the Bishop of Moulins finds himself in, always exposed to

embarrassments and anxiety, and consequently leading a most difficult and

unhappy life. These are the exact facts, which he ventures to confide to

Lord Fitzwilliam. It is under these circumstances that he throws himself

on his mercy and craves, he is not afraid of using such a word to such a

man, not only his favour, but his pity. If his Lordship can by some

means alleviate this unhappy situation, he will in some manner give back

life and existence to a man who does not believe himself unworthy of his

esteem.

III

_Unfinished draft of Lord Fitzwilliam’s reply to the letter of the Bishop

of Moulins_, _dated_ 21_st March_ 1808, _in which letter was enclosed the

autobiographical notes_.

DEPUIS la recette de l’exposé que vous m’avez fait l’honneur de me

confier, je me suis adonné à faire la revue, de mes propres moyens,

préliminaire très necessaire dans les circonstances dans lesquelles

moi-même je me trouve actuellement, ayant à payer la dépense de

l’élection de mon fils, une occasion que me coûte guère moins de £100,000

sterling. Après cet aveu, vous voiez bien, monseigneur, qu’il doit me

rester que moyens bien serrés. Cependant, sentant bien l’état

embarrassant de vos affaires, monseigneur, et touché du désir d’y porter

autant de soulagement que mes propres moyens peuvent fournir, et

considérant que l’interêt de £60 per annum que vous payez pour la somme

de £200 d’emprunt, doit peser fort, j’ai l’honneur de vous offrir le

montant pour vous libérer de cette charge. Pour le reste, je suis au

désespoir de ne pouvoir aller plus loin, sentant bien que la situation

embarrassante dans laquelle vous vous trouvez, provient des circonstances

que vous ne pouviez pas avertir d’une conduite, qui ennoblit le

caractère, étant l’effet d’une probité patriotique, trop pure et trop

sincère, pour chercher faveur et protection des mains impies de

l’usurpation.

[TRANSLATION]

SINCE the receipt of the story of your life which you have done me the

honour to confide in me, I have been devoting myself to looking into my

own private means, a very necessary preliminary step in the circumstances

in which I find myself at the present moment, having had to pay the

expenses of the election of my son, a transaction which has cost me

hardly less than £100,000 sterling. After this avowal, Monseigneur, you

will see that I must be left with very narrowed means. In the meantime,

perceiving clearly, Monseigneur, the embarrassing state of your affairs,

and touched with the desire to relieve them to the extent which my

circumstances can furnish, and considering that the interest of £60 per

annum, that you pay for the loan of £200, must weigh heavily upon you, I

have the honour to offer you the amount to free you from that charge. As

to the rest, I am in despair that I can go no further, perceiving well

that the embarrassing position in which you find yourself arises from

circumstances which you could not have avoided and from a conduct which

ennobles your character, being the result of a patriotic uprightness, too

pure and too sincere to seek favour and protection from the impious hands

of usurpation.

