'Cæsar iter tutum per propria regna gerebat,
Usque Parisiaca quo loca celsus adit.
Jam tua martyr ovans Dionysi tecta revisit,
Hilthuin abba potens quo sibi dona paras;
Hinc, Germane, tui transivit culmina tecti
Martyris et Stephani, seu, Genuvefa, tui.'
[48] History of Normandy and England, i. 279-281.
[49] Ibid., i. 282.
[50] The fact that Paris was the gathering-place comes out most strongly
in the Annales Bertiniani, 830 (Pertz i. 423.) 'Nam aliqui ex primoribus
mumurationem populi cognoscentes, convocaverunt illum, ut eum a fide,
quam domno Imperatori promissam habebant, averterent; ideoque omnis
populus qui in Britanniam ire debebat ad Parisium se conjunxit, nec non
Hlotharium de Italiâ et Pippinam de Aquitaniâ hostiliter adversum patrem
venire, ut illum de regno ejicerent et novercam suam perderent ac
Bernardum interficerent, compulerunt.'
[51] Vita Hludowici, 45 (Pertz, ii. 633.) 'Quum autem instaret
auctumnalis temperies, ei qui Imperatori contraria sentiebant alicubi in
Franciâ conventum fieri generalem volebant. Imperator autem clanculo
obnitebatur, diffidens quidem Francis magisque se credens Germanis.' One
cannot help talking here about _France_ and _French_, though such is not
the established use of the words till long after. It should, however, be
noticed that the _Francia_ of this writer, while it excludes Germany,
equally excludes Burgundy and Aquitaine. (See c. 49.) The assembly was
held at Neomaga (Nimwegen) and we read that 'omnis Germania eo confluxit
Imperatori auxilio futura.'
[52] Annales Bertiniani, 834. 'Quum hoc Lotharius cognovisset, de Aquis
abscessit, et patrem suum usque ad Parisius sub memoratâ custodiâ
deduxit.' So in the Vita Hludowici. 50, 'Hlotharius patre assumpto per
pagum Hasbaniensem iter arripuit, et Parisius urbem petivit, ubi obviam
fore cunctos sibi fideles præcepit.'
[53] Annales Bertiniani, 834. 'Illo abscedente, venerunt episcopi qui
præsentes aderant, et in ecclesiâ sancti Dionysii domnum Imperatorem
reconciliaverunt, et regalibus vestibus armisque induerunt. Deinde filii
ejus Pippinus et Ludoicus cum ceteris fidelibus ad eum venientes paterno
animo gaudenter suscepti sunt, et plurimas illis ac cuncto populo
gratias egit, quod jam alacriter illi auxilium præbere studuissent.'
[54] See p. 56, ante.
[55] See the Annals of Prudentius of Troyes, 841 (Pertz, i. 437) and the
story in Nithard, ii. 6--8. Palgrave, England and Normandy, i. 313, 314.
Hildwin, Abbot of St. Denis, and Gerard, Count of Paris--the first we
remember bearing that title--had been among the first to break their
oaths to Charles.
[56] See the vivid description of Carolingian Paris and its first
capture in Palgrave, i. 433-439; but Sir Francis has not wholly
withstood the temptation to exaggerate the antiquity of some of the
existing buildings.
[57] Ann. Prud. Trec. 841 (Pertz, i. 437). 'Interea piratæ Danorum ab
Oceano Euripo devecti Rotumam irruentes, rapinis, ferro, ignique
bacchantes, urbem, monachos, reliquumque vulgum et cædibus et
captivitate pessumdederunt, et omnia monasteria seu quæcumque loca
flumini Sequanæ adhærentia aut depopulati sunt aut multis acceptis
pecuniis territa relinquunt.'
[58] Ann. Prud. Trec. 845. 'Nordmannorum naves centum viginti mense
Martio per Sequanam hinc et abinde cuncta vastantes, Loticiam Parisiorum
nullo penitus obsistente pervadunt. Quibus quum Carolus occurrere
moliretur, sed prævalere suos nullatenus posse prospiceret, quibusdam
pactionibus, et munere septem milium librarum eis exhibito, a
progrediendo compescuit, ac redire persuasit.' So in the Annals of
Fulda, 845 (Pertz. i. 364): 'Nordmanni regnum Karoli vastantes, per
Sequanam usque Parisios navigio venerunt, et tam ab ipso quam incolis
terræ acceptâ pecuniâ copiosâ, cum pace discesserunt.'
[59] Ann. Prud. Trec. 857: 'Dani Sequanæ insistentes cuncta libere
vastant, Lutetiamque Parisiorum adgressi, basilicam beati Petri et
sanctæ Genovefæ incendunt et ceteras omnes, præter domum sancti Stephani
et ecclesiam sancti Vincentii atque Germani præterque ecclesiam sancti
Dionysii, pro quibus tantummodo, ne incenderentur, multa solidorum summa
soluta est.' Sir Francis Palgrave (i. 439,464) gives a vivid picture of
this sack of Paris. Of Saint Denis he adds: 'Saint Denis made a bad
bargain. The Northmen did not hold to their contract, or another company
of pirates did not consider it as binding: the Monastery was burnt to a
shell, and a most heavy ransom paid for the liberation of Abbot Lewis,
Charlemagne's grandson, by his daughter Rothaida.' Sir Francis, as
usual, gives no reference; but we may be sure that he could, if he had
pleased, have given one for the burning of the Monastery as well as for
the capture of the Abbot, which the Annals mention under the next year,
though not in connection with the sack of Paris.
[60] Sir Francis Palgrave, i. 462, says: 'Amongst the calamities of the
times, the destruction of the Parisian monasteries seems to have worked
peculiarly on the imagination. Paschasius Radbertus, the biographer of
Wala, expatiates upon this misery when writing his Commentary on
Jeremiah.' Some extracts are given in Pertz, i. 450: 'Quis umquam
crederet, vel quis umquam cogitare potuisset ... ut piratæ, diversis
admodum collecti ex familiis, Parisiorum attingerent fines, ecclesiasque
Christi hinc inde cremarent circa litus?... Fateor enim quod nullus ex
regibus terræ ista cogitaret, neque ullus habitator orbis nostri audire
potuisset quod Parisium nostrum hostis intraret.'
[61] It is worth notice, that Charles the Bald, as well as his soldiers,
could speak the 'lingua Romana,' or Romance tongue. See the Capitularies
put forth by the Kings Lewis, Charles, and Lothar at Coblentz in 860.
Lewis speaks 'lingua Theothisca,' and Charles, 'lingua Romana,' (Pertz,
Leges, i. 472.) Yet Charles, in his own Capitularies, speaks of 'lingua
Theodisca' as the language of the country, exactly as Lewis does, (i,
482, 497.)
