CHAPTER XII

+The Decline of Indian Slavery+

The small number of the Indians within the territory actually occupied

by the English had its influence upon both the extent and the decline

of Indian slavery. The Indians were never as numerous in the English

territory as in that occupied or claimed by the Spanish and French.

From many estimates made of the Indian population in the section under

English rule,[1100] it would seem that the supply was sufficient to

nourish the system of Indian slavery indefinitely: but it must be noted

that the greater portion of this Indian population was made up of

tribes generally remote from the English settlements.

The consensus of opinion to-day is that the number of Indians in

New England about the year 1600 was not greater than twenty-four or

twenty-five thousand. This number was so much reduced by the plague of

1616,[1101] that Palfrey states that the English found practically a

vacant domain.[1102] In the Florida country many small tribes were so

thoroughly exterminated before the coming of the whites that no trace

of their existence remained except a few local names.[1103] In the

interior of the continent before the French or the English had obtained

a foothold, the whole country during the seventeenth century was the

seat of intertribal wars so disastrous in their results as to destroy

many large and powerful tribes.[1104]

With the coming of the white races the decrease in the number of the

Indians went on rapidly. Estimates show such to have been the case with

the Indians of the North Atlantic coast during the first quarter of

the eighteenth century.[1105] Bradford[1106] and Winthrop[1107] bear

witness to the small number of the natives, and to the further decrease

of that number after the coming of the whites. An early writer on New

York declares: “There is now (1670) but few Indians upon the island and

those few no ways hurtful. It is to be admired how strangely they have

decreased by the hand of God, since the English first settling in these

parts.”[1108] Oldmixon gives the number of Indian men in New York in

1708 as one thousand, “whereas there are seven or eight times as many

English.”[1109] According to the same authority, the number of Indians

in New Jersey at the opening of the eighteenth century did not exceed

two hundred.[1110]

A decreased birth-rate was not the least important cause of this

decrease in numbers throughout all the tribes. Following the advent of

the whites in the new world, “sterility became the rule and not the

exception”, where before the Indians were very prolific.[1111] The

natives, bond or free, seemed to possess a peculiar susceptibility

to the diseases of the whites, and a lack of ability to withstand

their effects. The Indians of the Delaware River country complained

that during the sixteen years after the coming of the Swedes, their

number had been much diminished, presumably by small-pox.[1112] In

both North and South Carolina, the Indians were much afflicted by

this same disease in early colonial days, one tribe being entirely

swept away,[1113] another nearly exhausted,[1114] and still others

much reduced in numbers.[1115] Owing to diseases and other causes the

several tribes in Carolina at the opening of the eighteenth century

were small, most of them not numbering more than fifty men each.[1116]

Douglass recorded that the Spanish Indians captured at St. Augustine

and brought to New England, soon died of consumption.[1117]

Dean Berkeley who repeatedly visited Narragansett to examine the

conditions and character of the Indians of that locality, in his sermon

before the Society for the Propagation of the Gospel in Foreign Parts

at its anniversary in 1731, bears witness to such destruction in the

following statement: “The native Indians, who are said to have been

thousands within the compass of this colony, do not at present amount

to a thousand, including every age and sect; ... the English [having]

contributed more to destroy their bodies by the use of strong liquors,

than by any means to improve their minds or save their souls. This slow

poison, jointly operating with the small-pox, and their wars, (but much

more destructive than both), has consumed the Indians, not only in our

colonies, but also far and wide upon our confines.”[1118]

Intestine wars, often, as has been seen, fostered by the whites,

resulted in great loss of numbers to the Indians, and sometimes even

destroyed whole tribes. In consequence of a war between the Yoamaco

Indians of Maryland and the Susquehanna, the former disappeared.[1119]

In Virginia, between 1609 and 1669, spirituous liquors, the small-pox,

war and a diminution of territory reduced the tribes to one-third of

their original number.[1120] During the next twenty years they had

become so much weakened that three of their principal tribes were able

to send to a great Indian congress only four representatives, including

attendants. By the end of the next century all had perished, except

three or four of one tribe, ten or twelve of another, and a few women

only of a third.[1121]

By 1780 all the Indian nations of the territory settled by the

English in the south were either extinct or had retreated westward

and had united with the neighboring Cherokee and Creeks. At this

time the Catawba were so reduced that they possessed but seventy or

eighty men.[1122] The Westo and Savannah were likewise reduced from

many thousands to small numbers,[1123] and the Corannine tribe was

practically destroyed.[1124]

Another cause which contributed in a measure to the passing of Indian

slavery was the amalgamation of the red and black slaves. Since

intercourse and marriage of slaves were not generally interfered with

by the whites, it was natural that the slaves of the red and black

races should intermingle. Since, also, the Indians were generally

in the minority, as well as inferior in power of resistance, their

physical characteristics gradually disappeared, while those of the

negro remained.

By his very constitution, furthermore, the Indian seemed unfitted for

servitude. He was highly susceptible to climatic changes, and unable to

endure sustained labor. In his native condition he was accustomed at

times to great tests of physical endurance, which, however, alternated

with periods of rest and recuperation. Though authorities may differ

as to the capacity of the Indian for civilization, the fact remains

that civilization has only to a very small extent been assimilated

by the red man. Taking into due consideration the treatment accorded

him by the whites, the conclusion seems warranted that such lack of

assimilation is due in some measure to the inability of the Indian to

develop beyond the stage which he had already reached when discovered

by the Europeans. Furthermore, the dominant idea of Indian life was the

love of liberty. Heredity and environment coöperated to make the Indian

a creature opposed to all restraint when exercised by an exterior

force.[1125]

The general conclusion, therefore, so far as it can be determined by

individual testimony, colonial legislative action and the comparative

values of Indian and negro slaves, is that Indian slave labor within

the territory under discussion was not, as a rule, satisfactory. Mason

records that the captives distributed among the colonists as slaves

at the close of the Pequot War “could not endure that yoke; few of

them continuing any considerable time with their masters”.[1126]

Mayhew tells in 1690 of the tendency to run away shown by the Indian

slaves of Massachusetts.[1127] Moses Marcy of Oxford, Massachusetts,

had an Indian woman sold him by the general court prior to 1747. In

that year he was discharged from his bond, she having “made way with

herself after having tried to murder her mistress ... run off and not

heard from since”.[1128] It is stated that the Indian female slaves

of New England could not be taught to sew, to wash clothes, or to

render any valuable domestic service;[1129] and that the Indian slaves

of Rhode Island “only became efficient workmen under a stern and

vigorous discipline”.[1130] Sir Robert Mountgomry, who advocated in

1717 the establishment of a colony south of Carolina, urged the use of

indentured white servants, so that there might be “no necessity to use

the dangerous help of Blackamoors or Indians”.[1131]

The various laws, already discussed in another connection, and the

numerous newspaper advertisements show Indian slaves to have been as

much given to running away as their negro companions. In fact it seems

not unlikely that they were more inclined toward trying to escape, for

the possible chance of returning to their own people offered greater

inducements for such an act than in the case of negroes.

Indian slaves as well as negroes were implicated in the various

slave disturbances which occurred from time to time in the different

colonies. Though there seems no evidence that Indians were usually more

instrumental than negroes in creating these disturbances, yet their not

infrequent participation in such events tended to lower the colonists’

estimate of their value, and led to definite legislation seeking, by

preventive measures and by decreeing severe punishments in case of

conspiracies or uprisings, to avoid the danger which the colonists

feared.