IV

_Bishop of Moulins to Earl Fitzwilliam_

MYLORD,

Les nouvelles bontés dont vous daignes me combler, me pénétrent d’une

reconnoissance qu’il m’est impossible de vous exprimer; mais si j’ose

vous le dire, ce sont encore moins ces bontés relatives au soulagement et

au secours qu’elles me procurent qui me font éprouver tout ce qu’un cœur

honnète et sensible doit sentir, que la lettre que vous m’avés fait

l’honneur de m’écrire, tout ce que je craignois, étoit d’avoir pu vous

déplaire par mon importunité et par mon indiscrétion et la manière

aimable et obligeante sous tous les rapports, dont vous avés daigné me

répondre, m’a fait éprouver une satisfaction dont il n’appartient qu’à un

cœur tel que le vôtre de juger, si vous eussiés pu être témoin de ce qui

se passoit en moi en la lisant, pensant comme vous le faites, je crois

pouvoir assurer que vous auriés eu une véritable jouissance vous faites

pour moi, Milord, bien au delà de ce que j’aurois pu espérer et en me

mettant à portée par vos dons de me libérer de la dette onéreuse de £200

que j’ai contractée c’est me procurer un soulagement tel que je n’aurois

pu l’espérer, et me mettre à portée de jouir de beaucoup plus de

tranquillité et d’aisance et ce qui y ajoutera infiniment, ce sera de

vous en être redevable, il me reste une grâce à vous demander, Mylord,

c’est de me permettre d’aller un jour vous dire de vive voix et tout ce

que je sens et tout ce que j’éprouve. J’ai pris la liberté, Mylord, de

vous exposer tout ce qui s’étoit passé entre le transport office et moi

relativement au jeune prisonnier qu’on m’avoit accordé pour domestique,

et dont m’a privé en le faisant rentrer dans la prison, ma position vous

est connue, et d’après cela il vous est aisé de juger qu’elle ne me

permet pas d’avoir à mon service un domestique au même prix où sont les

domestiques Anglois, d’ailleurs je ne parle point assés cette langue pour

être servi par un Anglois, et cependant le malheureux état de ma santé,

même une sorte de décence ne me permettent pas de n’avoir personne pour

me servir, j’ai recours à votre protection, Mylord, et si par celle que

vous daigneriés y mettre et l’intérêt que vous avés la bonté de prendre à

moi, il étoit en votre pouvoir de me faire accorder soit par l’amirauté

principalement, ou du transport office, j’ai pensé espérer non pas, le

jeune homme qu’on m’avoit accordé, et que je ne réclame pas, pour des

raisons particulières, mais celui que j’ai demandè à sa place nommé

Sébastien _Lequelleux_, Mousse pris â bord de la Marie Françoise âgé

d’environ 15 ans, aux mêmes conditions, mises à la liberté du premier,

dont je joins ici le passeport en vous priant de ne pas vous en dessaisir

et de le garder entre vos mains, parce qu’il peut m’être utile, passeport

qui vous justifiera qu’on n’avoit point le droit de le reprendre, ni d’en

user à mon égard comme on l’a fait, je vous en aurois une bien véritable

obligation. Depuis que je n’ai eu l’honneur de vous voir j’ai beaucoup

souffert de vomissements de sang auxquels je suis sujet, et il est bien

dur—et bien pénible pour moi—si je hazarde cette demande, Milord; ce sont

vos bontés seules qui m’inspirent cette confiance. Mais je vous supplie

de la regarder comme non avenue et de n’y avoir aueun égard pour peu qui

vous y voyez la moindre difficulté et qu’elle puisse vous compromettre

sous le moindre rapport. Si je puis avoir le jeune homme que je demande

c’est à vous seul que je veux en être redevable, c’est à vous seul qu’il

sera accordé de manière que le Transport Office ne puisse voir dans tout

cela que l’intérêt que vous daignés m’accorder. Pardonnés moi tant de

liberté, tant d’importunités, mais un françois honnête et malheureux qui

a le bonheur de vous voir, voit en vous son appui et son soutien.

J’ai l’honneur d’être avec respect, Mylord,

Votre très humble et très obéissant serviteur,

L’EVÊQUE DE MOULINS.

STILTON,

_ce_ 27 _Mars_ 1808.

[TRANSLATION]

MY LORD,

The fresh bounties with which you deign to overwhelm me fill me with a

gratitude which it is impossible for me to express, but if I dare say so,

it is again, less, the kindnesses, in their relation to the comfort and

help they have given me, which make me feel all that an upright and

sensitive nature should feel, than the letter which you have done me the

honour to write.

All that I feared was to displease you, by my importunity and

indiscretion, but the amiable and obliging manner in which under all

circumstances you have deigned to reply to me, has made me experience a

satisfaction, of which only a heart like yours can judge. If you had

been able to see what passed within me when reading it, I feel sure that

you, thinking as you do, would have had real pleasure, and by putting me,

through your gifts, in a position to free myself of this heavy debt of

£200 which I have contracted, you have relieved me far beyond my

expectations, and made it possible for me to enjoy much more peace and

ease of mind—and what will add to it still more, is the fact of my being

indebted to you. There still remains one more request, my lord, and that

is to allow me to go and see you some day, and tell you in person all

that I feel.

I have taken the liberty, my lord, of telling you all that passed between

the Transport Office and me, about the young prisoner, whom they allotted

to me, as servant, and of whom they deprived me, by sending him back to

prison. My circumstances are known to you, and therefore it is easy for

you to judge that they will not allow me an expensive servant, such as

are the English ones, moreover, I do not speak the English language well

enough to be served by one of these, and yet the unfortunate state of my

health and a sort of propriety do not allow me to have any servants. I

have recourse to your protection, my lord, and, if by what you deign to

give me, and the interest which you have the goodness to take in me, it

were in your power to have awarded to me, either by the Admiralty

principally, or by the Transport Office, I might hope, not for the young

man whom they allowed me before, and whom I do not ask back for private

reasons, but for him whom I asked in his place, called Sebastian

Sequelleux, a cabin boy, taken on board the _Marie Françoise_, aged about

fifteen years, under the same conditions as the first whose passport I

enclose, begging you not to give it up, but to keep it in your own hands,

because it may be useful to me—a passport which will justify you that

they had not the right to take him back again, nor to act in the manner

towards me that they have done—I should be under a real obligation to

you.