[62] Regino 861: 'Carolus Rex placitum habuit in Compendio ibique cum
optimatum consilio Roberto Comiti Ducatum inter Ligerim et Sequanam
adversum Brittones commendavit, quem cum ingenti industriâ per aliquod
tempus rexit.' Dr. Kalckstein's monograph, _Robert der Tapfere_, has
reached us since this article was written, and we have scarcely had time
to glance at it. We can see that he has gone into the matter with hearty
thoroughness, but we are not able to avail ourselves at all largely of
his researches in detail. We can, however, refer to his clear
investigations of Robert's origin, and of the extent of his grant.
[63] Regino 867: 'Ruotbertus qui _marcam_ tenebat.' So Hincmar, Ann.
865. _Marchio_, in Andegaro.
[64] Richer i. 5: 'Odo patrem habuit ex equestri ordine Rotbertum, avum
vero paternum Witichinum, advenam Germanum.' He appears to have been of
Saxon origin. See Kalckstein, p. 9, and the first 'Excursus.'
[65] The monk of Saint Gallen (Gesta Karoli, i. 10) gives us a
definition of Francia, in the widest sense. 'Franciam vero interdum quum
nominavero, omnes Cisalpinas provincias significo ... in illo tempore
propter excellentiam gloriosissimi Karoli et Galli, et Aquitani, Ædui et
Hispani, Alamanni et Baioarii, non parum se insignitos gloriabantur, si
vel nomine Francorum servorum censeri mererentur.'
[66] Richer i. 14, twice speaks of the Duchy of France, as 'Celtica' and
'Gallia Celtica.' 'Rex [Karolus] Celticæ [Rotbertum] Ducem præficit.'
These are Charles the Simple, and the second Robert, afterwards King.
[67] 'Ann. Fuld.,' 867 (Pertz i., 380). 'Ruodbertus Karoli Regis Comes
apud Ligerim fluvium contra Nordmannos fortiter dimicans occiditur,
alter quodammodo nostris temporibus Machabæus, cujus proelia quæ cum
Brittonibus et Nordmannis gessit, si per omnia scripta fuissent,
Machabæi gestis æquiparari potuissent.' See the details in Regino, 867.
Hincmar, Ann. 866. The battle of Brissarthe is well described in M.
Mourin's 'Comtes de Paris,' a book whose name we have placed at the head
of this article. The volume forms a careful and spirited history of the
rise of the Parisian Kingdom; but it is strongly coloured by Parisian
dreams about the frontier of the Rhine.
[68] Odo did not succeed at once. On account of his youth, and, that of
his brother Robert, the Duchy was granted to Hugh the Abbot. Ann. Met.
867. (See Kalckstein, p. 109.) Odo did not succeed to the whole Duchy
till the death of Hugh in 887 in the middle of the siege, 'Ducatus quem
[Hugo] tenuerat et strenue rexerat Odoni filio Rodberti ab Imperatore
traditur, qui eâ tempestate Parisiorum Comes erat.' (Regius, 887.) We
are not told what was the exact extent of the county.
[69] See especially the entries in the 'Annales Vedastini' (Pertz, ii.
200), under 874 and several following years. Take, above all, the
general picture under 884. 'Nortmanni vero non cessant captivari atque
interfici populum Christianum, atque ecclesias subrui, destructis
moeniis et villis crematis. Per omnes enim plateas jacebant cadavera
clericorum, laicorum, nobilium atque aliorum, mulierum, juvenum, et
lactentium: non enim erat via vel locus quo non jacerent mortui; et erat
tribulatio omnibus et dolor, videntes populum Christianum usque ad
internecionem devastari.'
[70] The Ludwigslied is printed in Max Müller's German Classics, also in
the second volume of Schilter's Thesaurus.
[71] A full account of the battle is given in the Annales Vedastini,
881.
[72] Annales Vedastini, 882. 'Australes Franci (that is, Eastern,
Austrasian, not Southern) congregant exercitum contra Nortmannos, sed
statim terga vertunt, ibique Walo, Mettensis episcopus, corruit, Dani
vero famosissimum Aquisgrani palatium igne cremant et monasteria atque
civitates, Treveris nobilissimam et Coloniam Agrippinam, palatia quoque
regum et villas, cum habitatoribus terræ interfectis, igne cremaverunt.'
[73] Annales Fuldenses (Pertz, i. 390), 876. 'Karolus vero, Hludowici
morte compertâ, regnum illius, cupiditate ductus, invasit, et suæ
ditioni subjugare studuit; existimans se, ut fama vulgabat, non solum
partem regni Hlotharii, quam Hludowicus tenuit et filiis suis utendam
dereliquit, per tyrannidem posse obtinere, verum etiam cunctas civitates
regni Hludowici in occidentali litore Rheni fluminis positas suo regno
addere, id est Mogontiam, Wormatiam, et Nemetum, filiosque fratris per
potentiam opprimere, ita ut nullus ei resistere vel contradicere
auderet.' One is inclined to ask whether there may not be something
prophetic under the first entry under the next year; 'Hludowicus rex
mense Januario, generali conventa habito apud Franconofurt, quos de
regno Karoli tenuit captivos remisit in Galliam.'
[74] Ann. Fuld. 876. The way in which Charles' Imperial dignity is
recorded is remarkable. After a satirical description of the Imperial
costume, the Annal goes on, 'Omnem enim consuetudinem regum Francorum
contemnens, Græcas glorias optimas arbitrabatur, et ut majorem suæ
mentis elationem ostenderet, ablato Regis nomine, se Imperatorem et
Augustum omnium regum cis mare consistentium appellare præcepit.' The
phrase 'cis mare' is remarkable, when we think of the English claims to
Empire, and of the constant use of the word 'transmarinus' to express
England and English things. The common name for diaries in these Annals
is 'Galliæ Tyrannus.'
[75] Abbo, i. 48 (Pertz, ii. 780),--
Urbs mandata fuit Karolo nobis basileo,
Imperio cujus regitur totus prope kosmas
Post Dominum, regem dominatoremque potentum,
Excidium per eam regnum non quod patiatur,
Sed quod salvetur per eam sedeatque serenum.'
[76] Regino 887. (Pertz, i. 596). 'Heinricus cum exercitibus utriusque
regni Parisius venit.' 'Utrumque regnum' means of course the East and
the West Franks. The same Annals, in the next year, speak of Charles as
reigning over 'omnia regna Francorum.'
[77] See especially the Annales Vedastini, 885-890; other details come
from the Chronicle of Regino, 887-890.
[78] Let us take one out of several passages where he describes his own
exploits (ii. 800-302):--
'Nemo stetit supra speculam, solus nisi sæpe
Jam sancti famulus dicti, lignum crucis almæ
In flammas retinens, oculis hæc vidit et inquit.'
[79] The book is printed in the second volume of Pertz, 776-805. The
Third Book has a sort of _Interpretatio_ throughout. We give a few lines
(15-18) as a specimen:--
_laicorum_
_'Tapete undique villose populorum lectus in itinere._
Amphytappa laon extat, badanola necnon;
_Ornamentum decorum valde amant vestem putam vel gumfun claram
potionem per linteum._
Effipiam diamant, strangulam pariterque propomam.
_lenocinatio fugat paleam_
Agagula celebs aginat pecudes nec ablundam.'
