BRASHEAR CITY.
ON ACTIVE SERVICE--ACTION OF JUNE TWENTY-THIRD--CAPTURED--PAROLED
AND RETURNED TO ALGIERS.
Colonel Cahill, Ninth Connecticut Infantry, commanding Second Brigade,
Second Division, Nineteenth Army Corps, issued, June 9th, 1863, Special
Orders No. 97, for Lieutenant-Colonel Stedman to have Company B, with
details from other companies sufficient to make the full strength three
officers and one hundred men, with one day’s cooked rations in the
haversacks and at least forty rounds of ammunition to each man, proceed
at once to Algiers and report to Captain Schenck, ordnance officer
at the New Orleans, Opelousas and Great Western Railroad depot, for
transportation to Brashear City, and there report to Lieutenant-Colonel
Stickney, Forty-Seventh Massachusetts Infantry, commanding the post.
Regimental Special Orders No. 107 were immediately issued, detailing
Sergeant Charles L. Truchon, Corporal Francis N. Luce and eighteen
privates of Company E, Corporals Charles M. Marden, ---- Smith and
twenty-three privates of Company H, Corporal John F. Cushing and eleven
privates of Company A, to report to Captain Cook, commanding Company B.
The lieutenants who accompanied the detachment were First-Lieutenant
Benjamin C. Tinkham and Second-Lieutenant Joseph C. Clifford, both of
Company B.
In heavy marching order this detachment left Gentilly Camp about
half-past two o’clock the same afternoon orders were issued, and took
the train for New Orleans, proceeding at once to Algiers, where a train
made up of box and platform cars carried the men to Brashear City.
They started about five o’clock and arrived about midnight, after a
tiresome ride of eighty miles. In passing through New Orleans to the
Algiers Ferry suspicious actions of two privates in the detachment were
noticed, and Sergeant T. M. Turner, Company B, was ordered to keep in
the rear and watch them, to prevent their desertion, an object they
evidently had in view.
When General Banks made his first campaign through the Teche country
towards Red River, in April and May, 1863, a garrison was left at
Brashear City, and Berwick on the opposite side of the Atchafalaya
River; Colonel Walker, Fourth Massachusetts Infantry, in command of the
post, with his own regiment, and the Sixteenth New Hampshire Infantry
forming a part of the garrison. The post was a base of supplies for the
army in the field, and contained general hospitals to relieve the field
hospitals of sick and wounded men, who are always sent to the rear as
fast as possible. Naturally, a large amount of army material would
accumulate at such a post.
From Algiers to La-Fourche the posts upon the railroad line were
occupied by the Twenty-Third Connecticut Infantry, and the posts
from Terrebonne to Brashear were in charge of the One Hundred and
Seventy-Sixth New York Infantry.
All was quiet at these various posts until the latter part of May,
the detachments on duty having what soldiers call “a soft thing.” On
the twenty-first of May Colonel Chickering, commanding Forty-First
Massachusetts Infantry, and other troops, convoying an immense train
of six hundred wagons, three thousand horses and mules, one thousand
five hundred head of cattle, with six thousand negro camp followers,
who expected to locate on Government plantations in La-Fourche and
adjoining parishes, left Barre’s Landing at daybreak on the march for
Berwick, where he arrived May 26th, closely followed by the Confederate
forces operating under the command of Major-General “Dick” Taylor. By
the thirtieth all of this force under Colonel Chickering had proceeded
to Port Hudson, including the Fourth Massachusetts and Sixteenth
New Hampshire Regiments. On June 1st Colonel Holmes, Twenty-Third
Connecticut, assumed command of Brashear City, with portions of his
own regiment and that of the One Hundred and Seventy-Sixth New York in
occupancy of the post.
In a few days Colonel Holmes was taken sick, and, as Colonel Nott, One
Hundred and Seventy-Sixth New York, was also sick, the command fell
to Lieutenant-Colonel ----, Twenty-Third Connecticut. He, frightened
by the situation of affairs and deficient in nerve, was relieved by
General Emory, who sent Lieutenant-Colonel Stickney from New Orleans
to take command. Stickney was on detached service from his regiment,
having been made inspector-general of the Defences of New Orleans June
6th, with orders to commence a thorough inspection of convalescent and
other camps.
The troops on duty in Brashear under Stickney comprised detachments
from the One Hundred and Seventy-Sixth New York, Twenty-Third
Connecticut and Forty-Second Massachusetts Infantry, Twenty-First
Indiana Artillery, one company of the Corps de’Afrique (colored
troops), and various cavalry squads, in all about six hundred effective
men. Adjutant Whiting, Twenty-Third Connecticut, was post-adjutant;
Quartermaster Kimball, One Hundred and Seventy-Sixth New York,
post-quartermaster; Lieutenant Kinsley, Forty-Seventh Massachusetts,
was serving as an aide-de-camp.
The post hospital contained many sick and wounded soldiers, who were
removed to New Orleans when able to undergo the journey. At one time
near one thousand convalescent soldiers, capable of bearing arms in
an emergency, were in camp at Brashear. A large amount of baggage,
commissary, quartermaster and medical stores, cannon, arms and
ammunition was stored in various buildings and places. Part of the
baggage and stores was removed to Algiers previous to June 21st.
Passing the night of their arrival in bivouac about the depot, next
day the detachment was ordered by Stickney to quarter in the depot
building, and do picket duty upon the railroad line and guard a water
tank used by locomotives of the road. Excursions across the river to
Berwick were in order almost every day, to drive out cavalry scouts of
the enemy and obtain cattle. The enemy always returned when the way was
clear for them to do so, and an exchange of shots across the river was
of frequent occurrence. The weather was extremely hot. There was some
movement made by the troops each day, with guard, patrol and picket
duty to be done at night. Mosquitos were thick and blood-thirsty enough
to cause refreshing sleep to be an impossibility. With difficulty could
food be obtained to serve out with any semblance of regularity. Food
was plenty, but there was no system in delivering rations. The men were
gradually becoming worn out.
The time and energy of all troops at the post was frittered away in
this manner without any good accruing from it; instead of devoting
the same time and labor to what was absolutely needed, _i. e._, to
prepare defences for use in case of emergency, with plenty of idle
convalescent men at hand capable of rendering assistance, besides a
large number of negroes whose labor could be utilized. No intelligent
attempt was made to organize the convalescent men for service, or to
render efficient a number of field-guns that were in Brashear, posted
on the river front.