Since I had the honour of seeing you I have suffered much from vomiting

of blood, to which I am subject, it is very hard and very trying for me,

under these circumstances, to have no one near me. If I hazard this

request, my lord, it is your kindness alone, which inspires this

confidence, and I implore you to consider it null and void, if you see

the least difficulty—and if it should compromise you in the least. If I

can have the young man that I ask for, it is to you alone that I wish to

be indebted, and to you alone that he will be granted, so that the

Transport Office can see in all that, only the interest you have deigned

to take in me. Forgive so much liberty, so much importunity—but an

honest and unhappy Frenchman, who has the happiness to see you, finds in

you his prop and stay.

I have the honour to be, with respect, my lord,

Your very humble and very obedient servant,

THE BISHOP OF MOULINS.

STILTON,

27_th March_ 1808.

V

_Mr. Commissioner Rupert George to Captain Moorsom_, _Secretary to Lord

Mulgrave_

TRANSPORT OFFICE,

19_th March_ 1808.

DEAR SIR,

In answer to what is stated in Lord Fitzwilliam’s letter to Lord

Mulgrave, I request you will inform his Lordship that the Bishop of

Moulins was introduced to me by the Bishop of Montpellier, and at his

request I prevailed on my colleagues to release a Prisoner of War from

Norman Cross Prison to attend upon him; this, I am sorry to acknowledge,

was irregular and unauthorised, but I was actuated by motives of

humanity, as the Bishop complained that his finances were so limited that

he could not afford to keep any servant of a different description. This

should have influenced the Bishop to keep his servant from carrying on

any improper traffic with the Prisoners; on the contrary he became the

instrument of introducing straw, manufactured, to the Prisoners for the

purpose of being made into hats, bonnets, etc., by which the Revenue of

our country is injured, and the poor who exist by that branch of trade

would be turned out of employ, as the prisoners who are fed, clothed, and

lodged at the public expense would be able to undersell them.

I must observe that this is the only article which the Prisoners are

prevented from manufacturing.

When the Bishop’s servant had established himself in this trade the

Bishop wrote to me, that he had found means of getting his livelihood,

and desired he might remain at large, and that another prisoner might be

released to serve him, neither of which the Board thought proper to

comply with, for the foregoing reasons; upon which the Bishop of Moulins

complained to the Admiralty, who directed us to give such answer as the

case called for.

I have only to add that the Bishop experienced greater indulgence from us

than any other French Ecclesiastick ever did, to which in my opinion he

has not made an adequate return, nor felt himself, as he ought to have

done, answerable for the conduct of his servant; and if a strict

discipline is not maintained in the Prisons as the Prisoners are daily

increasing, the consequences may be incalculable.

I am, Dear Sir,

Very faithfully yours,

RUP. GEORGE.

CAPT. MOORSOM.

VI

_Lord Mulgrave to Lord Fitzwilliam_

ADMIRALTY,

21_st March_ 1808.

MY LORD,

On receipt of your Lordship’s letter, I made immediate enquiry at the

Transport Board into the circumstances of the case of the Bishop of

Moulins. I enclose the answer of Sir Rupert George, for your Lordship’s

information, and am sorry to find that the conduct of the Bishop of

Moulins has not been such as to justify a repetition of the indulgences

which have heretofore been extended to him. I have the honour to be, my

Lord,

Your Lordship’s

Most Humble and obedient Servant,

MULGRAVE.

_To the_ EARL FITZWILLIAM.