Legislation regarding slave conspiracies and uprisings was general

throughout the English colonies from an early date. In some of

these acts Indian slaves were expressly mentioned. In others they

were included by implication in the general term “slaves” or in the

expression “negroes and other slaves”. Reference will be made to only

those acts which include Indian slaves by express mention. A South

Carolina act of 1690 related to Indian and negro slaves striking a

white person.[1132] The Spanish Indians were evidently considered

especially undesirable, for an act passed in 1722 stated that “the

importation of Spanish Indians, mustees, negroes and mulattoes may be

of dangerous consequence....”[1133] In 1703, Massachusetts passed “an

act to prevent disorder in the night”. The preamble reads: “whereas

great disorders, insolences and burglaries are oftimes raised and

committed in the night time by Indian, negro and mulatto servants

and slaves....”[1134] As late as 1769 Connecticut passed an act

relating to any disturbance created by “any Indian, negro, or mulatto

slave.”[1135] The murder by an Indian man slave and a negro woman of

an entire white family in Queens County, New York, led to the passage

of an act, October 30, 1708, to prevent the conspiracy of Indian and

negro slaves.[1136] A Philadelphia ordinance, also, of July 3, 1738,

dealt with “the tumultuous meetings and other disorderly doings of

the negroes, mulattoes and Indian servants and slaves within the

city”.[1137]

A second class of colonial laws related to Indian slaves alone and

show that in certain of the colonies the inhabitants, for definite

reasons, feared the presence of too many Indian slaves among them.

Such were the laws passed by the northern colonies at the time of

the Tuscarora War, by which they sought by means of heavy duties to

prevent the importation of such dangerous slaves.[1138] The preamble

of the Massachusetts act of 1713, for example, reads: “Whereas divers

conspiracies, outrages, barbarities, murders, burglaries, thefts and

other notorious crimes and enormities, at sundry times, and especially

of late, have been perpetuated and committed by Indian and other slaves

within several of her majestie’s plantations in America, being of a

malicious, surley and revengeful spirit, rude and insolent in their

behaviour, and very ungovernable, the over-great number and increase

whereof within this province is likely to prove of pernicious and

fatal consequences to her majestie’s subjects and interest here unless

speedily remedied, and is a discouragement to the importation of white

Christian servants, this province being differently circumstanced from

the plantations in the islands, and having great numbers of the Indian

natives of the country within and about them, and at this time under

the sorrowful effects of their rebellion and hostilities....”[1139] The

Connecticut act passed in August, 1715, likewise for the purpose of

checking the importation of Indians into the colony, is a transcript

of the Massachusetts act and shows that the colonists considered a

large Indian slave element in the population to be quite as undesirable

as did the people of Massachusetts.[1140] The New Hampshire act of

1714 cited as a reason for checking the importation of Indians: “the

over-great number and increase of such slaves within the province is

likely to prove of fatal and pernicious consequences to her majesty’s

subjects and interests here unless speedily remedied”.[1141] The

Rhode Island act of July 5, 1715, similarly was passed to prevent

the importation of Indian slaves, because “divers conspiracies,

insurrections, rapes, thefts, and other execrable crimes have been

lately perpetrated in this and the adjoining colonies by Indian slaves,

etc.”[1142]

Again, it seems not unlikely that the use of hired Indian servants may

have had something to do with the passing of Indian slavery, though

the influence was probably slight. Very early in the history of the

northern colonies, Indians were employed for wages. The need for

laborers could thus be partly met at very little cost. A Frenchman

residing in Boston in 1687, records the wages of such servants who

worked in the fields as “a shilling and a half a day and board which is

eighteen pence”.[1143]

The number of such Indians employed was generally small. As a hired

laborer the Indian was no more reliable or trustworthy than as a

slave. The keeping of Indians in the colonists’ families was always

considered to be more or less dangerous. Massachusetts, in 1631,[1144]

and Virginia, in 1661,[1145] required that all persons should get

special licenses before employing Indians. In 1634, Winthrop and his

son did so. Winthrop himself speaks of the “Indians which are in

our families”,[1146] and mention of his Indian servant is found in

other connections.[1147] As the colony grew stronger and the fear of

the Indians passed away, other leading men of Massachusetts, such as

Thomas Morton,[1148] the Reverend Mr. Pariss,[1149] Isaac Addington,

secretary of the Council of Safety in 1714,[1150] and John Eliot[1151]

employed such servants. The law was repealed in 1646, “there being

more use of encouragement thereto than otherwise.”[1152] That a

similar employment of Indians existed in Plymouth is seen by the

act of 1651 which shows the danger to the colony in providing such

servants with firearms.[1153] The Praying Indians hired themselves

to the whites.[1154] The New England whale fisheries employed hired

Indians, at least from 1670 to 1680.[1155] During the publication of

the New Testament in Massachusetts in 1661, and the translation of

the New and Old Testaments and the Psalms into the Indian language by

John Eliot in 1663, Green, the printer, was assisted in his work by

an Indian apprentice.[1156] In Little Compton, Massachusetts, hired

Indians were largely engaged in building stone fences.[1157] In 1659

and 1660, the people of Connecticut were employing the Mohegan Indians

in agricultural labor,[1158] and the use of hired Indians is reported

in the colony in 1774.[1159] By 1731 most of the Indians remaining

in Narragansett were servants in families.[1160] The records also of

Southampton, New York, show the employment of Indians for hire.[1161]

It was a part of the Puritan missionary scheme to win the heathen to

Christianity by employing them in their homes where they might be

brought into contact with the workings of the Christian religion. In

this manner they hoped to bring the savages to a state preparatory

to conversion.[1162] Something of the same purpose was intended by

the early Virginia colonists. Hence, in 1619, their first legislative

assembly ordered that every plantation should procure Indian youths

by just means for this purpose.[1163] In 1774, the governor of

Connecticut, in reply to various inquiries made by the home government

regarding conditions in the colony, stated that there were then

1,363 Indians in the colony, and that many of them dwelt in English

families.[1164] A similar statement was made in 1731 by Dean Berkeley

to the Society for the Propagation of the Gospel in Foreign Parts. He

declared that nearly all the native Indians of Rhode Island were at

that time servants or laborers for the English.[1165]

Some of the earliest of the indentured servants used in America,

moreover, were Indians. Reference has already been made to the

Massachusetts law of 1700 seeking to avoid the abuse of the custom.

In 1674, Plymouth passed a law providing that both Indians who lived

idly and those who did not pay their debts on conviction could be

handed over to those to whom they were indebted or to others as bond

servants.[1166] The Southold town records mention Indian apprentices

in 1678.[1167] Indentured male and female Indians existed in Salem

in 1685.[1168] Similar records of Indian apprentices and indentured

servants exist for Rhode Island,[1169] Connecticut,[1170] New

Jersey[1171] and New York.[1172] As a rule these bond servants were

young, for they were then more easily trained and were more tractable

and useful. In Virginia, in every agreement between Indian parents and

whites, a covenant had to be entered into providing that the child be

instructed in the Christian religion.[1173]

One of the most important causes for the passing of Indian slavery is

found in the introduction of indentured white servants. Almost from the

time of the earliest settlements these servants were an institution in

the English colonies. Some of them were persons who entered voluntarily

into temporary bond service to pay for passage to the new world.[1174]

Some were prisoners of war.[1175] Others were convicts sent into

exile for punishment.[1176] These white servants were so much desired

by the colonists that requests were not infrequently sent to England

for them.[1177] To encourage their voluntary coming, the colonial

authorities sometimes offered them special inducements.[1178]

The number of such servants in the different colonies varied according

to conditions in America and England. Naturally their number was

greatest where their work was most needed.[1179] Whatever their

condition before coming to America and whatever the reason for their

coming,[1180] their productivity of labor, native intelligence and

acquaintance with the customs and observances of civilization made

them more desirable than Indian servants. There were forces, also,

urging them to go to America, and forces in America drawing them

there. So, until the development of the traffic in negroes, and their

consequent greater use, the indentured white servants were for a while

perhaps the leading factor in the decline of Indian slavery.