The enemy was active in an annoying sort of way across the river,
on the Berwick side, after it had been abandoned by troops of the
garrison, and on the line of the Atchafalaya River. Danger of an
attack existed from the first day of June.[10] The officers of the
Forty-Second detachment soon learned from various sources that the
situation was rather ticklish. Even privates came into possession of
information, from the many negroes in and around Brashear, that the
enemy was up to mischief, and trying to get in between Brashear and New
Orleans, upon the line of railroad.
[10] The official report of General Banks mentions the fact that the
officials at Brashear City were fully warned of danger, by orders,
and the disaster was due to the carelessness and disobedience of
subordinates. General Emory sent word by a steamer (after the telegraph
line was severed) to hold out to the last. The place was captured
before this steamer could arrive.
Lieutenant-Colonel Stickney was not a man calculated to inspire
confidence as to his military abilities. He had a habit of riding
around, often alone, to give verbal orders for all sorts of petty
things, and to find fault with trifles. As to perfecting the
organization of what troops he had, or establishing any system out of
the chaos that existed, there seems to be but one verdict from those on
duty under him. He did nothing. No one knew what the position of other
bodies of troops would be in case of an attack; no one knew what was
expected or required to be done in case the enemy appeared. No one knew
where to expect support in case of need, or to whom or how to render
such support if wanted. Lieutenant Tinkham reports that there did not
seem to be a head to anything. First-Sergeant Ballou reports that most
of his time was occupied in finding food for the detachment, and that
it appeared to him as though the Forty-Second were visitors who had
remained too long, but did not leave because there was no one to tell
them to go. The testimony of all the observing men is of a like nature.
All the various detachments on duty had no knowledge of each other,
were acting without concert, had never before co-operated, were
entirely destitute of _esprit de corps_, while a half-regiment on duty
would have had all of these essentials, so requisite to a body of men
expected to defend an important post in daily danger of an attack.
It would be safe to say, not in a boastful spirit, had the four or
six companies of the Forty-Second Regiment, in camp at Bayou Gentilly
and at the posts on Lake Ponchartrain, been at Brashear, that place
would not have been lost without a fight of some duration. Under their
own officers, the companies well acquainted with each other and of
excellent material, cohesion and confidence would have existed, that
made a gallant stand not only possible but almost certain. When Sir
John Moore organized and disciplined the British army at Shorncliffe,
it was on the basis of the regimental system. The object of this system
was to make each regiment a living unit, by making officers and men
thoroughly acquainted with each other. This engenders a feeling of
close comradeship which is exemplified even now in the many regimental
reunions that annually take place, where old times are revived and
talked over without regard to present station in life.
The Forty-Second Regiment, since the days of Readville Camp, had shown
on several occasions this feeling of comradeship. The men knew their
officers (some of those officers better than they knew themselves),
and with the companies at Gentilly Bayou were officers who had only
to say what they wanted done, when the men would have done it without
hesitation or fear.
Under the circumstances, as they existed, the congregation of troops at
Brashear could not be expected to have done any better than they did.
June 14th Captain Cook obtained sick leave, and returned to the
regiment at Bayou Gentilly. The men said, “his boots hurt him.” This
hit can be appreciated by those who remember the elaborate high-top
boots the captain was wont to wear. June 18th Lieutenant Clifford and
a few enlisted men did the same thing. Lieutenant Clifford suggested
to Lieutenant Tinkham how easily he could obtain sick leave also, if
he desired; but Tinkham refused to entertain such an idea, preferring
to stand by his men, and remained, the only commissioned officer with
the detachment. The same day Clifford left, Sergeant Albert L. Clark,
Company B, then at Gentilly, was ordered to his company at Brashear. In
view of what subsequently happened, it seems a pity that two officers
from the regiment of sound judgment and undoubted courage were not
ordered to Brashear also.
The most extended scout in which any part of the detachment
participated was on June 17th, when the steamer _Kepper_ and gunboat
_Hollyhock_, three guns, which had arrived on the sixteenth, carried a
company One Hundred and Seventy-Sixth New York, a few cavalry, and a
detachment Forty-Second Massachusetts, under Lieutenant Clifford, the
entire force in command of a captain, One Hundred Seventy-Sixth New
York, for a trip up the Bayou Teche to Pattersonville, on a foraging
expedition. This expedition started at four o’clock in the morning. On
landing, a skirmish line was formed and marched inland from the bayou.
The line was then swung around in half-circle form, driving in all live
stock that was found, aggregating some one hundred head of horses,
mules, and cattle of all kinds. The day was, as usual, extremely hot,
and when they arrived on the bayou the cattle were allowed a rest
previous to attempting to make them take the water and be swum across.
When a large bull had been caught, and by aid of boat and rope pulled
into the water, with an encouraging prospect that the rest would
follow, word was given by a lookout on the _Hollyhock_, “the enemy’s
cavalry are coming!” The usual exaggerated stories were afloat at once.
The report gained credence that their force was five thousand strong.
A cool head would have known better. As a matter of fact the enemy
was not over one hundred strong, probably nearer fifty men, while the
Federals numbered about one hundred and fifty men.
Ordered to cease work, the troops hastened on board the _Kepper_,
leaving the cattle to roam back to their homes and be picked up by
the planters, who had followed the troops, protesting against taking
their stock, for they were good Union men; at the same time they
undoubtedly conveyed word to the enemy of what was going on. On arrival
at Brashear, about five o’clock in the afternoon, it was found that
quite a number of men were missing. The _Kepper_ took aboard two guns,
as an addition to her small armament, and volunteers were called for,
to go back as a guard and assist in finding the stragglers. Tired and
hungry as they were, without food all day (rations had not been carried
in haversacks), volunteers were numerous. Going back a few miles, an
exchange of shots with the enemy’s cavalry took place. The infantry
upon the _Kepper_ fired away most of their ammunition without doing
any execution, because the Confederate cavalry kept at a respectful
distance. A hail from the right bank of the river disclosed all of the
stragglers, about twenty and mostly New York men, who were taken on
board.
On the way back to Brashear a sad accident happened to a private of the
New York company, who was leaning upon his rifle, when it was by some
accident discharged; the ball entered his head, causing instant death.
There were no other casualties during the day, unless what happened to
Corporal Lowery, of Company B, can be so called. The corporal was out
with a forage party when they came to a high board fence, and instead
of lending a hand to break it down he chose to jump over at a place
that was rather low, to land on the other side in a bee-hive. The bees
stung him badly before he could get away from them. It was sport for
lookers-on, but no fun for the corporal.