But the narrative portions of the poem, though often obscure enough, are
not altogether in this style.
[80] i. 10:--
'Nam medio Sequanae recubans, culti quoque regni
Francigenum, temet statuis per celsa canendo:
Sum polis, ut regina micans omnes super urbes!
Quae statione nites cunctis venerabiliori,
Quisque cupiscit opes Francorum, te veneratur.'
[81] i-15:--
'Insula te gaudet, fluvius sua fert tibi giro
Brachia, complexo muros mulcentia circum
Dextra tui pontes habitant tentoria limfæ
Lævaque claudentes; horum hinc inde tutrices
Cis urbem speculare falas, citra quoque flumen.'
[82] i. 45:--
'Hic Consul venerabatur, Rex atque futurus,
Urbis erat tutor, regni venturus et altor.'
[83] i. 66:--
'Hic Comites Odo fraterque suus radiabant
Rotbertus, pariterque Comes Ragenarius; illic
Pontificisque nepos Ebolus, fortissimus Abba.'
[84] Ann. Ved. 885;--'Nortmanni, patratâ victoriâ valde elati, Parisius
adeunt turrimque statim aggressi, valide oppugnant; et quia necdum
perfecte firmata fuerat, eam se capi sine morâ existimant.'
[85] Regino, 887:--'Erant, ut ferunt triginta, et eo amplius
adversariorum millia, omnes pene robusti bellatores.'
[86] See Freeman's History of the Norman Conquest, i. 270, ed. ii.
[87] i. 38:--'Solo Rex verbo, sociis tamen imperitabat.'
[88] i.--107:
'Fortis Odo innumeros tutudit. Sed quis fuit alter?
Alter Ebolus huic socius fuit æquiperansque;
Septenos unâ potuit terebrare sagittâ,
Quos ludens alios jussit præbere quoquinæ.'
[89] Ann. Ved. 885:--'Dani, multis suorum amissis, rediere ad naves;
indeque sibi castrum statuunt adversus civitatem, eamque obsidione
vallant, machinas construunt, ignem supponunt, et omne ingenium suum
apponunt ad captionem civitatis; sed Christiani adversus eos fortiter
dimicando, in omnibus exstitere superiores.'
[90] Let us take Abbo's description (i. 205) of an engine which may have
been only a sow or a tortoise, but which certainly suggests the Trojan
horse,
'Ergo bis octonis faciunt mirabile visu,
Monstra rotis ignara; modi compacta triadi,
Roboris ingentis, super argete quodque cubante
Domate sublimi cooperto. Nam capiebant
Claustra sinûs arcana uteri penetralia ventris
Sexaginta viros, ut adest rumor, galeatos.'
[91] Ann. Ved. 886. 'Octavo Idus Februarii contigit grave discrimen
infra civitatem habitantibus; nam ex gravissimâ inundatione fluminis
minor pons disruptus est.' It is called 'pictus pons' by Abbo, i. 250.
[92] Ib. 'Illis vero qui intra turrim erant acriter resistentibus, fit
clamor multitudinis usque in coelum; Episcopus desuper muro civitatis
cum omnibus qui in civitate erant nimis flentibus, eo quod suis
subvenire non possent, et quia nil aliud agere poterat, Christo eos
commendabat.'
[93] Ib. 'Nortmanni cum impetu portam ipsius turris adeunt ignemque
subponunt. Et hi qui intra erant, fracti vulneribus et incendio
capiuntur, atque ad opprobrium Christianorum diversis interficiuntur
modis, atque in flumine præcipitantur.'
[94] Ann. Ved, 886. 'Herkengerus [the messenger sent by the Bishop,
described as _Comes_] ... Henricum cum exercitu Parisius venire fecit;
sed nil ibi profecit ... atque in suam rediit regionem.'
Regino (887) makes the same confession. 'Imperator Heinricum ducem cum
exercitu vernali tempore dirigit sed minime prævaluit.' The Fulda Annals
alone (886) seem to make out something of a case for Henry. His army 'in
itinere propter imbrium inundationem et frigus imminens non modicum
equorum suorum perpessi sunt damnum.' The Annalist then adds, 'Quum
illuc pervenissent, Nordmanni rerum omnium abundantiam in munitionibus
suis habentes, manum cum eis conserere nec voluerunt, nec ausi sunt.' He
goes on to say that they spent the whole of Lent and up to the Rogation
days in vain labours (inani labore consumptis). They then went home,
having done nothing except kill some Danes whom they found outside their
camp, and carry off a large number of horses and oxen.
[95] Abbo, ii. 3.
'Saxoniâ vir Ainricus fortisque potensque
Venit in auxilium Gozlini præsulis urbis,
At tribuit victus illi letumque cruentis
Heu paucis auxit vitam nostris, tulit amplam
His prædam. Sub nocte igitur quâdam penetravit
Castra Danûm, multos et equos illic sibi cepit.'
After some further description he adds:
'Sic et Ainricus postremum castra reliquit,
Culpa tamen, fugiente morâ, defertur ad arcem.'
[96] Ann. Ved. 886. 'Gauzlinus vero, dum omnibus modis populo Christiano
juvare vellet, cum Sigfrido, Rege Danorum, amicitiam fecit, ut per hoc
civitas ab obsidione liberaretur. Dum hæc aguntur, Episcopus gravi
corruit in infirmitate, diem clausit extremum, et in loculo positus est
in ipsâ civitate. Cujus obitus Nortmannis non latuit; et antequam
civibus ejus obitus nuntiaretur, a Nortmannis de foris prædicatur
Episcopum esse mortuum.'
[97] Ann. Ved. 886. 'Dehinc vulgus pertæsi una cum morte patris
obsidione, irremediabiliter contristantur; quos Odo, illustris Comes,
suis adhortationibus roborabat. Nortmanni tamen quotidie non cessant
oppugnare civitatem; et ex utrâque parto multi interficiuntur, pluresque
vulneribus debilitantur, escæ etiam coeperunt minui in civitate.'
[98] Ib. 'Odo videns affligi populum, clam exiit de civitate, a
principibus regni requirens auxilium, et ut Imperatori innotesceret
velocius perituram civitatem, nisi ei auxilium detur.'
[99] Ib. 'Dehinc regressus, ipsam civitatem de ejus absentiâ nimis
repperit moerentem; non tamen in eam sine admiratione introiit.
Nortmanni ejus reditum præscientes, accurrerunt ei ante portam turris;
sed ille, omisso equo, a dextris et sinistris adversarios cædens,
civitatem ingressus, tristem populum reddidit lætum.'
[100] 'Æstivo tempore, antequam segetes in manipulos redigerentur,' says
Regino (887) of the coming of Henry, and adds, 'Post hæc Imperator ...
venit.' This does not practically contradict the Annales Vedastini
(886): 'Circa auctumni tempora Imperator Carisiacum veniens cum ingenti
exercitu, præmisit Heinricum, dictum Ducem Austrasiorum, Parisius.'
