THE AMNESTY FOR AGGRESSION

If there is to rise out of all this red ruin something like a republic

of justice, it is essential that our views should be real views; that

is, glimpses of lives and landscapes outside ourselves. It is essential

that they should not be mere opium visions that begin and end in

smoke--and so often in cannon smoke. I make no apology, therefore, for

returning to the purely practical and realistic point I urged last week:

the fact that we shall lose everything we might have gained if we lose

the idea that the responsible person is responsible.

For instance, it is almost specially so with the one or two things in

which the British Government, or the British public, really are behaving

badly. The first, and worst of them, is the non-extension of the

Moratorium, or truce of debtor and creditor, to the very world where

there are the poorest debtors and the cruellest creditors. This is

infamous: and should be, if possible, more infamous to those who think

the war right than to those who think it wrong. Everyone knows that

the people who can least pay their debts are the people who are always

trying to. Among the poor a payment may be as rash as a speculation.

Among the rich a bankruptcy may be as safe as a bank. Considering the

class from which private soldiers are taken, there is an atrocious

meanness in the idea of buying their blood abroad, while we sell their

sticks at home. The English language, by the way, is full of delicate

paradoxes. We talk of the private soldiers because they are really

public soldiers; and we talk of the public schools because they are

really private schools. Anyhow, the wrong is of the sort that ought to

be resisted, as much in war as in peace.

Utopia of Usurers and Other Essays · 第 44 / 71 题