On the morning of the twentieth, shortly after midnight, Sergeant
Ballou with twenty men was sent upon the gunboat _Hollyhock_ to assist
in obtaining and removing three heavy cannon that were in battery upon
an island in the river, some few miles below Brashear City, where
an earthwork had been constructed named Fort Chene, garrisoned by a
detachment of the Twenty-First Indiana Artillery, under Lieutenant
Sherfy, and one company, about thirty men, of the One Hundred and
Seventy-Sixth New York, under Lieutenant Kerby. It was understood that,
by orders of Lieutenant-Colonel Stickney, the fort was to be evacuated
and destroyed, and the garrison, with the cannon, was to proceed to
Bayou Bœuff.
Lieutenant Tinkham, with all the business on his hands that one man
would care to undertake, had not been able to obtain any sleep for many
hours, and had just lain down to take some needed rest, immediately
after the detail of men for the gunboat had started, when a train of
cars was run into the depot. Thinking it strange, with his curiosity
aroused to learn what was taking place, caused him to remain wide awake
while the rest of his men slumbered. Very soon after detachments of
the One Hundred and Seventy-Sixth New York and Twenty-Third Connecticut
Infantry, without music, quietly filed into the depot in light marching
order. Still watching what was going on, Stickney approached and wanted
to know why the men of the Forty-Second were not ready to board the
train. No orders had been received to that effect from any source,
and so Tinkham informed him. Stickney disputed this, and curtly gave
the detachment a limited number of minutes to get ready. The time
was extremely short, and without rations the lieutenant with about
fifty men, all there was with him at the time, took the train and
left Brashear City for La-Fourche. Orders were left with the sentries
on duty for Sergeant Ballou to follow as soon as possible with the
balance of the detachment. General Emory had telegraphed from New
Orleans for Lieutenant-Colonel Stickney, with all of his available
force, to proceed to La-Fourche, as the enemy might attempt to sever
communications.
The departure of Lieutenant-Colonel Stickney left Major Anthony,
Second Rhode Island Cavalry, in command of the post. It seems that
Lieutenant-Colonel Stickney, for some trivial matter, had placed
Lieutenant-Colonel Duganne, commanding One Hundred and Seventy-Sixth
New York, under arrest on the sixteenth, but had released him from
arrest on the evening of the eighteenth, with an understanding that
Duganne would report for duty in a few days, that officer pleading
illness as a reason for not returning to duty immediately. Abruptly
ordered away at midnight, before Duganne was on duty, caused Stickney
to place the post in command of Major Anthony, the next senior officer
fit for duty in Brashear. This should not have prevented Duganne, by
virtue of his senior rank, assuming command the next day, twentieth,
when he returned to duty. Lieutenant-Colonel Duganne was in command
of troops in the garrison; Major Anthony was not. Even if Duganne had
done so, that any prompt measures for defence, backed up by pluck and
determination, would have been attempted is very doubtful. The defence
of Bayou Bœuff by this officer answers the doubt.
Major Anthony did not possess the qualities to make a successful
soldier. There were line officers in the One Hundred and Seventy-Sixth
New York, on duty under him, more competent to assume command. A
good idea of the kind of soldier Major Anthony was is afforded by an
incident that occurred on a scout made on the Berwick side. Some of the
Forty-Second detachment on this scout, under Captain Cook, inclined
to have some fun out of it, on the sly would dig the pigs in their
vicinity, that were running around loose, with the points of their
bayonets, causing them to give an occasional squeal. To this amusement
the major took exceptions, and because Captain Cook could not detect
men in the act, or cause them to stop, he was threatened with arrest by
the gallant major.
What did it matter if a few pigs were touched up with bayonets? there
was work to do of more importance than to fret and fume over a thing so
insignificant; but so it was with the post-commanders at Brashear in
June, 1863. Instead of bending their energies and giving their time and
thought to the critical situation of affairs, they preferred and did do
nothing but put on airs about trifles.
Sergeant Ballou, with his men, arrived at the depot from Fort Chene
about daylight with the guns. The guard, about twenty men under
Sergeant Turner, that had been sent out early on the morning of the
nineteenth for twenty-four hours duty at the water tank, situated
nearly a mile from the depot upon the railroad line, came in about the
same time. The men were mustered and found to number forty-five.
Everything had the appearance that morning of an intention to vacate
Brashear. The remaining cars, about fifty, mostly box cars, were made
up into a train, with half of them loaded with stores of all kinds, the
other half occupied by all of the men who could go. With the locomotive
_La-Fourche_ attached, it was about four o’clock in the afternoon when
a start was made. Upon stopping at Bayou Bœuff, seven miles out, the
rumor was current there, among the troops and people, that the force
which left Brashear early that morning had been taken prisoners at
La-Fourche, the track torn up, and the enemy waiting for the next train
to come along. The train was run some thirteen miles further and then
stopped near Chucahoula by some whites and blacks, who signalled the
engineer.
As previously instructed, on coming to a stop, one-half of the
troops formed upon each side of the train and awaited orders. No
reconnoissance was made. A Captain Bailey, deputy provost-marshal at
Houma, had arrived at Brashear during the day and reported “rebs” upon
the road between Houma and Tigerville. This report was undoubtedly
true, for the enemy scouted continually upon all of the roads in
La-Fourche Parish; still an armed reconnoissance by the troops might
have developed a fighting chance to get through by a bold dash. As it
was, no enemy was seen, although they may have been in ambush. Most of
the soldiers were chagrined at going back without an attempt to push
through to La-Fourche Crossing, eight miles further on. Telegraphic
communication had been severed between Brashear and La-Fourche during
the day, and the report that a rebel battery and cavalry commanded
the track was accepted as gospel truth by some of the officers, and
in a short time the train was ran back slowly to Brashear, arriving
about ten o’clock the same evening. The Forty-Second detachment again
occupied the depot building, without orders from any source.
Berwick City was shelled, set on fire, and partially destroyed by
the gunboat _Hollyhock_ during the afternoon, after the train left
Brashear. The light of burning buildings was visible to those upon the
train as they were returning. It is supposed that the gunboat commander
considered the evacuation completed when the train started, and that
it would run through without any trouble; then shelling Berwick, in
retaliation for the annoyance from there by the enemy, and taking on
board a few officers and men, had steamed down the river out of the
enemy’s range and there remained to watch further Confederate movements.