[101] Regino 887. 'Idem Heinricus cum exercitibus utriusque regni
Parisius venit.'
[102] Ann. Ved. 886: 'Qui quum advenisset illuc cum exercitu prope
civitatem, cum paucis inconsulte coepit equitare circa castra Danorum,
volens invisere qualiter exercitus castra eorum posset attingere, vel
quo ipsi castra figere deberent.' To which Regino (887) adds: 'Situm
loci contemplatur aditumque perquirit, quo exercitui cum hostibus minus
periculosus pateret congressus.'
[103] This is told most fully by Regino (887): 'Porro Nordmanni
audientes appropinquare exercitum, foderant foveas, latitudinis unius
pedis et profunditatis trium, in circuitu castrorum, easque quisquiliis
et stipulâ operuerant, semitas tantum discursui necessarias intactas
reservantes.'
[104] Ib. 'Aspiciente universo exercitu, absque morâ trucidant, arma
auferunt, et spolia ex parte diripiunt.'
[105] The exploit of Count Ragnar comes only from the Annales Vedastini:
'Quum nudâssent illum armis suis, supervenit quidam e Francis, Ragnerus
nomine Comes, ejusque corpus non absque vulneribus illis tulit; quod
statim Imperatori nuntiatum est.' Regino says only, 'Agminibus impetum
facientibus, vix cadaver exanime eruitur.' He adds, 'Exercitus, amisso
duce ad propria revertitur.'
[106] Abbo ii. 217:
'En et Ainricus, superis crebro vocitatus,
Obsidione volens illos vallare, necatur.
Inque suos, nitens Sequanam transire, Danorum
Rex Sinric, geminis ratibus spretis, penetravit
Cum sociis ter nam quinquagenis, patiturque
Naufragium medio fluvii, fundum petiturus,
Quo fixit, comitesque simul, tentoria morti.
Hic sua castra prius Sequanæ contingere fundum
Quo surgens oritur, dixit, quam linquere regnum
Francorum, fecit Domino tribuente quod inquit.'
[107] Regino, 887. 'Post hæc Imperator, Galliarum populos perlustrans,
Parisius cum immenso exercitu venit, ibique adversos hostes castra
posuit, sed nil dignum Imperatoriâ majestate in eodem loco gessit.' So
Ann. Ved. 886: 'Ille vero audito multum doluit; accepto tamen consilio,
Parisius venit cum manu validâ; sed quia Dux periit, ipse nil utile
gessit.' So the Annals of Fulda, 886: 'Imperator per Burgundiam obviam
Nortmannos in Galliam, qui tunc Parisios erant, usque pervenit. Occiso
ibi Heinrico, Marchensi Francorum, qui in id tempus Niustriam tenuit,
Rex, parum prospere actis rebus, revertitur in sua.'
[108] Ann. Ved. 886. 'Factum est vere consilium miserum; nam utrumque,
et civitatis redemptio illis promissa est, et data est via sine
impedimento, ut Burgundiam hieme deprædarent. So Ann. Fuld. 886:
'Imperator perterritus, quibusdam per Burgundiam vagandi licentiam
dedit, quibusdam plurimam promisit pecuniam, si a regno ejus statute
inter eos tempore discederent.'
[109] Regino, 887. 'Ad extremum, concessis terris et regionibus quæ
ultra Sequanam erant Nordmannis ad deprædandum, eo quod incolæ illarum
sibi obtemperare nollent, recessit.'
[110] The details follow immediately after in Regino.
[111] See above, p. 59. So Ann. Ved. 886. 'Terrâ patris sui Rothberti
Odoni Comiti concessâ, Imperator castra movit.'
[112] Ann. Ved. 888.
[113] Ib. 'Odo vero Rex Remis civitatem contra missos Arnulfi perrexit,
qui ei coronam, ut fertur, misit, quam in ecclesiâ Dei genitricis in
natali sancti Briccii capiti impositam, ab omni populo Rex adclamatur.'
Cf. Ann. Fuld., 888-895. Regino 895. Arnulf was not crowned Emperor till
806.
[114] Regino, 888. 'Nordmanni, qui Parisiorum urbem obsidebant, miram et
inauditam rem, non solum nostrâ, sed etiam superiore ætate fecerunt.'
[115] Ib. 'Quum civitatem inexpugnabilem esse persensissent, omni
virtute omnique ingenio laborare coeperunt, quatenus urbe post tergum
relictâ, classem cum omnibus copiis per Sequanam sursum possent evehere,
et sic Hionnam fluvium ingredientes, Burgundiæ fines absque obstaculo
penetrarent.'
[116] Ann. Ved. 886.
[117] Ib.
[118] Ib.
[119] Regino, 889. 'Nordmanni a Senonicâ urbe recedentes, denuo Parisius
cum omnibus copiis devenerunt. Et quum illis descensus fluminis a
civibus omnino inhiberetur, rursus castra ponunt, civitatem totis
viribus oppugnant, sed, Deo opem ferente, nihil prævalent.'
[120] Ann. Ved. 888. 'Circa auctumni vero tempora Odo Rex, adunato
exercitu, Parisius venit; ibique castra metatus est prope civitatem, ne
iterum ipsa obsideretur.'
[121] Regino, 890. 'Civibus qui continuis operum ac vigiliarum laboribus
induruerant, et assiduis bellorum conflictibus exercitati erant,
audaciter reluctantibus, Nordmanni, desperatis rebus, naves per terram
cum magno sudore trahunt, et sic alveum repetentes, Britanniæ finibus
classem trajiciunt. Quoddam castellum in Constantiensi territorio, quod
ad sanctum Loth dicebatur, obsident.' The action of Odo comes from Ann.
Ved. 889. 'Contra quos Odo [Danos] Rex venit; et nuntiis
intercurrentibus, munerati ab eo regressi a Parisius, relictâque
Sequanâ, per mare navale iter atque per terram pedestre et equestre
agentes in territorio Constantiæ civitatis circa castrum sancti Laudi
sedem sibi faciunt, ipsumque castrum oppugnare non cessant.'
[122] Widukind, iii. 4. 'Exinde, collectâ ex omni exercitu electorum
militum manu, Rothun Danorum urbem adiit, sed difficultate locorum,
asperiorique hieme ingruente, plagâ eos quidem magnâ percussit; incolumi
exercitu, infecto negotio, post tres menses Saxoniam regressus est.'
[123] See Dudo's account in Duchesne, Rer. Norm. Scriptt., 130-134; or
Palgrave, ii. 562-578.
[124] Richer, ii. 54. 'Tres itaque Reges, in unum collecti, primi
certaminis laborem Lauduno inferendum decernunt. Et sine morâ, illo
exercitum ducunt. Quum ergo ex adverso montis eminentiam viderent, et
omni parte urbis situm explorarent, cognito incassum sese ibi
certaturos, ab eâ urbe discedunt et Remos adoriuntur.' He then goes on
to describe the taking of Rheims. This is confirmed by Widukind, iii. 3.