VII

_Bishop of Moulins to Earl Fitzwilliam_

MYLORD,

C’est à votre âme généreuse et bienfaisante qu’il appartient de sentir

tout ce que j’éprouve, privé de tout secours, de toutes consolations,

plongé dans le malheur depuis près de vingt ans, la providence m’a

conduit à Stilton pour y trouver dans vous, ce que je n’aurois jamais osé

espérer, sans aucun mérite, sans aucun titre, auprès de vous, vous seul

avés daigné me servir de consolation, d’appui, et me procurer des

secours, que je n’aurois jamais cru devoir attendre. Il n’est ici

question ni de phrases, ni de tournures Françoises, que ne puissiés vous

lire dans mon cœur, vous y verriés tout ce qu’il sent, et de quelle

reconnoissance il est pénétré. Vous avés la bonté de vous intéresser à

ma santé: elle a été bien misérable depuis que je n’ai eu l’honneur de

vous voir, les accidents de sang auxquels je suis sujet m’ont fort

fatigué; ces deux derniers jours-ei j’ai été extrêmement souffrant, comme

depuis longues années, je suis accoutumé à souffrir, cela ne m’empêche

pas de continuer ma besogne comme à l’ordinaire, et bien certainement,

cela ne m’empêchera pas de profiter de vos bontés, et de vous aller faire

ma cour à Milton, le jour que vous m’indiquerés; le désir que Monsieur

votre fils veut bien avoir de faire connaissance avec moi me flatte au

delà de tout ce que je puis vous exprimer, et il sera bien heureux pour

moi d’être à portée en lui rendant mes hommages de lui exprimer tout ce

que je sens et tout ce dont je suis redevable au père qu’il a le bonheur

d’avoir, et qui en est devenu un pour moi. A l’exception des dimanches,

et du jeudi et du vendredi de la Semaine Sainte, c’est à dire de celle

qui précède la fête de Pâques, tous les jours, où vous daigneriés me

proposer de venir à Milton seront libres pour moi, parce que je puis

m’arranger pour que vers les trois heures ou trois heures et demie après

je puisse être libre.

Je ne saurois vous dire, Milord, combien je suis touché de toutes les

démarches que vous avés eu la bonté de faire pour me procurer un jeune

prisonnier pour me servir de domestique, ce que j’ai souffert dans ces

derniers temps m’a encore plus prouvé combien il étoit nécessaire d’avoir

auprès de moi quelqu’un pour me servir. Je désire bien que les démarches

que vous avés daigné faire ne soient pas sans succès, c’est à vous, si la

chose réussit que j’en serai uniquement redevable, et dès lors j’en

sentirai doublement le poids. J’ose dire qu’il y avoit une véritable

injustice à m’en refuser un, car, indépendamment de ce qu’on n’avoit pas

le droit à ce que je crois, de m’ôter celui qui j’avois d’après le

passeport qui avoit été donne, je puis certifier que les raisons qu’on a

mises en avance pour le faire rentrer dans la prison, et surtout celle

qu’on a alléguées d’avoir introduit de la paille dans les prisons, est

dénuée de toute vérité, et à l’égard de cette dernière raison qui n’est

aujourd’hui mise en avant que pour la première fois, je crois pouvoir

répondre que l’accusation est absolument fausse. Mais comme je ne

reviens pas sur le passé si l’on m’en accorde un autre par votre

protection, j’en aurois une vraie satisfaction, car je suis réellement

malheureux, dans la position où je me trouve, de n’avoir personne pour me

servir.

Vous avés la bonté de me dire, Milord, que lorsque j’aurai fait mes

arrangements pour liquider la somme de £200, vous voudrés bien me faire

transmettre cette somme de la manière qui me sera la plue commode. Comme

de raison ce sera à l’époque qui vous sera la plus convenable, ce que

vous faites pour moi, est trop au delà de tout ce que je pouvois jamais

espérer, pour que le terme qui vous sera le plus agréable ne soit le

mien.

A la vérité plutôt je pourrai être libéré de cette dette, plutôt ce sera

le mieux pour moi. Et puisque vous me permettés de vous parler avec

franchise, si cela vous convient, je prendrai la liberté de vous observer

que comme dans ce moment-ci il nous est dû quatre mois de notre

traitement, ce qui ne laisse pas pour l’instant de rendre la position un

peu embarrassante, si vous daigniés me faire passer ici 100 livres

sterlings en papiers du pays, ou en papiers de la banque d’Angleterre, et

un draft de 100 livres sterlings sur votre banquier à Londres, alors je

laisserois les 4 mois qui avec celui qui sera dû au premier mai feroient

la somme de £100 pour compléter les £200, et ce que vous auriés la bonté

de m’envoyer ici, me serviroit à ma dépense habituelle et nécessaire.