A heavy rain-storm set in the next day, Sunday, June 21st, in the
afternoon, continuing that day and all night. Some of the negroes
were armed, equipped, and organized into a company, by a few of the
non-commissioned officers of the Forty-Second detachment. Late in the
afternoon Lieutenant-Colonel Duganne collected all the men of his
regiment he could and proceeded to Bayou Bœuff, in accordance with
an understanding with Major Anthony. Captain Hopkins, with a company
Twenty-Third Connecticut, was stationed at Bayou Ramos, six miles from
Brashear, to guard the railroad bridge. These dispositions appear to
have been foolishly made. They were thus strung seven miles out from
Brashear, without any food supply except what could be daily sent to
them by cars, instead of concentrating at Brashear, where danger
existed, and all of the necessary equipment was on hand for defence and
to subsist, if properly applied.[11]
[11] Duganne, on his arrival at the Bœuff, received information from
Lieutenant Robens, One Hundred and Seventy-Sixth New York, who was
deputy provost-marshal at Tigerville, that a Union fugitive from
Alexandria had, on the preceding Thursday, informed him that General
Taylor, with fifteen thousand men (how figures do swell as they
travel), was moving down the Teche River for a movement upon New
Orleans.
When Stickney left for La-Fourche with all of the troops not on
duty as guards, pickets, or were straggling, the force of duty men
left behind was quite small. When Duganne went to Bayou Bœuff, this
force was so reduced that there were in Brashear, on the morning of
the twenty-second, the convalescent soldiers, some colored troops,
about one hundred men of the One Hundred and Seventy-Sixth New York
Infantry and Twenty-First Indiana Artillery Regiments at Fort Buchanan,
forty-five men of the Forty-Second Massachusetts at the depot, and
various small squads of guards over property. The fort mounted ten
heavy siege-guns, for use on the water face only, commanding the rivers
Teche and Atchafalaya, from a point above the fort where they make a
junction. These guns were of no use whatever to repel a land attack,
as they could not be swung around. No attempt was ever made to throw
up breastworks to cover the open rear. The only guard against a rear
attack was to station pickets in the wooded swamp.
During the twenty-second, the Forty-Second men subsisted as best they
could, appropriating provisions found in the depot and vicinity. No
orders from any officer were received by Sergeant Ballou, who was
in a quandary as to what he should do. The post-commandant had two
platform cars arranged with a barricade of railroad sleepers, with
two 12 Pr. howitzers mounted upon them. These cars were sent out late
in the morning, under command of Lieutenant Stevenson, One Hundred
and Seventy-Sixth New York, with a small force of infantry acting as
sharpshooters, to reconnoitre upon the railroad. This train returned
in about two hours, after proceeding to Terrebonne, three miles from
La-Fourche, where the enemy was found tearing up rails, and a few shots
exchanged with a battery commanding the track.
About nine o’clock that night, Lieutenant Robens, One Hundred and
Seventy-Sixth New York, was sent by Duganne from Bayou Bœuff to report
to Major Anthony that a scout had brought in the intelligence of boats
seen crossing Lake Pelourde; a movement which threatened both Brashear
and the Bœuff, in the rear, but no steps were taken to meet it.[12]
[12] The Confederates, under Major Hunter, started at six P.M.
on the twenty-second, in forty-eight skiffs and flats, from the mouth
of the Teche, up the Atchafalaya into Grand Lake, where oars were
muffled, and then a pull of about eight hours landed them in rear of
Brashear City.
Near sunrise on the morning of the twenty-third the four-gun
Confederate (Valverde) battery opened fire from Berwick upon the depot
building, situated upon the river front with a wharf attached. A few
solid shot crashed through that structure, and some shells reached
the wharf and convalescent camp. The men under Sergeant Ballou turned
out promptly, attempting to silence the battery by opening fire from
the railroad wharf, but their Springfield smooth-bore guns would not
carry bullets across. The gunboat fired a few rounds and then proceeded
down the river without further effort to silence the battery. Some
Confederate riflemen, in support of the battery, joined in the fun,
blazing away lively, sending some shots well across the water (about
eight hundred yards), without inflicting any serious loss. Of the
Forty-Second, Sergeant Turner, Company B, had a bullet go through his
blouse sleeve at the elbow. An old iron 6 Pr. gun, which was mounted
upon the wharf, trained upon the Berwick side, was put into use without
effect.
About an hour after this amusement commenced a few men of the One
Hundred and Seventy-Sixth New York, under Lieutenant Stevenson,
commander of the provost-guard, hauled a 24 Pr. gun, from the river
front below, to the depot, and placed it into position, opening a fire
with shells, which soon caused the Confederate battery to limber up
and get out of the way. At this period there was a mixed assemblage
around the depot, composed, in part, of infantry men belonging to the
Forty-Second, yet Sergeant Ballou received no orders or instructions.
He was ignorant of how matters stood, or the positions of what
few troops remained at the post, and as to any knowledge if the
post-commandant was in existence an unborn child was as learned.
Not long after this, about six o’clock, Privates Lovell and Redmond,
Company A, who were on their regular tour of duty watching the
surrounding country from the cupola of the depot building, saw the
Confederates dash out from the woods between Fort Buchanan and the
convalescent camp. Fort Buchanan was about two miles from the depot,
while the camp was about one-quarter of a mile away. Giving the alarm,
they joined their comrades below. In not over thirty minutes the enemy
was seen coming from the direction of the fort, while some of the
convalescent soldiers ran down from their camp at the same moment,
shouting: “the rebs are coming!”
Major Sherod Hunter (of Baylor’s Texas Cavalry), with a small force
of three hundred and twenty-five Texans (picked men), had got in from
the swamps, situated in rear of the tented camps that were between the
depot and fort, meeting with a slight resistance. Hunter got through
about four o’clock A.M., when, on arrival in view of an
imposing display made by the tents of the convalescent camps and those
occupied by the One Hundred and Seventy-Sixth New York and Twenty-Third
Connecticut, left standing when the men went to La-Fourche and the
Bœuff, with all of their baggage in them, including knapsacks, blankets
and extra clothing, his men fancied a large army was before them, and
fled back to the swamps from whence they came, but Hunter succeeded in
rallying them in season to make the attack as stated.[13]
[13] Major Hunter does not mention this fact in his official report.
His men did say so, however, and it is the enlisted men who state facts
seldom found in official reports. All of the Confederate documents
relating to Brashear City, Bayou Bœuff and La-Fourche are an eulogy of
their own prowess.