Another element that contributed greatly to the decline of Indian

slavery was that furnished by negro slaves. The rapidly increasing

number of negroes in each individual colony attested both the energy of

trading companies and the desire of the colonies for the negro type of

slave labor. Both indentured white servants and negro slaves, in fact,

far outnumbered the Indian slaves. The sources from which the white

servants and the negro slaves were drawn were well nigh inexhaustible,

whereas the sources of Indian slavery were limited. From these limited

sources, also, the colonists drew but in a small degree. White servants

and negro slaves were obtained by peaceful means, but the acquisition

of Indian slaves not infrequently meant danger to the colony. Behind

the indentured white servants and the negroes there were powerful

forces supplying them to the colonists in some cases even faster than

they needed them. Both indentured white servants and negroes proved

more easily fitted to the life and work required of them by their

masters, their labor was more productive and they were more easily

controlled.

Some idea of the relative values attached to Indian and negro slaves

may be obtained by a comparison of the prices for which they were

sold. In Massachusetts, for instance, record exists of the sale of

an Indian man slave in Newbury, in 1649, for “the quarter part of a

vessel”.[1181] Sewall records that on July 1, 1676, nine Indians were

sold for £30.[1182] An inventory of 1690, on the other hand, appraised

a single negro at £30.[1183] In the inventory of an estate in Ipswich,

in 1683, “Lawrence ye Indian” was valued at £4.[1184] In the same

town £5 was paid for an Indian boy and girl.[1185] The Reverend Mr.

Thacher of Milton, in 1674, paid £5 down and £5 more at the end of the

year for an Indian woman slave.[1186] An Indian girl brought £15 at

Salem in 1710;[1187] whereas in the case of a cargo of negroes brought

into Boston in 1727, as high as £80 was paid per head.[1188] In the

settlement of an estate in Newbury, an Indian slave was valued at an

early date at £20.[1189] In 1708, a South Carolina Indian boy was sold

for £35.[1190] In 1713, a Spanish Indian boy was sold in the same town

for £38.[1191] In 1725, a negro was sold in Newbury for £100, and three

other negroes were valued at £132 6s. 8d. in colonial currency.[1192]

In 1708, an Indian was sold at Salem for £32.[1193] An Indian girl was

sold in the same town in 1710 for £15.[1194] A negro was appraised in

the same town at £40.[1195] In 1764, a negro woman was sold for £8

13s. 4d.[1196] In Byfield a negro was listed in the inventory of an

estate in 1689 at £60.[1197] A negro given to Cotton Mather in 1706 was

purchased at an expense of £40 or £50.[1198] An Indian boy was valued

in Boston in 1721 at £20, and an Indian girl at £10.[1199]

In Rhode Island the prices of Indian slaves were lower than those

already mentioned, for here the Indians were sold into slavery for

limited periods only. The average price at which Indians “great and

small” were sold in the colony, was about thirty-two shillings. Some

of the lot brought into Rhode Island at the close of King Philip’s

War sold for twelve bushels of Indian corn, some for £2 10s. in

silver, some for 100 pounds of wool, one for three fat sheep, two for

twenty-two bushels of Indian corn.[1200] One sold in 1677 at Portsmouth

for £4 10s.[1201] Indian slaves appear among other effects in the

probate inventories. They were appraised at £8 and £10 each, while

negroes were valued at from £60 to £80,[1202] with an average price of

£50 for an able negro man and £40 for a woman.[1203] That is, a negro

laborer was reckoned as the equivalent of five or six Indians.[1204]

In 1718, three Indian children were worth £23.[1205] An inventory in

1723 valued the two years and ten months’ service of an Indian girl at

£5.[1206]

The inventory of the estate of Gabriel Harris who died in 1684 in New

London, Connecticut, contained the item: “An Indian maid servant,

valued at £15.”[1207] An Indian slave of Wethersfield was appraised in

1662 at £24. A negress and child belonging to the same estate were at

the same time appraised at £22.[1208] In Derby, Connecticut, an Indian

woman, twenty-six years old, sold in 1722 for £60.[1209]

The inventory of a New Jersey estate, in 1714, included an Indian man

valued at £11 5s.[1210] In another inventory, in 1725, an Indian woman

was valued at £30.[1211] In 1711, an Indian woman and two children were

valued at £100.[1212] Similar inventories valued an Indian girl in 1696

at £30;[1213] an Indian woman in 1724 at £30;[1214] an Indian boy in

1711 at £40;[1215] ... two Indian slaves in 1726 at £80; and two Indian

slaves in 1730 at £50.[1216]

The account book of the executor of Thomas Smallcomb of York County,

Virginia, 1646, contains the following items:[1217] “By two Indians

sold by Sir William Berkeley, 600 lbs. By two Indians sold by Sir

John Hammon, 500 lbs. By two Indians sold by Captain Thomas Petters,

600 lbs.” In the records of Surrey County, 1659, occurs the following

deed: “Know all men by these presents, that I, King of Waineoakes, do

firmly bargaine and make sale unto Eliz. Short, her heires, executors

or Assignes a boy of my nacon, named Weetoppen, from the day and date

herself untill the full terme of his life, in consideracon whereof I,

the said Elizabeth Short, doth for myself, my heires, executors or

Assignes ingage to deliver and make sale unto the above said kinge a

younge horse foale, aged one yeare, in full satisfacon for above said

boy to enjoy for her pper use forever. In witness thereof, wee ye above

specified, have set our hands”.[1218]

The inventory of a North Carolina estate in 1693 valued a negro and his

wife at £40, an Indian woman and her child at £15, and an Indian boy

at £12.[1219] A bill of sale, March 5, 1711, shows an Indian between

twenty and thirty-five years of age sold for £14.[1220] In 1713, the

council of North Carolina decreed that “King Blount” might have eight

Indians to ship to the West Indies at £10 per head.[1221] The average

price for the Indian captives taken in the Tuscarora War and sold as

slaves to the islands and the northern colonies appears to have been

about £10 each.[1222]

A South Carolina law of 1719 states that an Indian slave was of much

less value than a negro.[1223] The English of South Carolina, according

to the French, were accustomed to pay (1714) the Indians fifteen

pistoles for an Indian slave, while the French were able to purchase

them for 115 livres.[1224] The English sold these slaves ordinarily for

300 or 400 livres.[1225]

A comparison of these prices paid for Indian slaves shows much

variation at different times and places. In New England after the

Indian wars the prices were low, for the chief object of the government

was to get rid of the captives. In localities where the Indian’s labor

was in greater demand the prices rose and appear to have been highest

among the English of the southern colonies. When compared with sums

paid for negroes at the same time and place, the prices of Indian

slaves are found to have been considerably lower. In general the prices

of slaves increased during the years preceding the Revolution, but the

values of Indian slaves did not equal those of negro slaves.