Pardonnés ma franchise et ma liberté, vos bontés seules m’y autorisent,

mais d’ailleurs, ce qui vous conviendra le mieux à cet égard, fera

toujours mon arrangement. Pou-vois-je jamais espérer tant de bonté de

quelqu’un dont je n’avois pas seulement l’honneur d’être connu.

J’ai l’honneur d’être avec respect, permettés moi d’ajouter avec une

reconnoissance qui durera autant que ma vie,

Mylord.

Votre très humble et

très obéissant serviteur,

L’EVÊQUE DE MOULINS.

STILTON, BELL INN,

_ce_ 3 _Avril_ 1808.

* * * * *

[TRANSLATION]

MY LORD,

It is of the nature of your generous and kind soul to understand all that

I feel. Deprived of all help and all consolation, plunged in the depths

of misery for almost twenty years, Providence led me to Stilton to find

in you what I had never dared to hope for without any merits, without any

title. Near you, you alone deigned to give me comfort, support, and have

secured me the help which I should never have dared to hope for. There

is no language in which I can tell you what I feel. If you could only

read into my heart you would see there all that it feels and with what

gratitude it is filled. You have the kindness to show interest in my

health. It has been very wretched since I last had the honour of seeing

you. The blood complaint to which I am subject has exhausted me very

much, and these last two days I have suffered a great deal; but as I have

been used to suffering for many years, it does not prevent me from going

about as usual, and it certainly will not stop me from profiting by your

kindness to go and pay my respects to you at Milton the day which you

name. The desire that your son has to make my acquaintance flatters me

more than I can say, and it will give me great pleasure to pay my

respects to him, and to express to him all that I feel and how indebted I

am to the father whom he has the happiness to possess and who has become

such for me. With the exception of Sundays, Thursday and Friday in Holy

Week, that is to say that which precedes Eastertide, any day which you

propose to me for coming to Milton will be free for me, for I can arrange

to be free at about three or half-past three o’clock in the afternoon. I

cannot tell you, my lord, how much I have been touched by the steps you

have taken in trying to procure me a young prisoner to act as my servant.

What I have suffered lately has proved to me still more how necessary it

was to have somebody to wait on me. I hope very much that the steps

which you have so kindly taken will not be without success, and it is to

you only, if the affair proves successful, that I shall be indebted, and

from then onwards I shall be doubly grateful. I take the liberty to say,

that it was a real injustice to refuse me one, because, independently of

the fact that they have not the right as far as I can make out, to take

away the one I had, according to the passport which had been given to

him, I can certify that the reasons they put forward for sending him back

to prison, and especially that of his alleged taking of straw into the

prison, is devoid of all truth; and with regard to this last reason,

which to-day has been advanced for the first time, I believe that I can

take upon myself to answer that the accusation is absolutely false; but

as I do not wish to rake up the past, if I am granted another under your

protection, I shall have a real satisfaction, for I am really miserable

in the position in which I find myself, without anyone to wait upon me.

You had the goodness to tell me, my lord, that when I had made my

arrangements to pay off the sum of £200, you would forward me that sum in

the manner which would be most convenient to me. Of course that would be

at the time most convenient to you. That which you are doing for me is

far beyond all that I could ever have hoped, and so the date which is

most agreeable to you will be mine too. Indeed, the sooner I shall be

freed from that debt the sooner my position will improve. And as you

allow me to speak to you candidly, if it is convenient to you, I take the

liberty of pointing out to you that four months of my salary is owing to

me at the present time, which does not make the position less

embarrassing at present. If you will deign to send me here £100 sterling

in notes or in English bank-notes and a draft of £100 on your bank in

London, then I would lay aside the four months’ salary, which, together

with that which I ought to receive on the first of May, would make the

sum of £100 to complete the £200, and what you will have the goodness to

send to me here will serve me for my usual and necessary expenses.

Pardon my frankness and the liberty; your kindness alone authorises me,

but after all, whatever suits you best in this matter will suit me also.

Could I ever have hoped for so much kindness from someone I had not even

the honour of knowing?

I have the honour to be with respect, allow me to add with a gratitude

which will last all my life.

My Lord,

Your very humble and obedient servant,

THE BISHOP OF MOULINS.

STILTON, BELL INN,

3rd _April_ 1808.

VIII

_Lord Mulgrave to Earl Fitzwilliam_

ADMIRALTY,

6_th April_ 1808.