When the alarm by the lookout was given, Sergeant Ballou did not know
what to do. Neither himself or the detachment had been under fire at
close quarters. He thought of the train upon the track, loaded and
ready, to be moved to Algiers if an opportunity offered, but could
not find any matches handy with which to fire it. Then he thought of
deploying the men as skirmishers, hold the enemy in check, retreat
gradually, and try to escape capture. Not knowing the country, he
finally concluded to get his men into line upon the railroad track and
do the best he could with them.
What defence was made by other troops seems to have been in the use
of artillery by small detachments, and scattered squads of infantry.
All of these isolated attempts to fight showed good pluck and courage,
a sure sign that if handled properly in a body it would not have
been a holiday affair for the enemy. Captain Cutter, One Hundred and
Seventy-Sixth New York, on the sick list and in hospital, was killed
while rallying men among the tents. The isolated squads of brave
fellows were soon put to flight. Major Anthony had been down to the
depot when the battery opened fire from Berwick, also Captain Noblett,
artillery commander at Fort Buchanan, but both started for the fort
when the dash was made from the woods. Major Anthony got there; Captain
Noblett had his horse shot, was dismounted, and sought refuge in the
hospital. Beyond an endeavor, crowned with success, to get a gun from
the fort into position to use upon the land side, and firing a few
shots, no defence was made by troops in the fort. Lieutenant Stevenson
and his men in charge of the 24 Pr. gun attempted to use it against the
enemy, but were shot down and captured.
The Forty-Second detachment, with a number of other soldiers on duty,
also some convalescent men, took position in a small ditch alongside
the railroad track, behind box cars, while what colored troops were on
the right occupied the barricaded platform cars, and a few men were
left in the depot building to defend the door.
The enemy skirmished up to within ten paces of the train; a skirmish
fire continued for about half an hour. On the Confederate side, their
firing was wild for a time, most of their shots going over the cars.
From the Federals the firing was also rather wild, but they managed
to do some execution, about forty of the enemy being killed and
wounded.[14] At the end of a half hour the colored troops suddenly
stampeded to the woods, the enemy got into the depot and around the
head of the train, opening a fire upon the flanks and rear. A few men
had fallen previous to this time, and now, under this cross-fire, they
commenced to drop quick, most of the casualties among convalescent men.
[14] Hunter says he lost three killed, eighteen wounded. His orders
were to concentrate at the railroad buildings. He says the forts
made but a feeble resistance, and each column pressed on the point
of concentration. At the depot the fighting was severe, but of short
duration. He claims the Federals lost forty-six killed, forty wounded.
In the absence of any orders, with no sign or hope of assistance,
Sergeant Ballou sang out: “Boys, take care of yourselves!” when the
men broke, some for the woods and swamp, a short distance away, a few
to fall back, under Sergeant Turner, maintaining a fire from behind
trees and buildings until they reached a saw-mill on the river, where
a number of unarmed sick and convalescent men had taken refuge to be
out of danger. Here an officer of the One Hundred and Seventy-Sixth New
York with some men of that regiment were found, and a fusillade with
the enemy was kept up for some time. Two convalescent men were wounded
by this scattered fire, when the officer, who did not stand up to his
duty (preferring to lie down), raised a white handkerchief upon his
sword-point and surrendered the party about nine o’clock.
Privates Redmond, Company A, and Albee, Company B, in company with a
few One Hundred and Seventy-Sixth New York soldiers, fell back to a
breastwork to make a further stand. As there was no possibility of
making a successful defence, and no way of escape except by swimming
the river, it was decided to surrender, in turn. A handkerchief was
raised by Albee, attached to his musket, from which the lock had been
shot off without his knowing it, and a surrender was made of this knot
of men.
Private Lovell, Company A, and six men of the One Hundred and
Seventy-Sixth New York escaped in the only boat to be found at this
point, landing at Fort Chene, thence going aboard the gunboat. Lovell
jumped into the boat just as it was pulled off and nearly capsized the
party. Little Franklin Borden, fourteen years old, fifer for Company
B, who was on duty with the detachment, managed to get a small skiff
and also escaped to the gunboat. He was fired upon by Texans, shot
striking the water all around him, their only effect to cause the
little fellow to hurry up and get out of range as soon as possible and
to yell like an Indian. The eight men who escaped were put on board a
steam-transport from New Orleans that was met in the river, bound for
Brashear to assist in removing material of war, and were brought to New
Orleans.
Before he ordered his men to take care of themselves, Sergeant Ballou
was severely wounded by a rifle-ball in the left arm, near the wrist,
and Private Cook received his fatal wound. Ballou asked Private George
Kingsbury, Company B, to assist him in binding up his arm, and while
doing so about twenty Texans made a rush upon them, with a demand for
their surrender. A Confederate lieutenant gave orders to shoot them
down, because there was a flag of truce displayed while the firing
continued. An appeal to Major Hunter was necessary to prevent this
barbarity, the sergeant not being aware of any flag of truce having
been raised, and informed the major that he did not raise one. This was
settled satisfactorily, and the few men left with Ballou were taken
prisoners.
Corporal Fales, Company B, had noticed the flag of truce when it was
raised near the railroad wharf, by whom nobody knew, either at that
time or after. If it was not a trick of the enemy, famous at such
games in small actions, then it must have been done by some of the
other men on duty, or from convalescents who wished to surrender. In
either case it had no reference to or binding force upon the men who
had the courage to make a fight. Each knot of men act for themselves
in an action of this character. Fales spoke to Private Young, Company
B, saying: “It is foolish to stand where we are and be shot down or to
surrender with the flag of truce,” and both fell back behind a house
near by, from there ran into the woods and swamp, and were joined by
Privates Nathaniel Ide, David Robinson, George S. Rice, a private
of the Twenty-First Indiana, and a sergeant of the Twenty-Third
Connecticut. They endeavored to travel southward in the swamp, with
an idea of reaching Shell Island, expecting to be able to escape from
there towards Algiers. Their food gave out, and finally, after trying
to live upon uncooked green corn with salt pork, not daring to make a
fire, they surrendered to Colonel Baylor at Bayou Bœuff, on Sunday, the
twenty-eighth, after five days’ life in the swamp. About eleven men
escaped by the railroad track to Bayou Bœuff, and reported for duty to
Lieutenant-Colonel Duganne, commanding post.
The casualties to the detachment were:
Private Lawson Comey, Company H, twenty-five years old, shot in the
head and killed before the detachment scattered.
Private William E. Cook, Company B, twenty years old, wounded in
abdomen, dying the same day.
First-Sergeant George W. Ballou, Company B, severely wounded in left
arm just before the detachment scattered.
Private George E. Clark, Company B, severely wounded in calf of left
leg.
