THE NEW RAID

The two kinds of social reform, one of which might conceivably free

us at last while the other would certainly enslave us forever, are

exhibited in an easy working model in the two efforts that have been

made for the soldiers’ wives--I mean the effort to increase their

allowance and the effort to curtail their alleged drinking. In the

preliminary consideration, at any rate, we must see the second question

as quite detached from our own sympathies on the special subject of

fermented liquor. It could be applied to any other pleasure or ornament

of life; it will be applied to every other pleasure and ornament of life

if the Capitalist campaign can succeed. The argument we know; but

it cannot be too often made clear. An employer, let us say, pays a

seamstress twopence a day, and she does not seem to thrive on it. So

little, perhaps, does she thrive on it that the employer has even some

difficulty in thriving upon her. There are only two things that he can

do, and the distinction between them cuts the whole social and political

world in two. It is a touchstone by which we can--not sometimes, but

always--distinguish economic equality from servile social reform. He can

give the girl some magnificent sum, such as sixpence a day, to do as she

likes with, and trust that her improved health and temper will work for

the benefit of his business. Or he may keep her to the original sum of a

shilling a week, but earmark each of the pennies to be used or not to

be used for a particular purpose. If she must not spend this penny on a

bunch of violets, or that penny on a novelette, or the other penny on

a toy for some baby, it is possible that she will concentrate her

expenditure more upon physical necessities, and so become, from the

employer’s point of view, a more efficient person. Without the trouble

of adding twopence to her wages, he has added twopenny-worth to her

food. In short, she has the holy satisfaction of being worth more

without being paid more.

This Capitalist is an ingenious person, and has many polished

characteristics; but I think the most singular thing about him is his

staggering lack of shame. Neither the hour of death nor the day of

reckoning, neither the tent of exile nor the house of mourning, neither

chivalry nor patriotism, neither womanhood nor widowhood, is safe at

this supreme moment from his dirty little expedient of dieting the

slave. As similar bullies, when they collect the slum rents, put a

foot in the open door, these are always ready to push in a muddy wedge

wherever there is a slit in a sundered household or a crack in a broken

heart. To a man of any manhood nothing can be conceived more loathsome

and sacrilegious than even so much as asking whether a woman who has

given up all she loved to death and the fatherland has or has not shown

some weakness in her seeking for self-comfort. I know not in which of

the two cases I should count myself the baser for inquiring--a case

where the charge was false or a case where it was true. But the

philanthropic employer of the sort I describe is not a man of any

manhood; in a sense he is not a man at all. He shows some consciousness

of the fact when he calls his workers “men” as distinct from masters. He

cannot comprehend the gallantry of costermongers or the delicacy that is

quite common among cabmen. He finds this social reform by half-rations

on the whole to his mercantile profit, and it will be hard to get him to

think of anything else.

But there are people assisting him, people like the Duchess of

Marlborough, who know not their right hand from their left, and to these

we may legitimately address our remonstrance and a resume of some of

the facts they do not know. The Duchess of Marlborough is, I believe,

an American, and this separates her from the problem in a special way,

because the drink question in America is entirely different from the

drink question in England. But I wish the Duchess of Marlborough would

pin up in her private study, side by side with the Declaration of

Independence, a document recording the following simple truths: (1)

Beer, which is largely drunk in public-houses, is not a spirit or a grog

or a cocktail or a drug. It is the common English liquid for quenching

the thirst; it is so still among innumerable gentlemen, and, until very

lately, was so among innumerable ladies. Most of us remember dames of

the last generation whose manners were fit for Versailles, and who drank

ale or Stout as a matter of course. Schoolboys drank ale as a matter of

course, and their schoolmasters gave it to them as a matter of course.

To tell a poor woman that she must not have any until half the day is

over is simply cracked, like telling a dog or a child that he must

not have water. (2) The public-house is not a secret rendezvous of bad

characters. It is the open and obvious place for a certain purpose,

which all men used for that purpose until the rich began to be snobs

and the poor to become slaves. One might as well warn people against

Willesden Junction. (3) Many poor people live in houses where they

cannot, without great preparation, offer hospitality. (4) The climate of

these picturesque islands does not favour conducting long conversations

with one’s oldest friends on an iron seat in the park. (5) Halfpast

eleven a.m. is not early in the day for a woman who gets up before six.

(6) The bodies and minds of these women belong to God and to themselves.

Utopia of Usurers and Other Essays · 第 28 / 71 题