MY LORD,

The earnest interest which your Lordship takes in the Request of the

Bishop of Moulins could not fail to determine me to make further enquiry

respecting that person, from Sir Rupert George:—From him I learn, that in

point of fact the Bishop of Moulins was only designated as such, and has

not, in addition to his other sacrifices, to lament the splendour of a

Bishop’s establishment. The allowance of a servant from amongst the

Prisoners was a particular indulgence to the Bishop of Moulins, which has

in no instance been extended to any other person, and could not indeed,

from the general conduct of the French Prisoners, be admitted as a

general practice; under all these circumstances the Bishop of Moulins has

certainly not conducted himself with the discretion and propriety which

might have been expected from him. But if I can have the pledge of your

Lordship’s assurance that the Bishop of Moulins will not again abuse the

indulgence of Government, as a mark of respect to your Lordship I will

certainly give directions that a servant shall be again allowed to that

Prelate, from amongst the Prisoners.

I have the honour to be, my Lord,

Your Lordship’s

Most obedient Humble servant,

MULGRAVE.

_To the_ EARL FITZWILLIAM.

IX

_Bishop of Moulins to Earl Fitzwilliam_

MYLORD,

J’ai reçu avec la lettre que vous m’avés fait l’honneur de m’écrire, les

£200 sterl. qui y étoient jointcs, donc £100 en billets de banque, et

£100 en une traite sur votre Banquier à Londres. Vos bontés pour moi

sont à leur comble, ma reconnoissance leur est proportionnée, les

expressions me manquent pour vous la témoigner.

A tant de choses que vous faites pour moi, My lord, vous daignés encore y

ajouter de vous occuper du domestique: je désire si la chose réussit ce

sera bien à vous que je le devrai, et ce sera un nouveau bienfait dont je

vous serai redevable. Ce sera un jour bien heureux pour moi que celui

qui me mettra à portée de vous renouveller de vive voix à Milton,

l’assurance du respect avec lequel j’ai l’honneur d’être,

Mylord,

Votre très humble et très

Obéissant serviteur,

L’EVÊQUE DE MOULINS.

STILTON,

ce 7 _April_ 1808.

* * * * *

[TRANSLATION]

MY LORD,

I have received with the letter you have done me the honour to write, the

£200 sterling which were enclosed—£100 in bank-notes and £100 in a draft

on your Banker in London.

Your kindness to me has reached its highest point, and my gratitude is

commensurate, I cannot say enough to convince you how deep it is. To the

many things you have done for me, my lord, you still deign to add by

busying yourself about the servant I want, and if the affair is

successful it will be to you that I owe him, and it will be a fresh

kindness for which I shall be indebted to you. It will be a happy day

for me when I shall be able personally to renew to you at Milton the

assurance of the respect with which I have the honour to be

Your very humble and obedient servant,

THE BISHOP OF MOULINS.

STILTON,

7_th April_ 1808.

X

_Passport of Jean Baptiste David referred to in the Bishop’s Letters_

By the Commissioners for conducting His Majesty’s Transport Service, for

the care of sick and wounded seamen, and for the care and custody of

Prisoners of War.

These are to certify, that Jean Baptiste David, as described on the back

hereof, a French boy taken in the capacity of Domestic on board

_L’Aigle_, French ship of War, has been released from Norman Cross

Prison, for the purpose of his entering into the service of the French

Bishop of Moulins, upon his having engaged that he will not enter into

any Naval, Military, or Civil Service, which may directly or indirectly

tend to hostility against Great Britain or her Allies during the present

War, unless he be regularly exchanged for a British Prisoner of the same

description and rank with himself.

Given under our hands and Seal of Office at London, the 2nd of June 1807.

RUPERT GEORGE.

AMBROSE SERLE.

J. BOMAN.

_Gratis_.

Name Jean Baptiste David.

Rank Servant.

Age Sixteen years.

Stature Five feet one inch and ½.

Person Inclined to be stout.

Visage Oval.

Complexion Rather fair.

Hair Dark brown.

Eyes Dark brown.

Marks or wounds Has a few marks of small-pox, and a scar just

below the left ear, cut on the right

thigh—another scar under his chin.

APPENDIX H

PRIVATE REGISTER OF HIS FELLOW PRISONERS AT VERDUN, KEPT, DURING HIS

CONFINEMENT THERE, 1804–1814, BY NAVAL CADET JOHN HOPKINSON, WHO WAS

LATER RECTOR OF ALWALTON, NEAR PETERBOROUGH, WITH, IN THE LAST COLUMN,

NOTES ADDED LATER IN HIS LIFE {312}