Several men had narrow escapes from wounds or death, for bullets grazed
clothing, muskets, and accoutrements.
At Bayou Bœuff, on the morning of the twenty-fourth, Lieutenant-Colonel
Duganne found he had only seventy-two infantry and forty artillery
men for duty, instead of two hundred and fifty men with him the day
before. This does not speak well for the officers on duty, that over
one hundred men should have disappeared during the night. Everything
was entangled. When an engineer ran two locomotives into the Bœuff the
morning before, bringing news of the capture of Brashear City, and
men who had escaped capture came straggling in and corroborated the
engineer’s story, the post-commander made some preparatory measures
for a proper defence. He had three siege-guns and one brass howitzer.
Slight earthworks were thrown up. Captain Hopkins burned the bridge
at Bayou Ramos early on the evening of the twenty-third, and joined
Duganne with his men. The situation of the post was bad, with an enemy
in front and rear. An officer of experience and courage who, when his
determination was fixed to defend the post, had decision of character
sufficient to make the attempt, could possibly so arrange his plans of
defence as to enable him to have kept the enemy at bay for a few days
at least. The men were reliable, if under an officer in whom they had
confidence. The food supply was one day’s rations to each man, but
this could have been eked out to last two or three days, if any skill
had been applied. The ammunition was plenty for a proper defence. Many
times in the history of wars have small bodies of soldiers been placed
in worse positions, yet, by a heroic defence, saved themselves and
prevented the intentions of an enemy from being carried out. There was
no defence of Bayou Bœuff. The fact that relief was likely to come from
New Orleans was ignored. On the very day Lieutenant-Colonel Duganne
surrendered, a force of five companies Ninth Connecticut Infantry,
under Lieutenant-Colonel Fitzgibbons, advanced to Chucahoula in the
afternoon, within nine miles of the Bœuff, before a Confederate force
was met. Had Duganne kept them at bay for one day, letting his guns
tell the story, their reverberation along the narrow, densely-wooded
railroad line would have brought down upon them the whole Federal force
then at La-Fourche.
Early on the morning of the twenty-fourth a council of officers was
held and decided to surrender. A sugar-house with outlying sheds,
filled with army supplies, officers’ baggage, arms, and military
appurtenances of all kinds, stored by some of the brigades of the
army, was burned during the evening of the twenty-third. The two
locomotives were rendered unfit for immediate use, but not destroyed.
What negroes had been armed to assist in the defence were disarmed,
that the enemy might have no reason to maltreat them. Some of these
negroes were excellent shots, anxious and ready to fight.
Shortly after dawn the Confederates appeared from Brashear and opened
a parley. While debating whether to accept the terms of unconditional
surrender demanded, Colonel Major and his men appeared on the other
side; a parley was opened, Colonel Major crossing the railroad bridge
with a flag of truce, and while discussing the preliminaries of
surrender, before the truce was withdrawn, Major’s men got into the
post without a gun being fired, and the Federal troops were prisoners
before they knew it. The enemy appropriated everything, as usual,
and the prisoners were marched to Brashear the same day, joining
their comrades at Fort Buchanan the same night. To use an expression
frequently made by the enlisted men, it was a “sell out,” and they
expected it from the method adopted to organize and prepare for defence.
* * * * *
About two hundred and fifty enlisted men were taken prisoners at Bayou
Bœuff, and the following officers:
Lieutenant-Colonel A. J. Duganne, 176th New York.
Lieutenant Charles Kerby, “
“ John F. Kimball, “
Captain Julius Sanford, 23d Connecticut.
“ A. D. Hopkins, “
“ Alfred Wells, “
Lieutenant John F. Peck, “
“ Charles D. Hurlbutt, 23d Connecticut.
“ John A. Woodward, “
“ Frank Sherfy, 21st Indiana.
The following officers were made prisoners at Brashear City:
Major R. C. Anthony, 2d Rhode Island Cavalry.
Lieutenant Caleb Brennan, “
Colonel Charles C. Nott, 176th New York.
Captain William P. Coe, “
“ S. E. Thomason, “
Lieutenant John Babcock, “
“ David G. Wellington, “
“ J. D. Fry, “
“ J. P. Robens, “
“ Daniel G. Gillette, “
“ T. Foster Petrie, “
“ Louis W. Stevenson, “
“ Charles Sherman, “
Captain F. W. Noblett, 21st Indiana.
“ Albert Allen, 1st U. S. Vols., “Corps d’Afrique.”
Lieutenant Charles E. Page, 4th U. S. Vols., “
Captain S. G. Bailey, 23d Connecticut.
“ George S. Crofut, “
“ James R. Jenkins, “
Lieutenant O. H. Hibbard, “
“ John G. Stevens, “
“ Charles Bailey, “
“ John W. Buckingham, “
“ James DeLamater, 91st New York.
“ Charles Avery, 25th Connecticut.
“ George W. Hugg, “
“ Henry W. Morse, 4th Massachusetts.
“ James M. Sampson, “
“ Henry Humble, “
Surgeon James Waldock, “
“ David Hershy, 4th U. S. Volunteers.
“ A. J. Willets, 176th New York.
Assistant-Surgeon ---- Throop, 176th New York.
After a full list of the prisoners was made up for parole, there was
found to be between twelve and thirteen hundred, including officers,
enlisted men on duty, sick and convalescent men, some few citizens,
and about one hundred railroad laborers.
* * * * *
The following men of the Forty-Second Regiment detachment were paroled:
_Company A._
1. Corporal John F. Cushing.
2. Private Charles S. Redmond.
3. Private James G. Raymond.
4. Private George W. Tirrell.
5. Private Charles S. Williams.
_Company E._
6. Corporal Francis N. Luce.
7. Private Robert Whiteside.
8. Private Francis T. Jones.
9. Private David F. Cummings.
10. Private John H. Hildreth.
11. Private Patrick Fitzpatrick.
_Company B._
12. 1st Serg’t George W. Ballou.
13. 2d “ Thaddeus M. Turner.
14. 4th “ Frederick D. Morse.
15. Corporal Henry J. Daniels.
16. “ Silas E. Fales.
17. Private Daniel Akley.
18. “ Erastus Adams.
19. “ D. Newton Blake.
20. “ Albert E. Bullard.
21. “ George E. Clark.
22. “ Sewall J. Clark.
23. “ Frank L. Fisher.
24. “ George H. Fisher.
25. “ Harrison E. Harwood.
26. “ Nathaniel Ide.
27. “ George A. Kingsbury.
28. “ Charles M. Morris.