During the existence of Indian slavery, furthermore, there was never

any general expression of opinion regarding it either in England[1226]

or America, nor are there many records of opinions expressed during

the colonial period as to the right or wrong of enslaving the natives.

The English colonists followed the Spanish custom of reducing the

Indians to a condition of slavery, but neither the English colonists

nor the English government heeded the example of the later policy of

the Spanish government in looking upon Indian slavery as unjust and

declaring it illegal.

That personal opinions favorable or unfavorable to the enslavement of

Indians were not more generally expressed is not altogether strange.

The enslavement was not premeditated nor did it spring into sudden

existence throughout the English colonies, but began here and there in

various colonies at various times and for various reasons. The custom

of enslavement came from the necessity of disposing of war captives,

from the greed of traders and from the demand for labor. Individuals

in the colonies, such as officials of high rank and church leaders,

who would naturally be expected to express an opinion either for or

against the custom, themselves held Indian slaves quite as a matter of

course, and found no necessity for discussing their action. Nor did the

possession and employment of Indian slaves ever become sufficiently

extensive to present any of the problems which later attracted the

attention of the people and led to the opposition which overthrew

negro slavery in several of the colonies, and incidentally, Indian

slavery as well.

Yet throughout the history of Indian slavery certain expressions of

opposition to the system, usually mild in nature, occurred from time

to time. In the English colonies there was never any such earnest

opponent to Indian slavery as the Spaniard, Las Casas, who argued

directly against the enslavement of Indians from the standpoint of the

injustice of reducing the natives to such a condition. Most of the

opposition expressed in the English colonies was aimed at some specific

instance of harsh treatment or cruel punishment of which enslavement

was an incident; or it arose during the later colonial period as a part

of the antagonism to slavery in general; or, as was the case in South

Carolina, it revealed the attitude of one faction of the government

toward the actions of another faction, and was not at all concerned in

abolishing the practice of enslaving Indians as such.

The system adopted by Rhode Island at the time of King Philip’s War

of using the captive Indians as involuntary indentured servants for

short periods of years, was anticipated by the query expressed by Roger

Williams in his letter to Governor Winthrop, September 18, 1637, as

to whether the captive Indians whose lives were spared should not be

retained in involuntary servitude for short periods of time and then

be released.[1227] This spirit of opposition to the enslavement of

Indian captives for life, shown by Rhode Island during both the Pequot

and King Philip wars, was somewhat out of harmony with the spirit of

the times. But it should be noted that this opposition was not the

expression of the entire colony. During the Pequot War it represented

the feeling of the “Liberal Party” against the enslavement of the

captive Indians, and during King Philip’s War it resulted from the

dominating influence of the Quaker element in the government.

The opposition of John Eliot to the enslavement of Indians during King

Philip’s War was similar to that shown by Roger Williams during the

Pequot War, though perhaps it was prompted by a more nearly unselfish

and humanitarian motive. Throughout the war Eliot remonstrated strongly

against selling the captive Indians into slavery. In a letter, June

13, 1675, to the governor and council at Boston, he stated his reasons

for opposing the enslavement of the captives. He first urged a politic

reason: that such enslavement was likely to prolong the war and bring

still further disaster upon the land by rousing the Indians to renewed

hostilities. He then emphasized the Christian attitude of mercy by

asserting that it is the design of Christ “not to extirpate nations but

to Gospelize them”. “To sell souls for money,” he continued, “seems to

me a dangerous merchandise. To sell them away from all means of grace,

when Christ has provided means of grace for them, is the way for us

to be active in the destroying of their souls.” His plea for mercy

was strengthened, also, by calling attention to the letters patent

of the king which urged the Indians’ conversion rather than their

destruction.[1228]

Some faint opposition to the enslavement of Indians was expressed by

Samuel Sewall of Massachusetts in 1706, called forth by an act passed

by Massachusetts against Indians and negroes. Perhaps something was

accomplished by the protest, though the act either failed to pass or

was repealed, since no trace of it remains.[1229]

In 1729, Ralph Sandiford published a work entitled: “The Mystery of

Iniquity in a Brief Examination of the Practice of the Times.” In the

dedication of his book, he speaks of going to South Carolina, and of

refusing the bounty of a rich colonist there because his riches had

been obtained through the labor of negro and Indian slaves. He declares

that negroes and Indians who are the Lord’s freemen cannot be slaves to

Christians.[1230] He further asserts that the matter he is aiming at is

“this trading in mankind, which is pernicious to the Publick, but more

especially to the common-wealth of Israel; which raised forth a zeal

in Men for the House of the Lord, which would have even consumed men

had not I witnessed against this rottenness and hypocrisy that would

introduce itself amongst the saints, whereby, as way-marks, they lead

many into the same corrupt practice which is contrary to the Principal

of Truth, which is over the Heads of such Transgressors, that the

Righteous in all Churches are undefiled with it, for their Bodies are

the Temples of the Holy Ghost to dwell in, which they cannot defile

with Babylon, who is Harloted from the Truth to feed upon the Flesh or

receive nourishment from the blood of the poor Negro or Indian captive,

or whomsoever ravenous Nature (which is the Beast’s work) has power to

prey upon”.[1231]

Granville Sharp, in 1767, published in London a protest against

slavery, in which he declared there could be no reasonable pretense

for holding either negroes or Indians in slavery. In discussing the

bringing about of a state of slavery through contract he declared that

“in such a case there would still remain a great suspicion that some

undue advantage had been taken of the Indians’ ignorance concerning the

nature of such a bond.” Slavery he declared a “shameless prostitution

and infringement on the common and natural rights of mankind.” Every

inhabitant of the king’s realm, regardless of color, he declared to be

the king’s subject, and asserted that no one, therefore, had a moral or

legal right to enslave any such subject.[1232] If color were a basis

for slavery, he argued, then in a short time any Englishman might be

enslaved since there was but little difference between the complexion

of a northern Indian and a white man.[1233]

Anthony Benezet, about 1750, began to express his opposition to slavery

in the almanacs and newspapers of the day. After three separate

publications dealing with slavery in general, he issued in 1784 a book

entitled “Some Observations on the Situation, Disposition and Character

of the Indian Natives of this Continent.” In this he refers to the

kindness, hospitality and generosity of the Indians toward the English

in the early days of trade, and laments the fact that “the adventurers

from a thirst of gain overreached the natives”, so that the latter “saw

some of their friends and relatives treacherously entrapped and carried

away to be sold as slaves”.[1234]

Throughout the colonial period the Society of Friends showed more or

less opposition to slavery, although the members of the Society held

slaves. From 1688 a certain amount of agitation concerning the matter

is apparent in the records of the various quarterly and yearly meetings

in Pennsylvania and the Jerseys. In the records of the Philadelphia

Yearly Meeting for the year 1719, is found the first mention of Indian

slaves made in the minutes of the Yearly Meeting. In that year, after

an earnest admonition to Friends to refrain from selling, trading or

exchanging in any way any spirituous liquors with the Indians, the

Yearly Meeting voted: “And to avoid giving them occasion of discontent,

it is desired, that Friends do not buy or sell Indian slaves.”[1235]

From the wording of the record it may be concluded that the basis for

the Friends’ action was not the idea of any moral wrongdoing attached

to the enslavement of Indians, but rather the possible harm that might

come to the colony through the discontent which enslavement might

cause among the free Indians. And, judging from the previous action

of the Society taken with regard to slavery, it may also be concluded

that this basis for the opposition to the trade in Indian slaves was

used as a means of calling the immediate attention of its members to

the matter, and that the reason for the opposition of the Meeting to

trading in Indians was the same as that to negro slavery: “caution not

censure”.[1236]

Some criticism was expressed in Massachusetts at the seizure of the

Indians at Cocheco in 1676, and the subsequent transportation of

part of the number captured by order of the government.[1237] Such

criticism, however, was not aimed at the action of the government in

selling the Indians as slaves, but at the breach of faith in seizing

Indians at peace.