'Rex cum exercitu Lugdunum adiit, eamque armis tentavit.' He places the
taking of Rheims after the attack on Paris, and afterwards, perhaps
inadvertently, speaks of Laon as if it had been taken. _Lugdunum_ is of
course a mistake for _Laudunum_.
[125] Flodoard, 946 (Pertz, iii. 393). 'Sicque trans Sequanam
contendentes, loca quæque præter civitates gravibus atterunt
deprædationibus.'
[126] Widukind (iii. 2) records Otto's answer to a boastful message of
Hugh. 'Ad quod Rex famosum satis reddit responsum; sibi vero fore tantam
multitudinem pileorum ex culmis contextorum, quos ei præsentari
oporteret, quantam nec ipse nec pater suus umquam videret. Et revera,
quum esset magnus valde exercitus, triginta scilicet duarum legionum,
non est inventus, qui hujusmodi non uteretur tegumento, nisi rarissimus
quisque.' On these straw hats see Pertz's note.
[127] Widukind (iii. 3.), immediately after the attempt on Rouen, adds,
'Inde Parisius perrexit, Hugonemque ibi obsedit, memoriam quoque
Dionysii martyris digne honorans veneratus est.'
[128] Richer, ii. 57. 'Decem numero juvenes quibus constanti mente fixum
erat omne periculum subire.' He then describes their pilgrim's garb.
[129] Richer, ii. 57. 'Ille farinarium sese memorat, at illi prosecuti,
siquid amplius possit interrogant. Ille etiam piscatorum Ducis magistrum
se asserit, et ex navium accommodatione questum aliquem sibi adesse.'
This miller of the Seine appears also in a story of Geoffrey
Grisegonelle in the Gesta Consulum Andegavensium, vi. (D'Achery,
Spicilegium, iii. 247). 'In crastino Consul furtivus viator, egreditur,
non longe a Parisiacâ urbe burgum sancti Germani devitans, a
molendinario qui molendinos Secanæ custodiebat, dato ei suo habitu,
navigium sibi parari impetravit.'
[130] All that Richer (ii. 58,) tells us is that Otto's troops, after
crossing the river, 'terrâ recepti incendiis prædisque vehementibus
totam regionem usque Ligerim depopulati sunt. Post hæc feruntur in
terram piratarum ac solo tenus devastant. Sicque Regis injuriam
atrociter ulti; iter ad sua retorquent.' The 'terra piratarum' is of
course Normandy.
[131] Lothar was the son of Lewis and Gerberga, the sister of Otto the
Great; Lothar and the younger Otto were therefore cousins.
[132] Richer iii. 71. 'Æream aquilam quæ in vertice palatii a Karolo
Magno acsi volans fixa erat, in vulturnum converterunt. Nam Germani eam
in favonium converterant, subtiliter signicantes Gallos suo equitatu
quandoque posse devinci.' So Thietmar of Merseburg, iii. 6 (Pertz. iii.
761), records the turning of the eagle and adds, 'Hæc stat in orientali
parte domûs, morisque fuit omnium hunc locum possidentium, ad sua eam
vertere regna.' The raid on Aachen is also described by Baldric in the
Gesta Episcoporum Cameracensium i. 96 (Pertz. vii. 440). He always
speaks of Lothar as 'Rex Karlensium,' and of his kingdom as 'partes
Karlensium.' In Thietmar he is 'Rex Karolingorum.'
[133] Richer iii. 74, 'Sic etiam versâ vice, Lotharium adurgens, eo quod
militum copiam non haberet fluvium Sequanam transire compulit, et
gemebundum ad Ducem ire coegit.'
[134] Gest. Ep. Cam. i. 97, 'Paternis moribus instructus, ecclesias
observavit immo etiam opulentis muneribus ditare potius æstimavit.'
[135] Richer iii. 74, 'Per fines urbis Remorum transiens sancto Remigio
multum honorem exhibuit.'
[136] This story comes from Baldric, Gest. Ep, Cam. i. 97. 'Deinde vero
ad pompandam victoriæ suæ gloriam Hugoni, qui Parisius residebat, per
legationem denuntians, quod in tantam sublimitatem Alleluia faceret ei
decantari in quanta non audierit, accitis quam pluribus clericis
_Alleluia te Martyrum_ in loco qui dicitur Mons Martyrum, in tantum
elatis vocibus decantari præcepit, ut attonitis auribus ipse Hugo et
omnis Parisiorum plebs miraretur.' The 'Mons Martyrum' is, we need
scarcely say, Montmartre.
[137] Gest. Cons. Andeg. vi. 2. Very little can be made of a story in
which the invasion of Otto is placed in the reign of Robert, the son of
Hugh Capet, who is represented as King, his father being still only
Duke. The expedition of Otto is thus described. 'Otto siquidem Rex
Alemannorum cum universis copiis suis Saxonum et _Danorum_ Montem
Morentiaci obsederat, et urbi Parisius multos assultus ignominiose
faciebat.' Geoffrey Grisegonelle comes to the rescue with three thousand
men.
[138] Richer iii. 76. The name of the French champion is Ivo.
[139] Ib. iii. 77. 'Otto Gallorum exercitum sensim colligi non ignorans,
suum etiam tam longo itinere quam hostium incursu posse minui sciens,
redire disponit, et datis signis castra amoverunt.'
[140] Rudolf Glaber i. 3. His way of telling the whole story should be
noticed. 'Lotharius ... ut erat agilis corpore, et validus, sensuque
integer, tentavit redintegrare regnum, ut olim fuerat.' This is
explained in the next sentence. 'Nam partem ipsius regni superiorem, quæ
etiam Lotharii Regnum cognominatur, Otto Rex Saxonum, immo Imperator
Romanorum, [this means Otto the Great, "primus ac maximus Otto"] ad
suum, id est Saxonum, inclinaverat regnum.' The retreat is thus
described. 'Lotharius ex omni Franciâ atque Burgundiâ militari manu in
unum coactâ, persecutus est Ottonis exercitum usque in fluvium Mosam,
multosque ex ipsis fugientibus in eodem flumine contigit interire.'
[141] Richer iii. 77. 'Axonæ fluvii vada festinantes alii transmiserant,
alii vero ingrediebantur quum exercitus a Rege missus a tergo
festinantibus affuit. Qui reperti fuere mox gladiis hostium fusi sunt,
plures quidem at nullo nomine clari.'
[142] Ib. iii. 80, 81. 'Belgicæ pars quæ in lite fuerat in jus Ottonis
transiit.' Rudolf Glaber clearly means the same thing when he says,
'Dehinc vero uterque cessavit, Lothario minus explente quod cupiit.'
[143] Gest. Ep. Cam. i. 98. 'Qui [Otto] quum satis exhaustâ ultione
congruam vicissitudinem se rependisse putarat, ad hiberna oportere se
concedere ratus; inde simul revocato equitatu, circa festivitatem sancti
Andreæ, jam hieme subeunte, reditum disposuit; remensoque itinere, bono
successu gestarum rerum gaudens super Axonam fluvium castra metari
præcepit.'