29. “ George S. Rice.
30. “ Henry S. Richardson.
31. “ David Robinson.
32. “ Orson D. Young.
33. “ Albert Albee.
_Company H._
34. Private John Davis.
35. “ James Healey.
36. “ William A. Ragan.
37. “ Calvin W. Woods.
38. “ Lovett B. Hayden.
39. “ Charles McLaughlin.
40. “ John Barrett.
41. “ Henry A. Watkins.
And Private Joseph P. Snow, Company K, sick in hospital.
After fighting at Brashear City was over the prisoners were collected
at Fort Buchanan and wounded sent to the hospital, where appearances
indicated that as many of the enemy were wounded as upon the Federal
side. The Confederate troops at once commenced to loot the town and
camps, and get drunk. The rank and file were a good-natured, motley
crowd, apparently without discipline or organization. After General
Taylor arrived (twenty-fourth) with the balance of his command, the
force was seen to be well mounted and armed, most of the men owning
their horses and equipments. The general understanding among them
was that each man was entitled to keep what he captured. No attempt
was made to maintain uniformity in dress or arms. Privates were seen
wearing the uniform of a Federal officer, with sword, belt and sash,
while officers were seen dressed in a red shirt and striped trowsers.
Sergeant Turner got Major Hunter to allow him, with a guard for
protection, to look around the post and find the missing men of his
detachment. Visiting the hospital first, Private Cook was found laid
out upon the grass beside a dozen others, having died from his wound.
Sergeant Ballou was found back of the hospital, suffering great pain
from his wound. His blanket had been stolen, and he was very thirsty
and hungry. Turner obtained a blanket and did what he could for his
comfort. At the depot, where he expected to find the knapsacks, the
enemy’s troops were in force, and had seized everything left there.
In the village a few dead New York soldiers were to be seen and one
soldier of the Fourth Massachusetts, supposed to have been shot
down where they lay. Private George Clark was found at a house, in
comfortable condition, receiving good care from two pretty girls. They
were told to keep him there, and kept their promise to do so, baffling
all attempts made to take him to the hospital.
On the way back to the fort a Confederate officer halted the party.
During a conversation that ensued he noticed the figures forty-two
on Turner’s cap, and inquired if he belonged to the Forty-Second
Massachusetts. Turner answered, “Yes;” the officer then said he was
present at the capture of Galveston with the Forty-Second Regiment;
that the men were paroled, and he would have to look into his case. It
was hard work to make the fool understand that only three companies
of the regiment were made prisoners at Galveston, and not the entire
regiment.
Sergeant Ballou went to the hospital about ten o’clock in the forenoon
to have his arm looked after, and was informed that it was done up so
well he could wait better than other wounded men, for an amputation.
It was late in the afternoon and dark when the surgeon requested the
sergeant to get upon the table and have his arm taken off. A request
to save the arm, if possible, caused the surgeon to make another
examination, but he gave an opinion that it was impossible to save it.
Ballou, however, insisted upon making the attempt, and the surgeon
proceeded to its attention. He found about two and one-half inches of
the large bone in the wrist was shot away and the small bone broken.
With the cavity made by the wound stuffed with lint and bound up,
the suffering that night from pain endured by Ballou was terrible.
He fortunately found Surgeon Willets, One Hundred and Seventy-Sixth
New York, the next morning, who carefully removed the lint bandage,
examined the wound, set the broken small bone, put on a board support,
and attended to it assiduously. Sergeant Ballou saved his arm and hand,
but the hand has never been of use to him. In refusing to submit to the
loss of his arm it is probable that he also saved his life, for with
one exception every man died who suffered amputation. Hot weather and
no ice to be had, gangrene would set in and the patients die. With the
exception of a short allowance of food, the wounded were well treated
while in the enemy’s hands.
On Saturday, June 27th, the enlisted men having been paroled, searched,
and deprived of everything except what they wore, a haversack and
woollen blanket, started at five o’clock in the afternoon to march for
the Union lines. A curious feature in regard to prisoners taken at
Brashear is that no negro soldiers were among them. As no one saw or
heard of any cut-throat actions towards colored Federal soldiers, the
supposition would seem to be well founded that they all escaped capture
in some way through the wooded swamps. Sergeant Turner, on receiving
his parole, was complimented by an officer who represented the United
States forces, and thanked for what defence the detachment made. The
tenor of his remarks were, that if there had been a few more men like
those composing the Forty-Second detachment the shameful surprise, with
attendant consequences, would not have occurred.
The following men were left at Brashear, not able to march:
First-Sergeant George W. Ballou, Company B, wounded.
Private George E. Clark, Company B, wounded.
Private George H. Fisher, Company B, sick.
Private Patrick Fitzpatrick, Company E, sick.
Many convalescent and sick soldiers not able to march, but anxious
to reach the Federal lines, attempted to do so with their fellow
prisoners. They gave out day by day from sickness and fatigue, caused
by debility, hot weather, poor drinking-water, and insufficient
rations, to be left on the line of march all the way from Brashear to
New Orleans. Quite a number died. Many were in a condition to give
out any moment, but pluckily kept on and reached the lines. From the
Forty-Second detachment Privates Henry Richardson and George Kingsbury,
Company B, sickened, and had to be left at Thibodeaux.
At first the Confederate guard was a company of Louisiana infantry,
soon relieved by a cavalry company of Colonel Baylor’s Rangers, because
the infantry could not keep up with the impatient prisoners. The guard
was kind in treatment of their charge, while under strict orders to
shoot down any man attempting to straggle or forage without permission.
As to rations, they fared no better than their prisoners, making an
equal division of what they had so long as it lasted.
The route of march was upon the railroad road-bed which ran through
a swampy, thickly-wooded country a greater part of the way. The
atmosphere was stifling. The first night was passed at Bayou Ramos,
about six miles out from Brashear; the second night upon a plantation
beyond Bayou Bœuff, where Corporal Fales and five men came in
and surrendered. Starting at four o’clock on the morning of the
twenty-ninth, after a march of eighteen miles, the prisoners reached
Terrebonne, remaining over night. On the thirtieth they continued on
to Thibodeaux and beyond, to remain over night near the La-Fourche
railroad bridge. July 1st, after an early start in the morning, while
_en-route_, the men found the hospital in which was Private Woodman,
Company B, wounded in the action of June 21st. A halt for the night
was made at Raceland, midway between Brashear and Algiers. Very little
progress was made the next day as rations had given out, causing a
delay until provisions expected from Brashear should be forwarded;
meanwhile the men had to get along with what they could forage.