In South Carolina, as already observed,[1238] the proprietors

sanctioned enslavement of Indians when carried on for their own

financial benefit, and opposed it when carried on by the colonial

authorities. The colonial officials favored the practice and carried

it on both as a means of meeting colonial expenses and as a source of

personal income. In this respect the action of the existing colonial

government of South Carolina differs materially from that of the

officials of any other colony. Nowhere else was the desire for personal

gain a controlling cause for the disposal of captives taken in war and

hence colonial property.

In contrast to these incidental expressions of personal opposition to

the enslavement of Indians, stands the ownership and employment of them

by leading colonists.[1239] The New Englanders not only bought Indians

at the time of the Indian wars, but also sent requests to the colonial

officials for them. Captain Stoughton wrote to Governor Winthrop from

the scene of the Swamp Fight: “By this pinnace, you shall receive 48

or 50 women and children, unless there stay any here to be helpful,

concerning which there is one, I formerly mentioned, that is the

_fairest_ and _largest_ amongst them to whom I have given a coate to

cloathe her. It is my desire to have her for a servant, if it may stand

to your good liking, else not. There is a little squaw that steward

Culacut desireth, to whom he hath given a coate. Lieut. Davenport also

desireth one, to wit, a small one, that has three strokes upon her

stomach.... He desireth her, if it will stand with your good liking.

Sosomon, the Indian, desireth a young little squaw, which I know

not.”[1240] The Reverend Hugh Peter also wrote to Governor Winthrop in

1637: “Mr. Endecot and my selfe salute you in the Lord Jesus, etc. Wee

haue heard of a diuidence of women and children in the bay and would

bee glad of a share viz: a young woman or girle and a boy if you thinke

good: I wrote to you for some boyes for Bermudas, which I thinke is

considerable.”[1241] In July, 1637, Roger Williams petitioned Governor

Winthrop for an Indian as follows: “It having againe pleased the Most

High to put into your hands another miserable droue of Adams degenerate

seede, & our brethren by nature, I am bold (if I may not offend in

it) to request the keeping & bringing vp of one of the children. I

haue fixed mine eye on this litle one with the red about his neck, but

I will not be peremptory in my choice, but will rest in your loving

pleasure for him or any, &c.”[1242] The barrister, Emanuel Downing,

writing to John Winthrop in 1645, clearly illustrates the view of his

day. He says: “A warr with the Narraganset is verie considerable to

this plantation, ffor I doubt whither yt be not synne in vs, hauing

power in our hands, to suffer them to maynteyne the worship of the

devill which their paw wawes often doe; 2lie, If vpon a Just warre the

Lord should deliuer them into our hands, wee might easily haue men

woemen and children enough to exchange for Moores, which wilbe more

gaynefull pilladge for vs then wee conceive, for I doe not see how wee

can thrive vntill wee gett into a stock of slaves sufficient to doe all

our buisines, for our children’s children will hardly see this great

Continent filled with people, soe that our servants will still desire

freedome to plant for them selues, and not stay but for verie great

wages. And I suppose you know verie well how wee shall maynteyne 20

Moores cheaper then one Englishe servant.”[1243]

In only a few of the English-American colonies were attempts made by

legislative enactment to end Indian slavery as a system separate from

negro slavery. The reasons for this fact are obvious. In the course of

time Indian slavery became absorbed by the institution of negro slavery

to such an extent that it attracted no attention. With the various

colonial acts at the time of the Tuscarora War, which forbade the

further importation of Indians into the northern colonies, the system

was maintained only by the natural increase of the Indian slaves

already in existence. So Indian slavery existed as an unimportant

system along with and overshadowed by negro slavery until the spirit of

opposition to the institution of slavery in general grew sufficiently

strong to lead to legislation providing for the abolition of slavery in

various colonies.

The first colony to take such legislative action was Virginia, but in

this instance there is a slight possibility that the intent of the act

to be discussed was quite different from what later interpretations

have considered it to be. In 1691, “by implication rather than by

the terms of the act”, Indian slavery was rendered illegal by an act

authorizing a free and open trade for all persons, at all times and

all places, with all Indians whatsoever.[1244] It is barely possible

that the “legislature may have viewed the act as a treaty with a

nation which, _ipso facto_, was recognized as of equal status as to

freedom, while the treaty in no wise prevented subsequent enslavement

of individuals sold by the nation itself to the whites, or of hostile

captives, or of Indians not native North Americans as generally

understood”.[1245] But it is generally considered that the act was

intended, as it was later construed, to acknowledge the free condition

of all Indians. If the colonists of the time so construed it, they

intentionally disobeyed it and enslavement of Indians continued. In

1705, a similar act was passed with the same enacting clause.[1246]

Cases arising later showed a similar failure to accomplish desired

results.

In 1777, the assembly, when called to pass upon the matter, decided

that no Indians brought into Virginia since the passage of the act of

1705, or their descendants, could be slaves in the commonwealth.[1247]

At that time knowledge of the existence of the act of 1691 seems to

have disappeared.[1248] Even after the decision of the assembly in

1777, the settlement of the matter was so far uncertain as to give rise

to certain cases in law in 1792 and 1793, appealed from the County

Court to the Court of Appeals to maintain the right to the services of

the descendants of Indians enslaved after the passing of the act of

1705. In both these cases the higher court affirmed the decision of the

lower courts which granted freedom to the Indians thus held as slaves,

and which interpreted the act of 1705 as repealing all former acts

permitting the existence of Indian slavery in the colony.[1249]

In 1806, the Supreme Court of the state decided that Indians had

always been considered free persons in fact and in right, and that the

presumption was that all Indians introduced into the state at any time,

were _prima facie_ presumed to be free, or that, if the date of their

introduction did not appear, the _prima facie_ presumption was that

they were American Indians, or brought in after the act of 1705, and

therefore free.[1250] In 1808, came the judicial recognition of the

law of 1691. A Supreme Court decision of that year declared “that no

native American Indian brought into Virginia since the year 1691 could

under any circumstances lawfully be made a slave.” It was also held

by the court that if a female ancestor of a person asserting a right

to freedom, whose genealogy could be traced back to such ancestor by

females only, be proved to have been an Indian, “it seems incumbent on

those who claim such person as a slave to show that such ancestor, or

some female from which she descended, was brought into Virginia between

the years 1679 and 1691, and under circumstances which, according to

the laws then in force, created a right to hold her in slavery.”[1251]

In the case of Butt _v._ Rachel _et al._, 1814, the plaintiffs claimed

their freedom as descendants of a native female Indian who was brought

into Virginia about the year 1747. The court instructed the jury that

no native American Indian brought into Virginia since the year 1691,

could, under any circumstances, be made a slave. The defendant claimed

to hold the slaves on the ground that they were the descendants of a

native American Indian woman who was held as a slave on the island of

Jamaica, and brought to Virginia as a slave about the year 1747. The

defendant moved the court to instruct the jury that a native American

Indian held as a slave on the island of Jamaica by the laws of that

island, might be held as a slave when imported into Virginia. The court

refused so to do, and judgment was awarded the plaintiff. The case was

appealed, but the court sustained the judgment.[1252]