[144] Ib. 'Paucis tamen famulorum remanentibus, qui retrogradientes--nam
sarcinas bellicæ supellectilis convectabant--præ fatigatione oneris,
tenebris siquidem jam noctis incumbentibus, transitum in crastino
differe arbitrati sunt.'
[145] Gest. Ep. Cam. i. 98. 'Ipsâ etenim nocte in tantum excrevit
alveolus, ut difficultate importuosi littoris neuter alteri manum
conferre potuerit; hoc ita sane, credo, Dei voluntate disposito, ne
strages innumerabilis ederetur utrimque.'
[146] Ib. The prize was to be, 'Commissâ invicem pugnâ, cui Deus
annueret laureatus regni imperio potiretur.' This challenge again
reminds us of Brihtnoth. Compare the references in Freeman, Norman
Conquest, i. 271, Note 1.
[147] Ib. i. 98. 'Quid tot ab utrâque parte cædentur? Veniant ambo Reges
in unum tantummodo, nobisque procul spectantibus, summi periculi soli
subeuntes una conferantur, unoque fuso cæteri reservati victori
subjiciantur.'
[148] Ib. Semper vestrum Regem vobis vilem haberi audivimus non
credentes; nunc autem vobismetipsis fatentibus, credere fas est. Numquam
nobis quiescentibus noster Imperator pugnabit, numquam nobis sospitibus
in proelio periclitabitur.' Compare the proposal of the Argeians for a
judicial combat to decide the right to the disputed land of Thyrea;
Thuc. v. 41, [Greek: tois de Lakedaimoniois to men prôton edokei môria
einai tauta], much as it seemed to Count Godfrey.
[149] His comment (Gest. Ep. Cam. i. 99) is, 'Hoc igitur modo Regibus
inter se discordantibus, jam dictu difficile est quot procellis
factionum intonantibus ab ipsis suis vassallis afficitur Tethdo
episcopus.'
[150] Richer iii. 78. Lothar debates whether he shall oppose Otto or
make friends with him. 'Si staret contra, cogitabat possibile esse Ducem
opibus corrumpi, et in amicitiam Ottonis relabi. Si reconciliaretur
hosti, id esse accelerandum, ne Dux præsentiret, et ne ipse quoque
vellet reconciliari. Talibus in dies afficiebatur, et exinde his duobus
Ducem suspectum habuit.' See also the story of Hugh's dealings with Otto
(82-85).
[151] So Thietmar of Merseburg, iii. 6. 'Reversus inde Imperator
triumphali gloriâ, tantum hostibus incussit terrorem ut numquam post
talia incipere auderent; recompensatumque est iis quicquid dedecoris
prius intulere nostris.'
[152] That is, simply kinswomen; _parentes_ in the French sense.
[153] Thierry's 'History of the Norman Conquest,' book i.
[154] Quod idem _nostram ignaviam et segnitiem_ simul prodit, quod nec
tam gravi necessitate moveri, nec tam commoda lege cogi potuerimus; quin
tam dies res tanta (qua majoris esse momenti nihil unquam potuerit)
intacta pene remanserit.
[155] Biblius in plurisque apud nos Ecclesiis, aut deficientibus aut
tritis; et nemine, quantum ego audire potui, de excudenis novis
cogitante; id pro irriti conatus sum in Britannica Bibliorum versione,
quod foeliciter factum est in Anglicana.
[156] Nephew of Sir Hugh Middleton, who brought the New River to London.
[157] Vol. iv., pp. 293-4; and Appendix to vol. iv., p. 63.
[158]
'Mae dy ffeiriaid hwyntau'n cysgu,
Ac yn gado'r bobol bechu
Ac i fyw y modd y mynnon
Heb na cherydd na chynghorion.'
[159] 'Llyfryddiaeth y Cymry,' p. 211.
[160] Mr. Gladstone, to his great honour, has had the courage to break
through this practice, by his recent appointment of a thorough Welshman
to the diocese of St. Asaph.
[161] 'Justice to Wales: Report of the Association of Welsh Clergy in
the West Riding of the County of York,' p. 8.
[162] Morgan's 'Life and Times of H. Harris,' p. 41.
[163] 'The Christian Leaders of the Last Century,' by the Rev. J. C.
Ryle, p. 192.
[164] 'Johnes,' p. 63.
[165] This calculation does not include Monmouthshire.
[166] The instructions given as to the mode of collecting the returns
are these: 'In order to fill this schedule correctly, it will be
necessary to appoint persons in whom confidence can be placed, to count
every congregation and school in the parish, and that on the same
Sunday; not taking one place on one Sunday and another place on another
Sunday. Care should be taken not to give account of any place in the
schedule that is not within the limits of the parish. On the other side
of the schedule let all the persons who have been engaged in counting
write their names, as an attestation of the correctness of the returns.'
[167] Of late years, however, the Nonconformists have taken up the
question of Day school education very strenuously and successfully, so
that there are at this time more than 400 British or neutral schools in
Wales.
[168] Minutes of Council, 1854-5, p. 602.
[169] Report of the Committee of Council on Education, 1868-9, p. 179.
[170] 'Considerations on the Revision of the English New Testament.'
[171] _British Quarterly Review_, April, 1868.
[172] The valuable earlier Auchinleck MS. is written by five or six
hands.
[173] 'Old English Homilies and Homiletic Treatises of the 12th and 13th
centuries.' Edited by Richard Morris. First series, 2 parts, 8vo.
London: 1867-68.
[174] The 'Story of Genesis and Exodus,' an Early English Song, about
A.D. 1250; now first edited from an unique MS. by Richard Morris. 8vo.
London: 1865.
[175] Father, God of all things, Almighty Lord, highest king, give thou
me a propitious season, to show this world's beginning, Thee, Lord God,
to honour, whetherso I read or sing.
[176] First.
[177] Unnatural.
[178] Trouble.
[179] 'Seinte Marherete,' the Maiden and Martyr, in Old English. Edited
by Oswald Cockayne, M.A. London: 1866.
[180] 'Hali Meidenhad.' An Alliterative Homily of the thirteenth
century. Edited by Oswald Cockayne. London: 1866.
[181] The 'Lay of Havelok the Dane;' composed in the reign of Edward I.,
about A.D. 1280. Formerly edited by Sir F. Madden, and now re-edited by
the Rev. Walter W. Skeat. _Extra Series._ London: 1868.
[182] 'King Horn,' with fragments of 'Floriz and Blauncheflour,' and the
'Assumption of our Lady.' Edited, with Notes and Glossary, by J. Rowson
Lumby. London: 1866.
[183] Parallel Extracts from Twenty-nine MSS. of 'Piers Plowman,' with
comments, and a proposal for the Society's Three-text edition of this
poem, by the Rev. Walter W. Skeat. London. 1866. The 'Vision of William
concerning Piers Plowman.' By William Langland (A.D. 1362), edited from
the Vernon MS., by the Rev. Walter W. Skeat. London: 1867.