July 3d the Federal pickets were found just before reaching Boutte
Station--where the advanced troops were stationed charged with the
Defences of New Orleans--and the prisoners delivered over to Federal
officers.
The Confederate guard attempted to play a sharp trick that night. After
turning over their prisoners, with a Texan yell they departed, but not
to go far, for they hung around until night, when they made a raid upon
the picket-posts. Their design had been suspected and the posts were
on the alert, prepared for them; the consequence was that instead of
capturing the posts many of them were made prisoners instead, and sent
to New Orleans, where they arrived before the paroled men whom they had
under guard from Brashear to Boutte.
The duty performed by this Forty-Second detachment, with all the
necessary exposure attending it, told upon the men. On their return,
July 4th, to Algiers, where they were quartered in the Iron Works
building (a very dirty place), receiving poor treatment, most of them
were suffering from diarrhœa, dysentery, or chills and fever, some men
having a combination of these complaints. Efforts were at once made to
have the Forty-Second Regiment men sent to the paroled camp at Bayou
Gentilly, which was not accomplished until July 8th.
Sergeant Ballou, with Privates Clark and Fisher, remained at Brashear
City five days after the Confederate troops departed, on July 22d,
when two Federal gunboats arrived. These men proceeded to New Orleans
by water, going into the University Hospital, and then reported to the
regiment at Algiers July 28th.
With one dollar and forty cents in his pocket when made prisoner,
the sergeant was fortunately enabled to borrow twenty dollars from
a soldier of a Connecticut regiment. With this money he was able to
subsist until carried to New Orleans, securing board with a German
woman, who furnished him with one meal a day for twenty-five cents.
Several of the Texan troops took meals at her house, for which she made
them pay one dollar a meal. She claimed to be a good, true Unionist,
and was not at all backward in saying so. Unlike many of the so-called
Southern Unionists with whom the army often came in contact, this woman
was as outspoken before Confederates as she was before Federals. She
made no attempt to disguise her sentiments.
At Brashear Sergeant Ballou had excellent opportunities to see what
was going on. Taylor and his men came down the river to Brashear in
five steamboats, except the artillery, which marched overland. They had
several batteries; one called the Valverde Battery they considered the
best equipped in the Confederate service. They were five days removing
contents of railroad cars and other material found at Brashear,
carrying the same across the river to Berwick, thence to their various
depots. The cars, when emptied, were ran about half a mile out upon the
track and set on fire. After the fire was well under way the locomotive
_La-Fourche_, under a full head of steam, was started from the depot
and ran into the burning train, jumping some ten feet in the air when
it struck.
The spoils obtained by the enemy consisted of heavy cannon and
field-guns (about fifteen), small arms, ammunition, tents, baggage,
commissary and quartermaster stores, with large medical supplies of
great value to them. The colors of the One Hundred and Seventy-Sixth
New York Regiment were also lost.
The gift of Brashear City to the enemy, with this valuable property,
was without an excuse. There is but one explanation of the failure to
properly defend the post: incompetency and cowardice of the senior
officers. A determined stand by half the number of the raiding force
under Major Hunter would have easily driven them back. Had the naval
vessel remained in the river to co-operate whenever an opportunity
offered Hunter would not have had easy work in forcing his men to make
the attack; many of them declared that if the gunboat had not moved
down the river they would not have attempted to get in. This may or may
not have proved to be the case. The Texans under Colonel Green, when
they attacked Donaldsonville upon the twenty-eighth, were not deterred
from it even with three gunboats present, but a defeat was given them
there, with severe loss to them.
A repulse of the attack made by Hunter’s raiding party would have given
time to decide upon a course of action to be adopted before General
Taylor made his appearance. Had it been decided to evacuate, then the
train with its valuable load and other property in Brashear could have
been destroyed, the garrison, with all sick men able to be moved, could
have been taken by water to New Orleans, for ample facilities were at
Brashear. On Monday the _Hollyhock_ had brought around from Bayou Bœuff
a number of flatboats, which were added to those already at Brashear,
then there was the gunboat, the small ferry steamers used to ply across
from Brashear to Berwick, with the transport-steamer that was coming up
river on the morning of surrender. The flatboats were put in use by the
enemy to remove captured property.
The entire force of duty men were nine months’ troops. They were
what are termed raw troops, with unseasoned officers. The freshness
of troops does not matter so much if they can be officered by men of
experience. What fresh troops need most, in action, is to be informed
of the situation of affairs, the location of other troops, and general
instructions as to what they have got to do, or what is expected of
them. Old troops soon acquire the art of finding out all this without
being told, understanding that the least danger lies in holding
together, face to the enemy, and that a stampede is running headlong
into danger.
In consequence of the loss of medical stores in Brashear, the
medical purveyor’s stock became too small for army necessities, with
men rapidly swelling the sick lists and the hot weather in season.
To replenish supplies, the transport-steamer _New Brunswick_, a
light-draft side-wheeler, nine hundred and thirty tons burthen, manned
by a fine crew, was loaded with coal and despatched to New York in July
or August. Her captain had orders to drive her with all possible speed
and spare nothing in order to make a quick passage North, and return.
Fortunately good weather prevailed, with the exception of a stiff
blow off Hatteras and a short gale on the return trip. This transport
made what was then called “the famous passage.” The exact time is now
lost, but it was between six and seven days. Everything on board that
could be utilized was used for fuel; her chief-engineer, Wesley Allen,
to whom the credit is due for her quick passages, although he had as
assistants two efficient men, stood by his engines almost the entire
time, pushing the wheels to twenty-two revolutions a minute, and so
maintained them. They ordinarily made from seventeen to nineteen. Allen
is said to have slept not more than twenty hours on each passage. He
fully understood that many lives could be saved by each day gained, and
was a man, every inch of him.
The _New Brunswick_ arrived at New York early one morning, was loaded
with medical and hospital stores the same day, and at night was on
her way back to New Orleans, passing a mail steamer at Sandy Hook,
bound in, that she parted company with and left at the Passes of the
Mississippi River. Coal and stores were rushed on board with a run.
Coal was dumped upon the open deck forward, instead of wasting time
to fill up her hold. Fires were not drawn from the boilers, and they
only had the water blown out while fresh water ran in. No time was
lost in fancy oiling of machinery, for it was slapped on without regard
to appearances, in order that no part should become heated. Among the
firemen life below deck was a hard lot, as her blowers were never
turned off from the boiler fires.
The round trip was made in a little less than two weeks, ruining her
boilers in so doing.