Considering the possibility already mentioned that the act of 1691 may

have been intended to apply only to Indians outside the colony and

that it did not apply to those in the colony, either free or enslaved,

and the fact that the later legislative action of 1777 and the cases

in law already mentioned show that the law was either misconstrued or

ignored, the acts of 1691 and 1705, so far as putting an end to Indian

slavery in Virginia in colonial times is concerned, might as well have

never existed.[1253]

At a later date, South Carolina also enacted laws which, by court

decision, were interpreted to mean the abolition of Indian slavery. The

act of 1740[1254] stated that “all negroes, Indians (free Indians in

amity with this government, and negroes, mulattoes, or mestizoes who

are now free, excepted), mulattoes, or mestizoes, who are now or who

shall hereafter be in this province, and all their issue and offspring

born, or to be born, shall be, and they are hereby declared to be

and remain forever hereafter, absolute slaves, and shall follow the

condition of the mother.” Under this provision it has been uniformly

held that color was _prima facie_ evidence that the party bearing the

color of a negro, mulatto or mestizo, was a slave; but the same _prima

facie_ result did not follow from the Indian color, according to the

decision of the courts.[1255] After the passage of the act, Indians

and descendants of Indians were regarded as free Indians in amity with

the government, until the contrary was shown. Elsewhere in the act of

1740 it is declared that “every negro, Indian, mulatto, and mestizo

is a slave unless the contrary can be made to appear”, yet in the

same act it is immediately thereafter provided—“the Indians in amity

with this government excepted, in which case the burden of the proof

shall lie on the defendant”, that is on the person claiming the Indian

plaintiff to be a slave. This latter clause of the provision grew to be

considered the rule, and so the race of slave Indians, or of Indians

not in amity with the government, passed out of existence and the

previous part of the provision lost its application.[1256]

By an act of May 18, 1652, passed by the Commissioners of Providence

Plantations and Warwick, it was provided that “no black mankind, or

white, being forced to covenant, bond or otherwise, serve any man or

his assigns longer than ten years, or until they come to be twenty-four

years of age, if they be taken under fourteen, from the time of their

coming within the limits of this colony, and at the end or term

of ten years to set them free, as the matter is with the English

servants”.[1257] The act makes no mention of Indian slaves, doubtless

because at this early date there were not enough in the colony to

arouse interest in their condition.

When at the time of King Philip’s War Indian slaves were being

transported by Massachusetts and distributed among the settlements,

Rhode Island, March, 1676, passed a law concerning them similar to the

law of 1652 relating to negroes. This act provided that “no Indian

in this colony be a slave but only to pay their debts, or for their

bringing up, or courtesy they have received, or to perform covenant, as

if they had been countrymen not in war.”[1258]

In colonial New York it was customary to discriminate between the

free natives of the colony and those brought from the Spanish West

Indies. On December 5, 1679, it was voted at a council meeting that

“all Indians here are free and not slaves, except such as have been

formerly brought from the Bay of Campeachy and other foreign parts”,

some of whom were slaves in the colony. Concerning such foreign Indians

the act provided: “But if any shall be brought hereafter within the

space of six months, they are to be disposed of as soon as may be, out

of the government, but after the expiration of six months, all that

shall be brought here from these parts shall be free”.[1259] On April

20, 1680, a decree of governor and council repeated this resolution as

a formal order.[1260] Apparently no immediate attention was given to

the enforcement of the law. Later some action regarding the matter was

taken when the council, October 11, 1687, ordered that certain Spanish

Indians brought from the Bay of Campeachy and sold as slaves in the

colony should be set free.[1261] On July 30, 1688, the council again

took up the question of foreign Indians. It was resolved “that all

Indian slaves within this province subject to the King of Spain, that

can give an account of their Christian faith and say the Lord’s Prayer,

be forthwith set at liberty, and sent home by the first conveyance, and

likewise them that shall hereafter come to the province.”[1262] On the

same day the council rejected a petition of the owner to retain in the

colony an Indian slave purchased outside the colony and brought to New

York.[1263]

The numerous petitions to the governor to free such Indians from

slavery, and his attitude in the matter, show the colonial authorities

willing to stand by their legislation on the subject. On December 28,

1700, such a petition was presented by the mayor and aldermen of New

York City to the governor, demanding the release of a free born Indian

woman, a native of Curaçao, then held as a slave in New York.[1264] On

July 15, 1703, Jacobus Kierstead, a mariner, of New York, petitioned

the governor regarding an Indian brought by him from the West Indies

and sold as a slave.[1265] Soon after Governor Hunter’s arrival in the

province a petition was handed him on behalf of a number of free-born

Spanish subjects thus held as slaves.[1266] Among the victims was one

Stephen Domingo, a native of Carthagena, who had been held as a slave

for eight years. Hunter became interested in the matter and wrote to

the Board of Trade, June 23, 1712, that there were Spanish Indians in

New York who had been unjustly kept there in slavery for many years. He

discovered that one Husea and one John, both held as slaves and both

engaged in the slave conspiracy of 1712, were brought to New York as

prisoners of war taken from a Spanish vessel by a privateer; that they

were Spanish-American Indians and subjects of the king of Spain, sold

as slaves in New York and kept in bondage six or seven years “by reason

of their color which is swarthy”. They declared they were sold among

many others of the same color and the same country. These two Indians

Governor Hunter reprieved awaiting the queen’s pleasure. The Indians

who petitioned, though he “secretly pitied their condition”, he was

unable to help as he had no other evidence than their words.[1267]

Rhode Island is the only other colony which took direct action

concerning Spanish Indians, but even Rhode Island never put forth any

general legislation on the matter. Special action was taken similar to

that in New York. In 1746, the general assembly of Rhode Island and

Providence Plantations voted to send back to the West Indies certain

free subjects of the king of Spain who had been captured and sold in

the colony as slaves.[1268] These, like the others mentioned, were

captives taken in the recent war with Spain.[1269] Here, as in New

York, the point involved was one of international importance, and the

Indians concerned were considered, not as Indians but as the objects

about which the point was raised.

The other colonies of the original thirteen which finally took

legislative action to end the institution of slavery in general did not

accomplish such action during the colonial period; so the conclusion

remains that with the exception of Virginia, South Carolina, Rhode

Island and New York, none of the colonies ever declared Indian slavery

illegal.

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alphabetically digested under Proper Heads._ Philadelphia Meeting

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_Transcripts_ in the library of Mr. Peter J. Hamilton of Mobile, Ala.