[184] 'Pierce the Ploughman's Crede' (about 1394 A.D.), transcribed and
edited from MS. Trin. Coll. Cam. R. 3, 15, collated with MS. Bibl. Reg.
18 B. xvii. in the British Museum, and with the old printed text of
1553, by the Rev. Walter W. Skeat. London: 1867.
[185] Dan Michel's 'Ayenbite of Inwyt; or, Remorse of Conscience,' in
the Kentish dialect. 1340 A.D. Edited by Richard Morris. London: 1866.
[186] 'English Gilds.' The original ordinances of more than one hundred
Early English Gilds, from original MSS. of the 14th and 15th centuries.
Edited, with Notes, by the late Toulmin Smith; with an Introduction and
Glossary, &c., by his daughter, Lucy Toulmin Smith, London: 1870.
[187] 'Early English Alliterative Poems,' in the West Midland dialect of
the 14th century. Edited by Richard Morris. London: 1864.
[188] 'The Romance of William of Palerne' (otherwise known as the
Romance of William and the Werwolf). Edited by Rev. Walter W. Skeat.
London: 1867.
[189] 'Sir Gawayne and the Green Knight.' An Alliterative Romance-Poem.
About 1320-30 A.D. By the Author of Early English Alliterative Poems.
Re-edited by Richard Morris. London: 1864.
[190] 'Lancelot of the Laik.' A Scottish Metrical Romance. About
1490-1500. Re-edited by the Rev. W. W. Skeat. 8vo. London: 1865.
[191] 'Arthur:' a short Sketch of his Life and History, in English
Verse, of the first half of the 15th century. Edited by F. J. Furnivall.
London: 1864.
[192] 'Morte Arthure.' Edited from Robert Thornton's MS. (about 1440
A.D.), in the Library of Lincoln Cathedral, by George G. Perry. London:
1865.
[193] One of Arthur's grand achievements is the capture, after a severe
siege, of the city of Metz. The Duke of Lorraine is sent to Dover, and
the government of the country is otherwise provided for by Arthur.
[194] Looks.
[195] Is frightened.
[196] Visor.
[197] Face.
[198] Health.
[199] 'Merlin; or, the Early History of King Arthur.' A prose Romance
(about 1450-1460 A.D.) Edited from the unique MS. in the University
Library, Cambridge, by Henry B. Wheatley. Parts I.--III. London:
1865-69.
[200] 'The Romance of the Chevalere Assigne.' Re-edited by Henry H.
Gibbs. London: 1868.
[201] 'The Book of the Knight of La Tour Landry.' Compiled for the
instruction of his daughters. Translated from the original French, in
the reign of Henry VI., and edited by Thomas Wright. London: 1868.
[202] 'The Wright's Chaste Wife.' A merry tale. By Adam of Cobsam. About
1462. Edited by F. J. Furnivall. 1865.
[203] 'Political, Religious, and Love Poems.' Edited by F. J. Furnivall.
London: 1866.
[204] 'The Babees Book, &c. Manners and Meals in Olden Time.' Edited by
F. J. Furnivall. London: 1868.
[205] 'The Book of Quinte Essence, or the Fifth Being; that is to say,
Man's Heaven.' Edited by F. J. Furnivall. London: 1866.
[206] 'English Prose Treatises of Richard Rolle de Hampole.' Edited from
Robert Thornton's MS., cir. 1440. By George G. Perry. London: 1866.
[207] 'Religious Pieces in Prose and Vers.' Edited from Robert
Thornton's MS., cir. 1440. By George G. Perry. London: 1867.
[208] 'Instructions for Parish Priests.' By John Myrc. Edited from
Cotton MS., Claudius A II. By Edward Peacock. London: 1868.
[209] 'Hymns to the Virgin and Christ, the Parliament of Devils, and
other Religious Poems.' Edited by F. J. Furnivall. London: 1867.
[210] We should be glad to have an exposition of the 'Catholic' view
relative to the use of capitals, what special sanctity is supposed to
reside in them, and what rule governs their employment. They form a
marked feature in 'Catholic' literature, and certainly sometimes puzzle
us. Why, for example, should 'Party' have a capital here?
[211] The ex-Emperor's selfishness is proved by his never having tried
to introduce anything answering to our Poor Law, with the working of
which he must have been thoroughly acquainted. Our system is far from
perfect; but it saves us from those terrible food revolutions, one of
which has so lately made Paris such a pitiable sight. Louis Napoleon
preferred the French voluntary system, because he always hoped to get
the _ouvriers_ in hand (as he had got the peasants), and to use them,
too, against any rising of the more intelligent classes.
[212] Benjamin Constant is a notable instance of the want of staunchness
of too many French writers. At first strongly against the Empire, he was
won over by the uncle far more easily than poor Prévost-Paradol was by
the nephew.
[213] Witness the cruel exactions, at Compiègne (_Pall Mall Gazette_,
11th March) and elsewhere, during the armistice and after the conclusion
of peace.
[214] The hatred is reciprocated. Germany does not forget French
occupation. An eminent German remarked to us the other day that more
than a dozen Prussian towns are still paying the interest of the money
borrowed to pay the first Napoleon's exactions. He remarked, too, on the
cruelties which the French practised; and said that Germany remembers
Davoust at Hamburg, and his turning out 26,000 people on New Year's-day
to perish in the cold, because they could not show that they had a
sufficient stock of siege provisions.
[215] Yet the clergy, as might be predicted from the fulsomeness of
their homage, only flattered Napoleon for their own ends. They soon
showed their ingratitude. Pradt, Archbishop of Mechlin, invented the
epithet, _Jupiter-Scapin_. Talleyrand did his best to pull down the
falling Empire. The peasantry whom they had taught were less fickle.
[216] A curiosity in the history of Catechisms is that in use in Spain
while Napoleon was extolled as God's image on earth in the neighbouring
country. Therein young Spaniards were taught as follows: 'Tell me, my
child, who are you?'--'A Spaniard, by the grace of God.' 'Who is the
enemy of our happiness?'--'The Emperor of the French.' 'How many natures
hath he?'--'Two; the human and the diabolical.'--Mignet, vol. ii. 336.
[217] Scrutator has tried to prove that it was really _Prussia_, and not
_France_, which made war inevitable.
[218] Of the sad civil war in the capital we would only say that it is
partly due to the want of a proper Poor Law, partly to the justly bitter
feeling caused by the hard terms of peace--terms so different from those
of 1815, which secured fifty years' peace, and eventually made France
and England friends.
[219] It is needless to enumerate the number of English essays and books
upon Berkeley and his philosophy which have recently appeared. It may
not be so well known to our readers that Berkeley's doctrines are at
present very widely discussed in Germany. A great deal of this
discussion is doubtless due to the exertions of that fervid Berkeleian,
Dr. T. Collyns Simon, who, according to a German critic, 'reist in
Deutschland umher, um mit allen Mitteln des Worts und der Schrift,
propaganda für seinen Meister zu machen;' but the interest shown on the
subject must rest on a deeper basis. Of German dissertations on Berkeley
we have seen the following:--R. Hoppe in _Bergman's Zeitschrift_, v.