INDEX

Acolapissa, Indian tribe, attacked and enslaved by Chickasaw and

English, 185

Abnaki, Indian tribe, take slaves from Illinois, 70

Adoption, 43

Addington, Isaac, secretary of council of safety, 293;

hires Indians, 293

Advertisements of Indian slaves, 243, 244

Agona, chief, seized by Cartier, 72

Agriculture, 36, 83

Alabama, tribe, enslave and sell Mobile Indians, 75

Algonquin, nation, hold Indian slaves, 28

Albany, common council, act concerning fugitive slaves, 221;

treaty of, 202;

restrictions on slaves, 260

Alcaldes, enslave Indians, 61

Altamaha, tribe, 75

Amalgamation, cause of decline of slavery, 107, 287

Anastasius, Father, given an Indian girl, 81

Antilles, discovery, 48

Apache, tribe, enslaved by Choctaw, 30

Apalache, tribe, enslaved by Carolina settlers, 120, 121;

attacked by English Indians, 171;

attack missions of Santa Catalina and Santa Fé, 179

Archdale, John, governor of South Carolina, tries to check trade in

Indians, 178

Archbishop of Canterbury, 268

Aricara, tribe, 31

Arizona, 30, 60

Arkansas, tribe, 27, 64, 70, 75

Assembly, of South Carolina, takes up matter of trade in Indians,

180–185;

of Virginia regarding Indian slaves, 186

Athapascan, hold slaves, 33

Atlantic slope, Indian slavery in, 25

Awanthonks, squaw sachem, 148

Azores, Indians carried to, 125, 127

Bacon, sells captives as slaves, 119;

instigates assembly to legalize enslavement of Indians, 131

Bacon, Lord, sees Indians in England, 154

Bannister, Mr., before Board of Trade, 188

Baptism, of Indian slaves, 88, 89;

relation to freedom, 267–275

Barbadoes, governor of, sends Indians back to Massachusetts, 167;

South Carolina sends Indians to, 202

Barnwell, Colonel, expedition to Florida, 120;

expedition to North Carolina, 122

Barter, 27, 37, (see trade)

Bartram, on Indian slaves, 35, 42

Bellomont, Governor, reports on religious conditions of slaves, 272

Bermudas, Indian slaves carried to, 124, 127, 202

Benezet, Anthony, opposed to Indian slavery, 307

Berkeley, Dean, on decrease of number of Indians, 286;

on Indians as hired servants, 294

Berkeley, Sir William, on conditions in Virginia, 108;

sells Indian captives, 119;

proposes enslavement of Indians, 131;

buys Indian slaves, 301

Bienville, commandant at New Orleans, 28, 64;

orders Canadian French to stop urging Indians to war, 78;

proposes exchanging Indians in West Indies for negroes, 78, 97;

sells Indians to English, 78;

complains of neglect of agriculture in Louisiana, 84;

states that French colonists desire negroes, 97;

arranges peace between Choctaw and Chickasaw, 173

Birth, method of enslavement, 207

Birth-rate, decreased, cause of decline of Indian slavery, 285

Blackfeet, tribe, slavery among, 45

Block Island, slaves in, 110

Blount, Tom, chief, receives Indian captives as slaves as reward for

aiding English, 133

Board of Commissioners, appointed by South Carolina to deal with

trade in Indians, 181;

attempts to check traders, 183

Board of Trade, reports to, 111, 118

Bossu, journey of, 70

Boston News Letter, beginning of, 218;

advertises runaways, 218

Boston, slaves in, 109, 126, 180, 187, 274, 299;

prohibitions on slaves, 260

Bradford, on number of Indians, 284

Branding, punishment, 261

Bressani, Father, captured by Iroquois, 47

Bristol Parish, Virginia, Indian slaves in, 229

British Columbia, Indian slavery in, 46

Cabo de Santa Elena, Cape, 53

Cabot, Sebastian, kidnaps Indians, 154

Cadadaquiou, tribe, enslaved, 30

Cadillac, report concerning Indian slaves, 78

Cahouita, tribe, enslaved, 75

Calicott, Richard, has Indian slave, 243

California, 33;

missions, 59, 60

Canada, acquisition of, 64;

population of, 93

Capawick (Martha’s Vineyard), 157

Cape Fear, Indians kidnapped, 159, 197

Cape François, Indians sent to, 67, 68

Capitulation of Montreal, 64, 93

Carolina, Indians captured, 29;

Indians exported from, 117;

coureurs de bois sell Indians into, 168;

French idea concerning policy of, 171

Carondelet, Baron, orders slaves to remain with owners, 58

Cartier, kidnaps Indians, 71, 72;

receives Indians as gifts, 79;

uses Indian slaves as guides, 82

Catawba tribe, reduced in numbers, 287

Cenis, tribe, have slaves, 34, 37, 38

Champigny, sends Indians to France, 73

Champlain, given Indians by a chief, 80

Charity, Indian girl given Champlain, 80

Charleston, Indian slaves in, 109, 121, 180

Chat, tribe, enslaved, 29

Cherokee, tribe, abolish slavery, 46;

hostile to English, 136;

treaty with, 136;

demand that English give up enslaved members of their tribe, 137;

sold as slaves, 137;

complain that tribes prey on each other for slaves, 170;

other tribes join with, 287

Chester County, Pennsylvania, Indian slaves in, 116

Chickasaw, tribe, war with French, 69;

slave of Bienville, 86;

prey on tribes for captives to sell, 30, 171;

allies of English, 34, 171;

French try to destroy alliance of, 171;

lose 500 prisoners in ten years, 172;

obtain slaves from distant nations, 172;

French attempt to make them friends of Choctaw, 173;

attack Choctaw, 173;

enslave Shawnee, 173;

armed by English of Virginia, 185

Children, sold for food, 26

Chimmesyan, tribe, 33

Chinook, tribe, slavery among, 46

Chinookan, tribe, 33

Choctaw, tribe, enslave other Indians, 30, 75;

friends of French, 33;

allies of English, 171;

lose 800 prisoners in ten years, 172;

French attempt to make them friends of Chickasaw, 173

Chouman, tribe, 34

Church, sanctions slavery, 48;

missionary labors of, 87

Church, Captain Benjamin, receives Indians to transport, 140;

instructed to go against Indians, 142;

to distribute captives among soldiers, 142;

to receive captives from governor of Rhode Island, 142

Church act, 269

Cibola, 31, 52

Clermont, Sieur Pierre, manumits Indian slave, 95

Clinton, Governor, on Indian slaves in New York, 114;

tries to prevent abuse of apprenticeship, 206

Clothing of slaves, 42, 251–252

Cocheco, seizure of Indians at, 147, 309

Code Noir, 90, 102.

Collacot, Sergeant, agreement of Massachusetts with, 222

Colonists, of Louisiana, character of, 82;

used slave women as mistresses, 82

Columbia River country, Indian slavery in, 33, 45, 46

Columbus, enslaves Indians, 48

Comanche, tribe, 86

Company, of the Indies, 64;

of the West, 102;

of Providence Islands, 125

Compostella, 54

Concessions, negroes on, 102

Congaree, tribe, preys on weaker tribes, 170

Corannine, tribe, destruction of, 287

Cosmé, owns Indian slave, 81

Connecticut, slaves in, 110, 111, 123, 128, 130–131;

act against importing Indians, 189–191;

enslaves Indians as punishment, 206;

restricts Indian slaves, 260;

favors religious instruction of slaves, 275;

exchanges Indian slave for land, 277;

regulates manumission, 281;

regulates action of slaves, 290;

finds Indian slaves unsatisfactory, 291;

hired Indians in, 294;

indentured Indians in, 295

Cooks, hired Indians as, 243;

Indian slaves as, 243

Copper, object of barter, 27

Cornbury, Governor, on fugitive slave law, 221;

helps in conversion of slaves, 268

Coronado, Francisco Vasquez de, 31, 52, 53;

uses Indian slaves as guides, 55

Council, Indian, 40, 42;

grand council of South Carolina sends agents to remove Indian

slaves from plantations, 175;

opposed to proprietors, 176

Coureurs de bois, stir up tribes, 64;

purchase Indians, 75, 76, 77, 78, 168;

Indianized Frenchmen, 87;

trade, 96

Cramoisy, on Indian slaves, 86

Creeks, tribe, enslaved by Indians, 121;

other tribes join with, 287

Crows, tribe, slavery among, 45

Cruzat, Lieutenant-governor, proclamation of against enslavement of

Indians, 58

Culacut, Steward, desires Indian slaves, 310

Cutler, Reverend Timothy, reports on religious condition of slaves in

Boston, 274

Dartmouth, Indians, seized by Plymouth, 146

Davenport, Lieutenant, desires Indian slave, 310;

Reverend John, on Indian slaves, 209

Dealers, in Indians state reasons for traffic, 177

Death, punishment, 261

De Ayllon, cédula issued to, 49;

sends expedition, 53

De Beauharnois, governor of Canada, 94

De Boucherville, journey to Canada, 32

De Bourgmont, 32, 64;

purchases Indians, 74, 80;

sends Indian slaves to New Orleans, 74;

uses slave as interpreter, 82;

uses slaves as bribes and rewards, 86

Decline of Indian slavery, 59, 96–102, 281–319

Deer Island, Indians sent to, 143

De Figueroa, Vasco Porcallo, 52

De la Barre, expedition against Iroquois, 85

De Leon, patent of, 49;

proclamation of, 50

Le Lignery, proposes that tribes exchange slaves, 38

De Louvignery, demands slaves of Fox Indians, 71

De Morfi, Fray Agustin, describes mission, 61

De Narvaez, 51;

collapse of expedition, 53

De Niza, Fray Marcos, 52

Denonville, expedition against Iroquois, 85

Derby, Indian slaves in, 300

Detroit, 38, 75;

slavery in, 93, 99

De Vaca, Cabeza, enslaved, 46;

on Indian slavery, 54

De Vaudreuil, governor-general of Canada, demands slaves from

tribes, 70

Disease, cause of decline of Indian slavery, 41, 96, 283, 285

Doagges, tribe, 131

Dongan, Governor, report on religious condition of slaves, 272

Donnés, 66

Dubuisson, 38

Du Chapart, governor of Ft. Rosalie, 67

Dudley, Governor, report on slaves, 109

Duke’s Laws, on baptism of slaves, 272

Du Luth, 38;

expedition, 74;

given Indian slaves, 81;

uses slave as guide, 82

Dunmore, Earl of, authorizes court for trial of slaves, 256

Dunn, pastor of South Carolina parish, to S. P. G. F. P., 267

Du Pont, receives Indian as gift, 80

Dutch, enslave and transport Indians, 112–113

Du Tisné, 28, 31, 73, 74;

mediates peace between Pawnee and Padouca, 31

East Nottingham, Pennsylvania, Indian slaves in, 116

Eliot, John, redeems Indian slaves sold abroad, 128;

hires Indians, 293;

translates Bible, 293;

opposed to Indian slavery, 305;

has Indian slave as tutor, 243

Employment of Indian slaves, 35–39, 55, 83–86, 242–249

Endicot (Endecot), desires Indian slave, 310

England, rival power, 71

Erie, tribe, enslaved, 29

Esaw, tribe, prey on western tribes, 170

Esclavos, Indian community, 25

Esquimaux, enslaved, 28

Eyanoco, chief, has white slaves, 46

Faith, Indian girl given to Champlain, 80

Famine, cause of slavery, 26, 41

Fayal, one of Azores, 125;

Indians carried from Plymouth to, 125;

Indians seized by Laughton carried to, 161

Fishing, employment of Indian slaves, 37

Flathead, tribe, 32

Florida, 27, 29, 30, 48, 51, 52, 59;

free Indians in, 284

Fontaine, Reverend Peter, advocates intermarriage of whites and

Indians, 252

Fontanedo, 48

Food, of slaves, 42

Forbes, account of church in Virginia, 269

Fort Carolina, 79

Fort Royal, 119

Fox, tribe, war with French, 69, 71;

valley, 87

France, 66, 71;

Indians carried to, 71, 72;

laws of, 89;

sends indentured white servants to America, 100;

sends negroes to America, 101

Franciscans, 59

Friends, own Indian slaves, 115–116;

opposed to Indian slavery, 307

Friends’ yearly meeting, action on slavery, 116

Freedom, of slaves, 42, 43, 44, 45 (see manumission.)

Fremin, Father, 35

Frobisher, kidnaps Indians, 155

Fugitive slave law, 220;

in articles of confederation of United Colonies, 224

Fundamental Constitutions of Carolina, 269

Fur trade, 73, 74;

connected with purchase of slaves from Indians, 168

Galleys, French, Indian slaves in, 73

Gamblers, Indians as, 26

General court, Massachusetts, authorizes enslavement of Indians, 124,

126, 127, 128, 137, 139;

decree regarding retention of male Indian slaves in colony, 145;

Plymouth, 137;

disposes of captives, 139;

decree regarding retention of male Indian slaves in colony, 145;

decree regarding purchase of captive Indian children, 146;

sanctions seizure of peaceable Indians, 146;

disposes of Dartmouth Indians, 146;

Connecticut, orders that Indians who surrender shall not be

transported, 149;

arranges to dispose of captives, 149

Georgia, report on, 107;

slaves in, 108

Gibson, bishop of London, declares baptism does not free slaves, 275

Gomez, 51

Gookin, Lieutenant-governor, receives complaint of Indians regarding

kidnapping, 162

Goose Creek, parish in South Carolina, 267

Gorges, Sir Ferdinand, patron of Weymouth, 154;

given Indians, 155, 157;

condemns capture of Indians, 158

Great Lakes, 28, 36

Great Plains, 25

Great Sun, chief of Natchez, 68

Green Bay, 38

Grelon, 27

Guns, objects of barter, 27

Haida, tribe, 33

Harley, Captain Henry, brings Indians to Gorges, 157

Harlow, Captain Edward, kidnaps Indians, 157

Hartford, levies on slaves of townsmen, 247

Haskell, pastor of St. Thomas parish, South Carolina, 267

Hatchets, objects of barter, 27

Hawaikuh, 52

Heathcote, to Townsend, 200

Hempstead, Indian slaves in, 114, 201

Hendrickson, finds Indian slaves in Schuylkill River country, 29;

finds white slaves among Mohawk, 47

Hennepin, on slaves among Iroquois, 35

Hispaniola, Indian slaves in, 53

Hobson, Captain, brings two of Hunt’s Indian captives back to

America, 158

Hocquart, intendant of Canada, 94

Holman, Ensign, agreement of Massachusetts with, 222

Hope, Indian girl given Champlain, 80

Horse, tribe, 32

Hunt, Captain Thomas, kidnaps Indians, 158

Hunter, Governor, petition to, regarding Spaniards in New York, 318

Hunting, occupation of Indian slaves, 37

Hupa, tribe, 33

Huron, tribe, 27, 28, 29, 32, 34, 35, 36, 37, 42

Hyde, Governor, on enslavement of Indians, 133

Iberville, baptism of his Indian slave, 89

Illinois, tribe, 27, 28, 29, 31, 37, 38, 64, 70, 80;

area, 32;

Indian slaves in, 93, 102;

negro slaves in, 102

Incle and Yarico, play and opera, 303

Indentured servants, Indians as, 295;

white, 295–297

Indians, as hired laborers, 59;

as apprentices, 196