Heft. 2. 1870; Freiherr v. Reichlin-Meldegg, in _Fichte's Zeitschrift_,
lvi. Heft. 2, 1870; T. Collyns Simon and H. Ulrici, in _Fichte's
Zeitschrift_, lvii. Heft. 1; and F. Friederich's _Ueber Berkeley's
Idealismus_, 1870. To these must be added, as the most important of all,
Prof. F. Ueberweg's translation of Berkeley's 'Principles of Human
Knowledge,' with a short preface and some very valuable notes, published
in Heimann's cheap series of philosophical works, Berlin, 1869. The
growing interest felt in Berkeley is also to be seen in the larger
amount of space given to the criticism of his doctrines in the more
recent work on the history of philosophy, such as Freiherr v.
Reichlin-Meldegg's _Einleitung zur Philosophie_, Wien, 1870.
[220] We use the word 'Idealist' in the modern German sense. It is the
technical term to denote that tendency in human speculation which is
embodied in Plato's Dialectic, Schelling's Natur-Philosophie, Hegel's
metaphysical logic, or Ferrier's scorn for Psychology, and is opposed to
'Realist,' which is applied to Herbart's Metaphysic, Mill's Ethics, or
Buckle's History of Civilization; cf. Dr. F. Ueberweg on 'Idealism,
Realism, and Ideal-Realism,' in Fichte's _Zeitschrift_, vol. 34.
[221] The writer of an article on the Idealism of Berkeley and Collier,
in the _North British Review_, January, 1871, summarizes forcibly the
arguments against Berkeley which have been urged by the so-called school
of Natural Realists. It is evidently an attempt to show that the
theories of Berkeley and Collier are incompatible with the doctrine of
the Incarnation, and therefore, the writer thinks, with that of
Transubstantiation also.
[222] Professor Hermann Ulrici, of Halle, in Fichte's _Zeitschrift_,
vol. lvii. Pt. 1, 1870, pp. 171-4.
[223] As Freiherr v. Reichlin-Meldegg does, _Enleit. für Philosophie_,
p. 122.
[224] The advance which Berkeley made from the stand-point of Locke may
not have been made very clear by this abstract statement; but the
difference of conception was just the difference between the Baconian
and modern induction. Bacon endeavoured to explain everything by
referring it to its _form_; and this form was a contemporaneous cause,
corresponding very much to the abstract ideas of Locke, or rather to
those abstract ideas which are supposed to be the more important, viz.,
the primary qualities (cf. Ellis and Spedding's Ed. of Bacon, I., p.
29). Modern induction explains by referring a consequent to its
invariable antecedent. It introduces the idea of motion, succession, or
flow, and explains a thing by showing its place in the flow of
phenomena. It is interesting to note that while Berkeley was thus
substituting a living causality for the abstract ideas of Locke, and
explaining the construction and objective knowledge of things by their
position in the successive moments of a personal agency, other
philosophers were endeavouring to solve the same metaphysical and
psychological problem in somewhat the same way. Leibnitz's 'Monadologie'
was really an attempt to explain the existence of universals and
objective principles of knowledge by the thought of growth or
development or flow; but Leibnitz's explanation differs from Berkeley's
in this, that he kept chiefly the thought of the development itself
before his mind, and conceived a gradual progression through impersonal
existences up to the conscious self, while Berkeley, keeping to his
direct spiritual intuition, ever looks at this flow as manifesting the
presence and action of a free personal spirit. The same general thought
is also at the basis of Wolff's hint that the _causal-nexus_, not
abstract ideas, enables us to explain how universal judgments are formed
out of individual experiences (_logica_, § 706). It has developed since
then into the conception of _organic development_, which plays such an
important part in Kant's 'Kritik der Urtheilskraft,' is the fundamental
thought in such post Kantian metaphysics as the 'Natur-Philosophie' of
Schelling, and the 'Mikrokosmos' of Herman Lotze, and may be called the
metaphysical foundation for the scientific method which has led to the
theories of Darwin in natural history, of Aug. Schleicher in philology,
and of the Leyden School in the history of religions.
[225] In proof of this, we need only refer to the admirable preface of
Professor Fraser, especially pp. 3, 5, 7, 9.
[226] Berkeley is usually esteemed the foremost of modern Nominalists,
but we question if his Nominalism was more than a denial of
Conceptualism. It was not a positive doctrine. There are several
assertions in his 'Common-place Book' which show that even in his
earlier days he was not a Nominalist in the proper sense of the term. He
denies once and again Locke's statement that we know particulars only;
he believes in the real existence of classes or kinds; and he says that
genera and species are not abstractions. In his later writings he
probably found that in his eagerness to attack the conceptualist
doctrine of abstract conceptions, he had probably been carried too far,
for in his third edition of 'Alciphron' he curiously omits those
chapters which treat of Nominalism, and in 'Siris' the reality of
universals is assumed throughout.
[227] Berkeley's 'Abhandlung über die Principien der menschlichen
Erkenntniss. In's Deutsch übersetzt,' &c., von Dr. Fr. Ueberweg, pp.
110-112.
[228] Ueberweg's 'Logik,' § 46.
[229] 'Logik,' § 57.
[230] There is undoubtedly one difficulty to this hypothesis, and that
difficulty arises from Berkeley's mathematical opinions; for the whole
question between Berkeley and Newton in the 'Analyst' may be resolved to
this one particular,--in Berkeley's view a line is a series of points,
in Newton's the line is not the series of separate points, but these
points coalescing and arranging themselves in length. Newton says,
'Lineæ describuntur ac describendo generantur non per appositiones
partium sed per motum continuum punctorum.' The difference between them
was just the difference between Nominalism and Realism, and Berkeley
takes the Nominalist side. This may have been due to his ignorance of
mathematics.
[231] Ueberweg, 'Logik,' § 1.
[232] Plotinus Enn. III. iii.; c. 6.
[233] Dr. J. H. Stirling on Sir W. Hamilton, being the 'Philosophy of
Perception,' p. 124.
[234] The best of these is decidedly that by 'Scrutator.' If we could
unmask the writer, we believe we should find Mr. Otway, for he writes
with a full knowledge of the facts, and his views are laid down with
geometrical precision.
[235] Despatch of Benedetti to the French Minister of Foreign Affairs,
dated March 31, 1869.
[236] Despatch of Earl Granville to Lord Loftus, dated July 15, 1870.
[237] Despatch of Bismark to Count Bernstoff, July 18, 1870.
[238] Letters of Count Daru, dated February 1, and M. de Lavalette,
dated February 16.
[239] Vide _British Quarterly Review_ for October, 1866, p. 524-6.
[240] Proclamation of the King of Prussia from Versailles to the German
people, dated January 18, 1871.
[241] Sir Alexander Malet shows conclusively that Austria was not a
voluntary agent in the dismemberment of Denmark, and that, had we
actively interposed, _she would_ have been very glad to back out of the
partnership with Prussia.